Commonwealth Day

Andrew Rosindell Excerpts

Thursday 13th March 2014 Westminster Hall

[Sir Alan Haselhurst]

There are examples of countries that exited the Commonwealth voluntarily and happily returned some years later, so I do not despair of the possibilities.

The high-profile difficulties, of which we are all too aware, are likely to be besetting our politicians and statesmen. When, as parliamentarians, we understandably dwell on such things, we should balance the picture and remember that there are many organisations in civil society that span the Commonwealth and bind people together in many constructive ways. There are between 90 and 100 such organisations spanning many professions and interests, so it is an ever-intensifying network that, in its own way, vividly illustrates the “team Commonwealth” theme of this year.

We should also acknowledge the work done by other Parliaments and other countries to mark and celebrate the Commonwealth anniversary every March. I have been reminded by the City Remembrancer of what the lord mayor and the City of London corporation, for example, do to involve young people in recognising the Commonwealth and the flying of the flag.

[Andrew Rosindell (Romford) (Con)]

Will my right hon. Friend comment on the failure this year to fly the flags of the Commonwealth nations in Parliament square on Commonwealth day at the time of Her Majesty the Queen’s arrival for the observance service at Westminster abbey? Is it not a retrograde step that, for the first time ever, the flags were not flown?

[Sir Alan Haselhurst]

I have to say that it was a disappointment, but I am unaware of the particular reason why that happened—whether it was carelessness or deliberate policy. It has always been a feature that Parliament square is decorated with those flags, and I am puzzled and disappointed that it did not happen this time.

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[Sir Alan Haselhurst]

Sometimes when I arrive at terminal 5, I feel like an alien, but that is to do with whether we have sufficient capacity arrangements at our airports. I had a discussion recently with the high commissioner for India, where there are particular feelings that our attempts to clamp down on bogus students are starting to deter legitimate students from coming here. There has also been some retrenchment on Commonwealth scholarships. I have also discussed that subject with the high commissioner for Canada, because Canada has taken a more restrictive attitude. It is terribly important that we find ways of encouraging people from Commonwealth countries to visit here. Young people are, on the whole, more mobile than they have perhaps ever been, and that is an encouraging factor. My hon. Friend makes an important point.

Having said that an awful lot of good things are going on—some below the radar. We still cannot ignore the family difficulties and they cannot just be somehow wished away. I suspect that if we locked the Heads of Government in a room for a month and left them to talk in private, they would not be able to overcome some of the difficulties that are very much known to us all. That brings me to the role of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, on which I intend to focus this afternoon. If the Commonwealth charter, in Her Majesty’s words,

“sets out the values and principles which guide and motivate us”,

the establishment of good governance throughout Commonwealth countries surely provides the essential foundation for the practical implementation of those values and principles. The major aim of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association is parliamentary strengthening. That is done in a number of ways, such as election observance missions and post-election seminars.

We have to take note of the churn rate of elected politicians—it should send a chill down all our spines—which is pretty big. Electorates of various places, small and large, have been known to sweep out large numbers of the incumbents. Consequently, there is a flow of new people to Parliaments and they can benefit from the type of courses put on by the CPA. Specialist courses have been developed in the field of public accounts and on the encouragement of women parliamentarians. Name the parliamentary activity and it is possible to provide an instructional seminar that can help with it and with which Members and Clerks are ready to engage. There is a constant cross-fertilisation of ideas and expertise. We can assemble in this Chamber because of an idea first developed in the Australian Parliament to enable us to provide parallel opportunities for debates to take place and to improve the possibilities of Back-Bench participation in particular, as well as increasing scrutiny of Select Committee reports and the like.

The kind of activities that I mentioned require not only financial resources, but time. Elected Members well know that taking so much as one step out of their own jurisdiction is likely to bring the coals of press criticism descending on their heads. It is important to recognise that MPs across the Commonwealth—and not just young people in a different context—can inform one another. That amounts to what we might describe as soft diplomacy: creating understanding by constant discussion in a friendly and informal way, which enables some of the differences to be worn away over time.

Stronger Parliaments lead to better governance and build confidence in the validity of democratic systems. While the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association has the potential to bolster parliamentary democracy and underpin human rights, it lacks the capacity to do so as well as it might. The CPA has not achieved the extent of Commonwealth-wide recognition that it should have. Also, there is a blurred understanding of the exact role of the Commonwealth secretariat. Those positions have not been as well defined as it would be helpful for them to be. The situation is complicated by other organisations in the landscape, such as the Westminster Foundation for Democracy, the Commonwealth Foundation, the Royal Commonwealth Society and the Commonwealth Local Government Forum. Many of us are nibbling at the same apple, and there is insufficient co-ordination to ensure—if we believe that we have a purpose to fulfil—that we do it on a much greater and more effective scale.

