Wilton Park

Baroness D'Souza Excerpts

Wednesday 15th May 2019 Lords Chamber

[Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon]

I have served under the former Foreign Secretary, and while there have been people who have raised challenges against him—[Interruption.] I am answering a very long question, so it is appropriate to put on the record that just because someone shares the same perspective, it would be wrong to suggest the kind of interference proposed by the noble Lord. As I have made clear already, a process was followed according to the rules. If she chooses to speak as the chair of Wilton Park, she will need to reflect her code of conduct, as would anyone holding public office. When not speaking as the Wilton Park chair, the incumbent is within their rights to make public statements—whether on Brexit or any other matter.

[Baroness D’Souza (CB)]

My Lords, Wilton Park is a public body that is funded in part by the taxpayer, and it is world renowned for providing a mutual forum for debate on what are sometimes very conflicting issues. Last year, the Tailored review recommended closer connections and engagement between Wilton Park and the strategic and business-related activities of the FCO and other relevant government departments. Does the Minister agree that it is now appropriate for there to be some parliamentary oversight of senior appointments to the board and the advisory committee, possibly through the Foreign Affairs Committee?

[Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon]

My Lords, let me assure the noble Baroness and indeed all noble Lords that anyone who takes part in this process is expected to adhere to a code of conduct. The chair continues to do that and she has the confidence of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office behind her. Any person holding public office is also required to adhere to the Nolan principles for public servants and to remain mindful of the potential for such statements—

Yemen

Baroness D'Souza Excerpts

Wednesday 19th December 2018 Lords Chamber

[Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon]

First let me thank the noble Earl for his kind remarks, but I am just doing my job. I am proud, humbled and honoured to be acting as Minister for Human Rights, among my responsibilities in Her Majesty’s Government—and this job is made all the easier by the expertise, insights and support that I receive from your Lordships’ House. I pay particular tribute to the respective Front-Bench spokesmen—the noble Baroness, Lady Northover, and the noble Lord, Lord Collins. It would be fair to say that there are times when we oppose each other, but it is reflective of the unity with which we act on this important principle internationally that this House, and the other place—notwithstanding the difficulties that we have—come together on important issues that unite us. There is no bigger issue than supporting and standing up for human rights and supporting humanitarian causes around the world, and I am grateful to all noble Lords for their constant support in that respect.

The noble Earl raised an important point about Hodeidah, and I can give him the latest statistics that I have, which precede the peace efforts. In November 2018 total commercial and humanitarian imports into Yemen met 68% of the country’s food needs but only 29% of its fuel needs. That second statistic is important, because fuel enables aid to reach the more remote parts of the country, so it is imperative that, as we have reached this agreement, the ports of Hodeidah and Salif remain operational. Yemen relies on imports to meet 90% of its basic needs such as food and fuel, coming through those ports. Returning to an earlier question about the incremental way in which peace can be sustained, retained and strengthened, it is important to see that all parties that have committed to maintaining peace do so around Hodeidah to ensure the delivery of humanitarian aid. This is a vital key channel to ensuring that humanitarian aid—food, fuel and medicines—reaches the population of Yemen.

[Baroness D'Souza (CB)]

My Lords, given that we know that there is food available in Hodeidah and surrounding towns, are the UK Government working out a plan whereby they can buy grain locally to reduce the price? As I understand it, grain is being hoarded by merchants, which is causing a large part of the famine.

Commonwealth

Baroness D'Souza Excerpts

Thursday 16th March 2017 Lords Chamber

[Baroness D’Souza (CB)]

My Lords, I, too, thank the Minister for ensuring that we have a generous amount of time for this important debate.

There has never been a time when the diversity and unity that the Commonwealth represents have been more urgently needed. Although there are continued challenges within the family of the Commonwealth, including discontent between the developed and the developing nations, small states and large states, tiger economies and fragile ones, let us not forget the considerable achievements—for example, the Declaration of Commonwealth Principles in 1971, the Harare declaration of 1991 and the setting up of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative and the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group. Of course, there is also the underpinning of work carried out the world over in co-operation with civil society organisations.

However, we face new, seemingly insurmountable, issues of radicalism, migration and trade. What can the Commonwealth do to counteract potentially divisive global trends? Is it equipped to act to its full strengths? Not as well as one might hope. That said, most multilateral institutions are having difficulty grappling with the big issues of the world today, in part because they were never designed to deal with such a rapidly changing political environment. The goal posts have shifted seismically. But is there more that could be done? What are the major obstacles?

Despite any number of agreements, there has been a failure by Commonwealth countries generally to implement fully the principles that underlie membership. For example, of the 52 member states, only 27 have signed the Arms Trade Treaty adopted in 2013, and of these only 20 have ratified it. This treaty, if universally adopted, would be a powerful instrument in reducing the destruction associated with the billion-dollar illegal arms trade. Surely, the Commonwealth could become a leader on this, creating awareness of the treaty and insisting on ratification. One can also look at access to information. Freedom of information laws and practice have become a consistent feature of functioning democracies. The Commonwealth was one of the earliest intergovernmental organisations, in 1980, to recognise the importance of people’s right to know and to be involved in decisions that affect their lives and livelihoods. Despite strenuous efforts on the part of parliamentarians through many CPA programmes, in the shape of workshops on the concept, practice and experience of freedom of information, only 20 Commonwealth countries had introduced freedom of information laws by 2010—that is, roughly 30% in 30 years.