For the reasons I have given, I believe that parliamentarians should be to the fore, together with their local government equivalents. The CPA has not taken the helm, or, possibly, has not been helped to take the helm. Sometimes Speakers or Presiding Officers in particular Parliaments do not engage to ensure that the CPA branches in their country and the provinces of their country are actively engaged in a beneficial way. The special value of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association is that it is not just about 53 countries.

[Andrew Rosindell]

My right hon. Friend might be coming on to commend the CPA for including the British overseas territories and Crown dependencies, but does he agree that it is time the Commonwealth gave some recognition to territories and dependencies that are not necessarily nation states, but are, by extension, British territories and so should be accommodated, even as associate members of the Commonwealth? They are currently excluded from main membership of the Commonwealth.

[Sir Alan Haselhurst]

I was confident, by his presence, that my hon. Friend would raise that matter. Indeed, recognition should be under favourable consideration to find a way around the problem. I was about to say that beyond the 53 countries, the CPA has a lot of dependent territories, smaller jurisdictions, provinces and states as members, and that is what makes us different. That is why we do not neatly fit into some international organisation straitjacket, as some colleagues across the Commonwealth might desire.

The CPA’s system of governance is cumbersome. It is difficult to accommodate the nine regions in a coherent committee that meets twice a year only. Collegiality cannot be achieved in that time, and, because of the need to try to spread the net as far as possible, rotational membership means that the committee has less collective memory than may be desirable. The CPA’s whole international structure needs examining. I want more engagement and encouragement from mother Parliaments. I am saddened by the fact that there is still, after all these years, an uneven level of activity across the regions. Some are extremely busy on the purposes that I have described, but others are less active. We need better co-ordination with the like-minded bodies that I have mentioned. I am now coming to the view that it would be better to acknowledge that good things are being done in many of the regions, so there should be more devolution of resources and governance into those regions in order that they can work effectively. I will not do so today, but I could sketch out a structure that might increase the quantum of activity and offer better value for money as a result. The CPA’s system of funding could be improved by having a separate foundation that looks after its reserve funds and can perhaps get them more easily replenished, whether by the Department for International Development, by people of good will or by the like-minded organisations who say, “We can do things more effectively hand in hand with the CPA.”

Above all, as in so many things, communication must be improved. It is sometimes difficult to communicate to all Members of this House to make them aware of what is going on, but it is so much more difficult across the Commonwealth. A letter can be sent to 175 branches, but it is still a struggle to get a reasonable number of replies on time—if at all. That is just a consequence of the pressure of correspondence and whether letters actually get through to the person who can action things, all of which does not make it easy to achieve good governance within the organisation.

There is so much to be done. There is the issue of the representation of women in our Parliaments across the Commonwealth, but even more challenging is how we engage young people. Such a huge proportion of the Commonwealth is under 25 years of age. For how long—particularly in developing countries, but it applies across the board—will young people be patient with a system of parliamentary government that does not appear to be delivering fast enough or satisfying their aspirations? We must ensure that young people believe that the process of democracy is valid and will allow them to express their views and have them properly considered.

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[Andrew Rosindell (Romford) (Con)]

I am delighted to have the opportunity to address the Chamber on the international importance of the Commonwealth of nations in the wake of the Commonwealth day celebrations in the UK and throughout the Commonwealth. I was proud to have been invited to attend the observance day service at Westminster Abbey in the presence of Her Majesty the Queen and His Royal Highness the Duke of Edinburgh, together with representatives from all the nations and territories in the Commonwealth family.

I was also proud to have played a part in the campaign to fly the flag of the Commonwealth, which ensured that most town halls across the country were sent the Commonwealth flag to fly for the first time. I pay tribute to Bruno Peak, who led that campaign and organised the sending out of flags. I hope that many of us were at our town halls on Monday to see the raising of that important symbol of the Commonwealth family.

[Andrew Percy]

I would like to put on the record the fact that I was at North Lincolnshire council civic centre on Monday, where the Commonwealth flag was duly raised.

[Andrew Rosindell]

I would not have expected my hon. Friend to have been anywhere else, because he is such a committed supporter of the Commonwealth. The tradition that we have established this week in our country—that the flag of the Commonwealth should be flown at civic offices, town halls and, I hope, schools—will continue. I am proud to say that the flag of the Commonwealth was raised on the flagpole outside the Romford Conservative association’s Margaret Thatcher house in my constituency.

I pay tribute to my right hon. Friend the Member for Saffron Walden (Sir Alan Haselhurst) for his magnificent work as international chairman of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association and of its UK branch in Westminster. I know that you, Mr Bayley, also play a significant role in the work of the CPA. When I was elected to Parliament in 2001, one of the first things I did was to join the CPA. I commend it on its magnificent work and the way in which it has evolved over my 13 years as a Member.

On my first CPA visit in 2002, I accompanied my right hon. and noble Friend the then Member for Folkestone and Hythe—now Lord Howard—to Mauritius. Since then, I have participated in many CPA activities. I am delighted that the CPA is no longer simply about parliamentary friendship—although that is important—but about helping others to develop important things such as credentials and good governance. The CPA does magnificent work in those areas.

I put on the record my thanks to my right hon. Friend the Member for Saffron Walden and his team for all the work that they do to promote the CPA. There are issues about CPA internationally, and I hope that all nations in the Commonwealth understand and appreciate that we must work together because we have important common goals, values and objectives, which we must cherish.

I pay tribute to my hon. Friend the Member for Huntingdon (Mr Djanogly), who has made powerful remarks today about his visit to Sri Lanka and the deep importance of the Commonwealth. Not enough people understand that. I am glad that he is part of the CPA and that he has been to Sri Lanka and seen what is going on. I was pleased to have the opportunity to visit Sri Lanka myself three years ago, where I saw the terrible things that have gone on in that country and the awful divisions that have occurred. Sadly, many of those divisions have been made far worse by the Sri Lankan Government’s decision many years ago that English would no longer be the country’s common language. Surely, one of the most powerful aspects of the Commonwealth is the fact that all its members are bound together by the common language of English. Ending the use of English as a common language for all peoples of the Commonwealth will create divisions as one regional language takes precedence over another. The common English language does more than anything else to bind us together.

The other thing that Sri Lanka did was to become a republic, taking away a Head of State who was neutral and above politics. Countries that have gone down the republic road have not necessarily had the great success for which they had hoped. Those that have kept Her Majesty the Queen as their head of state—Australia, New Zealand, Canada, most of the Caribbean countries and many others—have not suffered from the internal divisions that countries such as Sri Lanka have, sadly, experienced. That is a great lesson for countries thinking about going down that route. The monarchy is a glue that binds together people of all political backgrounds and all ethnic origins despite divisions within countries.

I also pay tribute to the hon. Member for Airdrie and Shotts (Pamela Nash) for her powerful speech about human rights in many Commonwealth countries. I agree entirely with her. We are not doing enough to deal with the atrocious things going on today in some Commonwealth countries—she mentioned Uganda, and there are many others—where the standards and values of the Commonwealth should be enshrined. Those countries must understand that being part of the Commonwealth means that certain values, including, crucially, human rights, must be upheld. I commend her for speaking so strongly about that. It is a message that we must spread.

[Rehman Chishti]

On that point about human rights around the Commonwealth, two weeks ago students from Indian-administered Kashmir were charged with sedition and expelled from university for supporting Pakistan in a cricket match. That runs completely contrary to people’s basic human right to support whomever they like, however, wherever and whenever they like. Does my hon. Friend agree that those basic rights must be respected around the world, and that where they are flouted, we, as members of the Commonwealth, should say that that is totally unacceptable?

[Andrew Rosindell]

Of course, I agree entirely with my hon. Friend. The fact of the matter is that the Commonwealth is a Commonwealth of nations, and we are all proud of our national heritage. We are proud of being British, and people of Pakistani origin are proud of their origins, as are people from New Zealand or any other country. Tolerance, understanding, kindness and friendship are values that should bind us together, and intolerance against people for whatever reason is wrong. I am sure we all agree that the Commonwealth must uphold that principle.

My hon. Friend the Member for Mole Valley (Sir Paul Beresford) gave a moving, powerful and thought-provoking speech about the huge sacrifice made by the people of New Zealand, Australia and other Commonwealth countries in the service of King or Queen and country over so long. That is particularly true of New Zealand, which has done more than probably any other country when it comes to sacrificing its own people in the service of freedom, the defence of the Crown and all the values that we hold dear.

I have been to New Zealand five times and I chair the all-party parliamentary group on Australia and New Zealand, having been an officer of that group during my 13 years in the House. I believe that there is no country in the world with which we have more in common than New Zealand, although perhaps I might include Australia and Canada in that. We are cousins. We are kith and kin, as my hon. Friend rightly said, and I find it utterly shameful that a New Zealander arriving at Heathrow is treated as an alien. I have raised the matter repeatedly with this Government and the previous one. Two years ago, I put forward a ten-minute rule Bill, the United Kingdom Borders Bill, on that subject. In the final year before the general election, I hope that the Minister will take back to the Government the message that it is time we did something to address that.

It is completely wrong that someone from New Zealand, Australia or Canada is treated as an alien when they arrive at Heathrow, but someone from a country that happens to have joined the European Union, for better or for worse, is treated as though they are British and comes through the same channel as we do. How can that be right? How did we get into a situation where we treat countries with which we have most in common—countries with which we share a Head of State, a language and a style of parliamentary and legal system—as alien, while we give preferential treatment to countries that happen to have signed up to the European Union?