Commonwealth efforts to empower women in politics are another area worthy of scrutiny. Again, there have been innumerable meetings, workshops and reports, yet in all our regions the engagement of women, especially younger women, in political life is still modest. The Commonwealth Women Leaders’ Summit last year concluded with strong practical recommendations in three thematic areas: violence against women, women in leadership and women’s economic empowerment. We continue to look forward to hearing more in the coming months about the impact of these programmes.

The work of the Eminent Persons Group, set up in 2011, together with the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative to look at options for reform arrived at an important conclusion: it is only when parliamentarians work with bureaucrats, civil servants and, crucially, NGOs that obstacles can be overcome. It is also now a well-researched fact that, unless the wider population is if not engaged then at least aware of parliaments’ priorities, the chances of successful change will be slim.

The UK has the privilege to host the 2018 CHOGM. What steps can be taken now to ensure that there are measureable and lasting outcomes? The Minister has already confirmed the importance of parliamentary engagement in the CHOGM event but cautions that the agenda is agreed by consensus. Nevertheless, it is parliaments that drive Governments in agreeing legislation, in allocating budgets, in oversight and in ensuring implementation. Commonwealth parliaments, through their various linked bodies, are in an excellent position to discuss, agree and disseminate a few clear action-based programmes.

The Commonwealth has, over the years, taken upon itself a heavy agenda but the recurring themes are the promotion of human rights and democracy, youth engagement and the management of economic globalisation. The Commonwealth Secretariat is small and modestly funded. It could perhaps use the occasion of the UK CHOGM to downsize and sharpen its goals, while at the same time investing in ever greater networking and joint programming.

There is now a golden opportunity. Put very simply, there is just about time before CHOGM to encourage Commonwealth parliaments to decide on their own priorities, whether these be on peace measures, trade and/or security, and thereafter to communicate intra and inter-regionally, and to convene in the early spring of next year to agree which priorities should go forward to an organising committee of regional chairs. Once sifted, the task would be to agree, and draw up, a clearly worded action plan to be presented at CHOGM.

Such a programme would require good will, energy and commitment from parliamentarians throughout the Commonwealth. The synergistic effect of several parliaments across traditional divides, acting together with relevant NGOs, could be considerable. Furthermore, if managed, it would place parliamentarians at the centre of implementing Commonwealth values, which, to me, seems appropriate.

Many Commonwealth countries have deep links with the UK and, via the UK, with the EU. Inevitably there will be consequences from the UK’s decision to leave the EU. These could entail moves to hinder all kinds of seemingly small but very important conventions that bind us together—for example, changes in facilitating remittances, travel, visas, tourism, investment flows and cultural exchange. CHOGM night perhaps take the lead in announcing its intention to protect these conventions through a programme of self-interest and solidarity.

It has been said by thoughtful people that the perils we face are greater today than at any time in history. That may be so and, as parliamentarians, we should be prepared to work across party and national boundaries to insist on measures agreed at CHOGM. The Commonwealth provides an ideal forum for the exchange of experience, for exploring the most effective ways of transforming obligations under international law into the domestic legal framework and for reaffirming our legal, cultural and political heritage. There is no shortage of Commonwealth bodies. I think that at the last count there were something like 90, ranging from law and journalism to business, youth, trade and aid. If united on the vital global issues, the Commonwealth and all its satellite organisations could emerge as a strong and capable leadership committed to ethical governance. Never has the time for the overt adoption and practice of such a role been more urgent.

European Union (Referendum) Bill

Baroness D'Souza Excerpts

Friday 24th January 2014 Lords Chamber

[Lord Armstrong of Ilminster (CB)]

My Lords, I hope that I can be reasonably brief in moving the amendment. We have a long day ahead of us.

The amendment does not bear on the issue of whether a referendum on United Kingdom membership of the European Union should be held. Nor does it bear on the date at which or by which such a referendum should be held. Thus it does not call into question the principal purposes of the Bill. It is intended to ensure that when a referendum is held, the right question is put to the electorate.

I and other noble Lords who have put their names to the amendment consider that the question proposed in Clause 1(4) of the Bill is inappropriate, confusing and potentially misleading. The wording might be appropriate if the United Kingdom was not a member of the Union but was now proposing to apply for membership, or if we had applied for membership and the Government and Parliament wanted to ascertain whether the electorate would support a proposal to join the Union on terms that would have been negotiated with the existing membership. Then the question for the electorate would be whether they thought that we should forgo whatever might be the advantages and disadvantages of not being members of the Union in order to enjoy whatever might be the benefits and privileges of membership, and incur whatever might be the liabilities and obligations of becoming members.