I urge the Minister to speak to the Foreign Secretary and the Prime Minister and do something about the situation. If we want to value the Commonwealth, and particularly the realms, which remain under the Crown—if we want to cement them as part of the great Commonwealth family—let us try to affect that issue. Nothing offends New Zealanders, Australians and Canadians more than being treated in that way when they arrive at Heathrow airport.

[Andrew Percy]

My hon. Friend is a powerful advocate, as we know from previous occasions. I entirely concur with what he says. Does he agree that a simple approach would be to start with Commonwealth realms, allowing their citizens to enter through the same channel as UK and EU citizens? I should have thought that that would be very simple.

[Andrew Rosindell]

I think that my hon. Friend was probably a sponsor of my Bill, because he has hit on exactly the point that I made about the Commonwealth and the realms. Realms, where the Queen is still the sovereign Head of State, have a special, deep constitutional link with the people of the British isles—of the United Kingdom. If we cannot immediately act in relation to the entire Commonwealth, let us at least work with the realms, of which there are 15 apart from our own. I shall not list them; I know that the Minister knows them by heart. They are deeply committed to their links with the United Kingdom and the Commonwealth, and we should do something to enhance and cement that special relationship.

I went to Jamaica two years ago with the Foreign Affairs Committee. That is another country with which we have strong bonds. Many Jamaicans live in the UK, particularly around London, and they, too, feel aggrieved when they are treated as aliens. They are also aggrieved at the air passenger duty that has done so much damage to our relations with the Caribbean.

I commend my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary for saying that we would put the “C” back into the FCO. He has done that; but in the final year of the present Government’s term of office, we need to show that we mean it. We can do a great deal more on all the issues I am outlining. I know that the Minister, who is also deeply committed to the Commonwealth and the things that we have been discussing, will champion my suggestion when he next sees the Foreign Secretary. It would unite both sides of the House if we took the opportunity.

Hon. Members will know that in my 13 years as a Member of the House of Commons I have been a fervent champion of the Commonwealth, which we cherish and hold dear—its aims, objectives and successes, and all that those things stand for. It is a symbol of unity and demonstrates friendship between old friends and allies in all corners of the world, far and wide.

I am proud that the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland takes a leading role in flying the flag of the world’s oldest and truest international grouping of nations, honouring centuries of partnership in the modern world. However, the Commonwealth of nations could be much stronger than it is, and a great deal more needs to be done to realise its full potential. Successive Governments of all parties have failed to grasp the potential that it represents.

We have, unfortunately, spent decades focusing on relations with the European Union—the Common Market, as it once was—building bridges with countries on the continent. That is right; we should trade and have friendship with the continent. However, that should not mean focusing purely on our relations with Europe and ignoring the Commonwealth. I fear that the Commonwealth has been damaged because for decades we have not realised its potential. We should have been building bridges in the past few years with Commonwealth countries in Africa, Oceania, Asia and of course the Caribbean. Yet all Governments have, sadly, focused on Europe. I think the history of our country has come to a turning point. That is not to say we should not continue to work closely with our friends and allies in Europe; of course we should, but we should now focus on the Commonwealth. We should help its countries and work with them, more deeply than in the past few decades, on building for trade and co-operation.

The Commonwealth cannot be defined in one sweeping statement. It has a number of unique and compelling attributes, all of which are weathered by time and change. It is steeped in tradition; shared culture, heritage and history; an intrinsic love of democracy and freedom; and shared legal and parliamentary systems. Above all the members of the Commonwealth are united in our love of our countries and our patriotism, rather than nationalism. There is a shared affection for Her Majesty the Queen and for historic links to the British Isles and what the Commonwealth represents. Her Majesty the Queen put it accurately:

“The Commonwealth of societies old and new; of lands and races different in history and origins but all, by God’s Will, united in spirit and in aim.”

There are 53 nations in the Commonwealth. Sadly, Zimbabwe and the Gambia are no longer members, but, as my hon. Friend the Member for North West Norfolk (Mr Bellingham), who has now left the Chamber, said, it is to be hoped that at an appropriate time they will rejoin and that we shall work with them on that.

The member countries range from the old dominions of Canada, New Zealand and Australia, of which we have spoken extensively in the debate, to the newest member, Rwanda, which joined in 2009. The Commonwealth spans every time zone and yields a combined GDP of more than £5.2 trillion. Commonwealth countries are the emerging markets of the future, so we no longer talk of the Commonwealth just in terms of a traditional, albeit important, friendship. Our intention should be to make it relevant to the long-term future.

I am brought back to my earlier point that we should work on trade with the Commonwealth. If that means changing our relationship with the European Union so that we can be the leading bridge between the English-speaking world and the Commonwealth countries, to build trade globally, so be it. Any Government bold enough to grasp that, and think long term—to utilise the Commonwealth as the foundation for that approach—will do a great service to the people of the United Kingdom and the Commonwealth.

The Commonwealth draws much of its uniqueness and individuality from its sprawl and its vast global network of nations. It boasts many of the world’s strongest economies, and its membership includes many emerging democracies. It is by no definition a western club; it includes countries from all corners of the earth, from the south Pacific islands to the Caribbean, from all corners of Africa to the north of Canada, and from the south Atlantic to the highest tip of the British isles. It is an amazing collection of nations, territories and dependencies: countries with a shared foundation of values and common interests, that we should make much more of than we have in recent decades.

[Mr Graham Brady (in the Chair)]

I touched briefly earlier on our trade with our partners in the Commonwealth of nations. That is among the most prevalent and topical economic discussion points of modern times. The tides of global trade are turning and we must adjust, to ensure that HMS Britain stays afloat and does not sink, lashed to the anchor of the eurozone, while we yet have the Commonwealth, which we could harness for trade and co-operation in so many areas. The time has come to be bold, and for us to be a global nation again. However, it will be necessary to change our relations with the EU to make that possible. Much is being made at the moment of the trading arrangements between the United Kingdom, Canada and the United States of America. Those agreements could have been made years ago, if we had chosen. We did not need to wait for Brussels to negotiate trading agreements; we could have agreed them many years ago, but we chose not to.

We not only chose not to but were prevented from making agreements because we are tied to an organisation that prevents us from doing what we have done throughout the history of these islands: traded globally, sailed the world and fostered relationships with countries far and wide. We can only do so again if we remove the chains that are shackled around our feet through being members of a political union. We can then use the Commonwealth as the basis of our global co-operation.

I welcome you to the debate, Mr Brady, and it is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship. I have heard it suggested by many people that Commonwealth free trade is not practical. I disagree profoundly. With boldness and vision, we can lead on that idea so that Commonwealth trade is a way forward in future. It is backward-thinking to believe that our future rests only with the EU. We can trade with Europe as well as with the Commonwealth, and be a bridge between both parts of the globe that are important to us.

I would like to tell the Minister that a Government are strongest when they are boldest. I hope that most of us present agree that our boldest Prime Ministers, such as Lady Thatcher—some might not agree with everything she did, but she was bold and always stood up for what she believed was right—and the strongest Governments, often those who are re-elected, do radical things rather than pandering to the politically correct or acceptable views of the day. We must have bold vision, and I urge the Minister to raise that idea with the Prime Minister.

Look at the boldness that Lady Thatcher showed against adversity and in difficult situations; she risked everything to do what she truly believed to be right. What better example is there than when she sent a taskforce to the south Atlantic to rescue the people of the Falkland Islands? She could have given in and said that it was too difficult—that it was not practical and too expensive—but she knew what was right and fought for it, and thereby ensured that the people of the Falklands were liberated. We need the same attitude in government today on a range of issues, but particularly on embracing the Commonwealth nations for trade and co-operation, and to ensure that the values that we hold dear, which have lasted for generations, are protected and cherished for future generations.

I believe that all of us present could do more in our constituencies to promote the Commonwealth and the importance of our heritage. I would like to commend members of my local Conservative association who have formed a Conservative Commonwealth group. On Sunday, we held the first Romford service of thanksgiving for the Commonwealth at St Alban Protomartyr church in my constituency, presided over by Rev. Father Roderick Hingley. The chairman of my constituency Conservative Commonwealth association is Gloria Adagbon, who originates from Nigeria, and the president is Lloyd Thomas, who is from Montserrat.

People of all Commonwealth origins in my constituency are being brought together, celebrating their shared heritage—love of country; love of Queen; love of everything we hold dear in these islands. Many members have come to live in Britain and they cherish their Commonwealth links. I find it offensive and patronising when I hear talk of people being BME—black and minority ethnic. I do not think that that is a relevant term today. The term “Commonwealth origins” is a far more respectful way of discussing people who have come from different parts of the world. It does not matter whether someone is of a particular religion or colour; it is important that we have shared values, and the Commonwealth represents that.

The Conservative Commonwealth group in my constituency is doing amazing work in bring everyone together. I urge all MPs present, from all parties, to enhance the Commonwealth through their respective parties by bringing people together in their constituencies. We should visit schools and talk about the Commonwealth to children at assemblies and in classrooms more often. The diamond jubilee in 2012 was a great opportunity to do that. I visited every school in my constituency to talk about the importance of the United Kingdom, the overseas territories and dependencies, and, of course, the Commonwealth.

We all see in our local schools young children with Commonwealth ancestry—I certainly do in my constituency. At the service we held in Romford on Sunday we had a Commonwealth choir from the Frances Bardsley academy for girls. They sang Commonwealth hymns, and it was an amazingly uplifting occasion. High commissioners and representatives from all over the Commonwealth came to celebrate. I hope that colleagues from all parties can do more in their constituencies to promote the importance of the Commonwealth.