However, that is not the situation. We are, and have been for more than 40 years, members of the European Union. Therefore, when a referendum is called, the question we should be asking the electorate to consider is whether we should forgo the benefits and privileges we now enjoy, and be relieved of the liabilities and obligations we now incur as members of the European Union, in order to enjoy whatever might be the benefits and advantages and incur whatever might be the costs and liabilities of ceasing to be members. The question put to the electorate should be clear beyond a peradventure that that is the choice on which they are being asked to vote. The question proposed in Clause 1(4) of the Bill as drafted fails to make clear the nature of the choice. It could thus be confusing, and potentially misleading, to some voters.

The question proposed in the amendment is not designed by me or by other noble Lords who have put their names to it. It has been designed by the Electoral Commission, the business of which is to advise the Government and Parliament on such matters. I cannot see why it should be thought to be necessary or right to second-guess the Electoral Commission on this matter. Only that it might sound disrespectful of the commission, which I do not wish to be, I remind your Lordships of the old adage that a man who keeps a dog does not need to bark himself.

The form of words which the Electoral Commission has recommended, and which is proposed in the amendment, provides a question which defines correctly, clearly and unambiguously the nature of the choice which the voters will be asked to make in the referendum proposed in the Bill. I beg to move.

[The Lord Speaker (Baroness D'Souza)]

I remind your Lordships that, if the amendment is agreed to, I cannot call Amendments 2 to 7 by reason of pre-emption.

[Lord Foulkes of Cumnock (Lab)]

As some commentators have noted, I have tabled one or two amendments, and one or two are included in the first grouping. However, I say first of all that, like the noble Lord, Lord Armstrong, I intend to be brief. This Bill is a disgrace; it is not fit for purpose. A senior official of the Law Society of Scotland told me that he had never seen such a badly drafted Bill. It has been hastily got together, and it shows. For example, it has none of the schedules necessary for such a major constitutional Bill. That is why it is only three pages long. We have been accused of having tabled lots of amendments for what is only a three-page Bill, but a normal constitutional Bill would have schedules outlining how the referendum would be conducted and the rules of the referendum. None of that is included in this Bill. It is a government Bill trying to patch over divisions in the Tory party and trying to outflank the UK Independence Party—which deserves to be outflanked, by the way.

Afghanistan

Baroness D'Souza Excerpts

Wednesday 27th October 2010 Lords Chamber

[Baroness D'Souza]

My Lords, I, too, thank the Minister for repeating the Statement and say how much I welcome these quarterly Statements, which are extraordinarily useful. I underline what has been said previously by the opposition Member and ask the noble Lord to confirm before the next quarterly Statement—even in writing—that the generous amount of aid allocated for development work in Afghanistan will go directly to relevant aid programmes run by the private and NGO sectors, not via the Armed Forces. The question I really want to ask is: is a serious peace process involving discussions with some elements of the Taliban now being considered?

Kabul Conference

Baroness D'Souza Excerpts

Wednesday 21st July 2010 Lords Chamber

[Baroness D'Souza]

My Lords, I thank the Minister for repeating the Statement. May I, on behalf of the Cross Benches, offer profound sympathies to bereaved families and, once again, pay tribute to the courage of the forces fighting in the south of the country?

I would like to ask two very brief questions. First, in view of very recent events—the killing of soldiers—what measures are being taken to prevent and/or weed out any Taliban presence in the Afghan national army? The second question, which the Minister certainly alluded to, is what new measures will now be taken as a result of the Kabul conference to ensure that aid is actually used to build and improve infrastructure in the form of transport, health and education facilities?

[Lord Howell of Guildford]

I am very grateful to the noble Baroness both for her questions and, indeed, for the brevity of her questions.

Of the tragedies which we have seen in recent times, the appalling killing of military personnel, very tragically including three British soldiers, by a member of the Afghan forces was a horror. There have been other incidents of a similar kind, but I think that my answer has to be that there is no question of this being a general problem. It does not in any way deter us from the overriding commitment of moving forward to the transition and enabling a proper, well-trained Afghan force, and indeed Afghan police force, to take over the security of their own country. However, there has to be very careful monitoring and watching to make sure that this kind of tragedy does not occur. It is something that one just has to watch for. There can never be any guarantee that personnel will not somehow be perverted, twisted or lose control of themselves and do terrible things; but the whole system is being very carefully monitored and watched, and we hope and pray and work to ensure that it does not happen again.

As to the destinations of aid, these can be tightened up. Of course there have been criticisms that not all aid is reaching the right points. We have strengthened a number of the monitoring processes, and they will be even more strengthened as a result of the Kabul conference in order that we may continue with the infrastructure development, which has gone on apace. We should not underestimate the fantastic things that have been done in the years since the original invasion. I shall share with your Lordships one figure that quite surprised me when I looked at some of the briefing for today. The Afghan economy is growing incredibly fast—last year it grew at 22.5 per cent. We could do with that kind of growth here.