Earlier, I asked the Minister about the failure to fly flags in Parliament square this week for Commonwealth day. I must say that it was sad to see Her Majesty arrive to an empty Parliament square, completely devoid of flags. I know that health and safety is important and that work on repairing the pavements prevented the flags from being flown, but I really think that we can do better. I remember that the state opening of Parliament last year happened to fall on Europe day. The flags of the European Union were flown in Parliament square for the arrival of Her Majesty the Queen, yet this year, on Commonwealth day, she arrived at Westminster abbey and the square was blank, with no Commonwealth flags. We really should do better.

Her Majesty’s Government must look at the issue of flags, the failure to fly them on appropriate occasions, and the importance and significance of flying them in Parliament square. Parliament square is the centre of our democracy. Nearby is Parliament, the Supreme Court, the Foreign Office, the Treasury, parliamentary buildings and Westminster abbey, where coronations take place—yet in terms of which flags to fly and when, Parliament square is a muddle.

I wrote to the Prime Minister last year about the unbelievable events prior to Remembrance Sunday, when all the flags of the overseas territories and Crown dependencies were removed on the Saturday. It is bad enough that the overseas territories and Crown dependencies are not permitted to lay a wreath on Remembrance Sunday, but to remove their flags literally the day before—I witnessed it from my office in Portcullis House—was quite disgraceful; yet there has been no change.

We need a complete review of when flags are flown, and we should look at erecting permanent flagpoles in Parliament square. I am always told that it costs so much to put the flagpoles up and down; well, let us come up with a proper plan so that whenever we are in Parliament square we can see appropriate flags that show pride in our nation. I would have no problem at all with permanently flying in Parliament square the flags of the four countries of the UK, of the overseas territories and of the Crown dependencies. On special occasions, we can perhaps fly the Commonwealth and European Union flags, if they are considered appropriate, as well as other flags.

However, there is currently a complete muddle about when flags are flown and for what purpose. Departments are arguing with one another and blaming contractors for the muddles. I urge the Minister to take the issue back to his Department, because it would do great service to our nation, promoting pride and confidence in it, if we saw flags flying every time we went to the centre of our democracy, Parliament square. There could be no better advertisement for our country than if we were to get that right—currently, we are not.

I have mentioned the overseas territories and Crown dependencies, as I do on many occasions, and I would now like to discuss them further. We talk about the Commonwealth, but the overseas territories and Crown dependencies are not members. That is another strange muddle that we have allowed to occur over many years.

Mr Brady, as the chairman of the all-party group on the Cayman Islands, you will know how proud the people of the Cayman Islands are of their link to Britain. When I went to the Assembly of the Cayman Islands several years ago, I saw a map of the Commonwealth and I pointed out to the chief Minister of the Cayman Islands that the Cayman Islands was not coloured in as part of it. He looked at the map and said, “Actually, you’re right”; he had not noticed before. Ever since then, I have been astounded to see maps of the Commonwealth that do not include Crown dependencies and overseas territories. Why is that? Why are we not fighting for the loyal subjects of our 21 territories and dependencies? Why are we not allowing them to have at least associate status within the Commonwealth? Why do we not give them some recognition on maps of the Commonwealth? When the Commonwealth publishes lists of member states and their flags, the Crown dependencies and overseas territories are always missed out. I will refer to that matter further in a moment, because the British Council has just published a document that highlights precisely why it needs to be addressed.

We have this issue of the Crown dependencies and the overseas territories not being members of the Commonwealth and their flags not being flown accordingly. Despite cross-party support for their inclusion, the people of the Crown dependencies and overseas territories are still not permitted to lay a wreath on Remembrance Sunday alongside the other countries of the Commonwealth. I know that the Minister will say that the Foreign Secretary lays the wreath on their behalf, but the Foreign Secretary represents Britain to foreign countries. These are British territories and their people served and died for Britain—for King, or Queen, and country. Why is it that the people of the Falkland Islands, Gibraltar and Bermuda, our oldest territory, are not allowed to have their representatives at the Cenotaph to lay a wreath on Remembrance Sunday? Is it not time that we addressed this issue once and for all? Of course the Foreign Secretary should continue to lay a wreath on Remembrance Sunday for British citizens all around the world, but let the territories and dependencies lay their own wreaths.

I have yet to hear from the Government who actually lays the wreaths on behalf of the Crown dependencies. It is not the Foreign Secretary, because the dependencies do not come under the Foreign Office; they come under the Ministry of Justice, but the Lord Chancellor does not lay a wreath. Once again, it is another muddle that the Government need to address, but I have yet to hear them deal with this argument, take it seriously and sort the matter out. I hope that the Minister will deal with it before the next election; we have one year to resolve it and I have no doubt that he will make it one of his priorities in the months ahead.

Let me give an example of how things are going so badly wrong. The British Council has published a superb booklet entitled “British Council’s Programme for Glasgow 2014 Commonwealth Games.” We are all proud that the Commonwealth games are taking place in Scotland this year. The booklet is splendid and I have read it from cover to cover. It has a splendid message from Sir Martin Davidson, the chief executive of the British Council. Flicking through it, I came to the back and once again saw the map of the Commonwealth. Sadly, Gibraltar looks as if it is part of the Kingdom of Spain; it is not really highlighted at all and looks as if it is part of Spain. The Falkland Islands are the same colour as Argentina; they are not highlighted on this map at all. According to this map, there are no parts of the Commonwealth within the Caribbean. The British territories of the Caribbean—Montserrat, Anguilla, the Cayman Islands, the British Virgin Islands, the Turks and Caicos Islands, and Bermuda, which is the oldest British colony—are completely wiped off this map. And yet every single one of those territories that I have just mentioned is a participant in the Commonwealth games, even though they are all excluded from this quite costly booklet produced by the British Council. If the British Council cannot get this matter right, what hope is there? We need to sort these issues out. I say to the Minister that it is so important that Her Majesty’s Government recognise all Her Majesty’s territories.

If all that was not bad enough, according to this map, the Isle of Man is part of England. The people of the island will not be happy to have their status as a Crown dependency taken away. The Channel Islands do not exist on this map either. So, Jersey and Guernsey, both of which are participating in the Commonwealth games, are excluded from this map; Sark and Alderney are also excluded. Once again, it is a muddle. We need to sort these issues out if we are serious about taking this matter forward.

There is another issue I wish to draw to the attention of the House today. There is one huge gap in the Commonwealth today. We are more connected to the Republic of Ireland than to any other country in the world and yet the Republic of Ireland is, sadly, no longer part of the Commonwealth family. It is time that we said to our friends, our cousins and our extended family in Ireland that they, too, should join the Commonwealth and come home to the family of Commonwealth nations. It was the people of Ireland, together with the people of England, Scotland and Wales, who built the Commonwealth—the original British Empire that evolved into a Commonwealth of nations. I believe that the people of Ireland belong in the Commonwealth.

The other evening, I was very pleased to welcome the Irish Taoiseach, Enda Kenny TD, to Parliament. He was at a St Patrick’s day reception on the Terrace of the House of Commons, and I had the opportunity to speak to him briefly about the importance of Ireland and why it was important that it joined the Commonwealth. He was receptive to that possibility when I spoke to him. In his speech at that reception, he also commended Irish citizens who had served in the British armed forces, and I also pay tribute today to those who, despite being citizens of Ireland, died in the British armed forces. There are still many Irish citizens in the British armed forces.

Ireland belongs as part of the Commonwealth family, and I urge Her Majesty’s Government to do everything they can to work with the Taoiseach and those in Ireland who share this vision to bring Ireland closer to the Commonwealth and give its people the opportunity to be part of this great family. We are all part of the British isles; we share that common heritage, language and history. Together we built the Commonwealth, and I hope that the people of the wonderful country of Ireland will join with us as part of the Commonwealth. As we approach St Patrick’s day next Monday, which also happens to be my birthday, I look forward to the day that we can celebrate Ireland coming back within the family of Commonwealth nations.

For me, the Commonwealth is deeply important. It is not just an organisation that we happen to be a member of; it is an organisation that we founded. It is an organisation of peoples, nations and territories, with a common heritage, the same language and similar constitutions, with Parliaments based on the Westminster model of a constitutional Parliament. Commonwealth countries share a legal system, and so many other values and ideas that we have in common. I believe that we need to harness all those things more strongly for the years to come. The Commonwealth is vital to our future, and any future Government should look long term to consider how we can develop the Commonwealth to make it even more important, not only for the people of this country but for the developing world, which so many Commonwealth countries are a part of.

I will close by quoting a poem that was read out on Sunday at the Commonwealth service in Romford. It was written by Rebecca Hawkins, aged 13, who is in year 9 at the Frances Bardsley academy for girls in Romford. I will not read the entire poem, even though it is magnificent, but I will ensure that the Minister sees a copy of the entire poem. I will read the final verse, in which Rebecca perfectly describes the different parts of the Commonwealth:

“From the red rock far down under

To Botswana with its dust and thunder

From Bangladesh’s rivers wide

To Britain where our Queen resides

From djembe drums in Ghana

To the West Indian sugar farmer

From lives hectic and lives peaceful

To green island gems and waters crystal

From skyscrapers to mauve moors bleak

To deserts and forests and snow-capped peaks.

We are the Commonwealth.”

--- Later in debate ---

[Mr Lidington]

With my Minister for Europe hat on, I would caution my hon. Friend slightly, because France would think that it has a particular relationship with Quebec, but he makes a good point. Actually, that strikes a chord, because when I last discussed EU-Canada negotiations with Lord Livingston, our new Minister for Trade and Investment, he was focused on the need for the UK to build up a greater market share in Canada. Canada is one of those countries where we have not yet taken sufficient advantage of the commercial opportunities open to us. I shall make a point of drawing my hon. Friend’s comments to his attention.

[Andrew Rosindell]

I take on board the Minister’s comments and commend the fact that we will have a trading agreement with Canada via the EU. Does he not, however, agree that, as Canada is one of our closest allies, we could have done that decades ago? Why have we had to wait all these years for Brussels to negotiate that on behalf of Britain?

[Mr Lidington]

When looking at any one bilateral free trade agreement, it is difficult to make an accurate judgment about what might have been had we not been members of the European Union: whether it would have been easier or more difficult. Actually, until the Doha round ran into the sand, the policy of successive British Governments was to focus less on bilateral trade negotiations than on multilateral trade negotiations, first through the general agreement on tariffs and trade and then through the World Trade Organisation. That would have been the best way in which to address this agenda. The failure of those global trade liberalisation talks has resulted in the European Union and individual countries around the world looking for opportunities for bilateral deals instead. My word of caution to my hon. Friend would be that when we come to look at how trade negotiations progress—this is particularly true of the negotiations with the United States—we see that the value of and the leverage provided by membership of a market of 500 million people is greater than that of a market of 60 million people.

In respect of Canada, I have no idea how things would have gone had the United Kingdom some time ago decided to try to negotiate a bilateral agreement. I just draw my hon. Friend’s attention to the fact that the European Free Trade Association-Canada free trade agreement, which preceded the EU one, leaves out a number of key sectors, such as financial services, that would be particularly important to this country. Sometimes that European Union leverage does enable us to get, in my judgment, further than we would be able to on our own. That is certainly true of the talks with the United States at the moment. However, as I have said, I do not think that this is an either/or situation. We should be looking to get the greatest advantage out of our membership of all the international organisations to which we are party.

My hon. Friends the Members for Romford and for Mole Valley both talked about airports, passport queues and visa arrangements. They will not be surprised if I start by saying that, as the House will know, those are primarily matters for the Home Office, rather than for the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. It has been the consistent policy of successive British Governments to say that citizens from all Commonwealth countries should be treated, for immigration purposes, as third country nationals. It is also the case that the citizens of some Commonwealth countries, including at least one of the realms—Jamaica—require visas before they come into the United Kingdom; entry clearance on its own is not deemed sufficient. The position is more complicated than it is sometimes made out to be, but again I promise to draw to the attention of my colleagues in the Home Office the points that were made very strongly by my hon. Friends.

[Mr Lidington]

I will draw my hon. Friend’s comments to the attention of my right hon. Friend the Home Secretary. She has the policy lead on these matters.

I would have been astonished had my hon. Friend the Member for Romford not seized the opportunity to speak about the British overseas territories. He is renowned as their foremost champion in the House of Commons. I accept and sympathise with his wish to see greater recognition for the overseas territories in Commonwealth affairs. It is worth noting in passing that of course Australia and New Zealand, too, administer island territories as dependencies that, as I understand it, are not full members of the Commonwealth in their own right.

The constitutional issue is that the Commonwealth has always operated on the basis that there is just one category of membership, which is full membership, and that is available only to sovereign states. That position was most recently reaffirmed by the Commonwealth Heads of Government in 2007. It would be perfectly possible to create some new status of associate member, but that would, of course, require the unanimous agreement of every member of the Commonwealth. I will ensure that the Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office, my right hon. Friend the Member for East Devon, who has responsibility for the Commonwealth, learns of the speech made by my hon. Friend the Member for Romford and of his wish for this country to take more of a lead in pressing for such a change. I will ask my right hon. Friend to write to my hon. Friend, to set out his response to those ideas in greater detail.

[Andrew Rosindell]

I thank the Minister and welcome his remarks and his offer to take this matter up with the Minister with responsibility for the Commonwealth. Following on from what he said about Australia and New Zealand, will he also undertake to discuss this issue with the Governments of Australia and New Zealand, as New Zealand has four realm states and Australia has seven external territories, such as Norfolk Island? Many of those are participating in the Commonwealth games and must also be considered in this respect.

[Mr Lidington]

That must be a question for my right hon. Friend the Minister responsible for the Commonwealth to consider, but my hon. Friend makes a fair point. Clearly, if there were a move to put the question of associated status on the Commonwealth agenda to members more generally, it would be important for the UK, Australia and New Zealand to work out some commonly agreed position between them.

My hon. Friend the Member for Romford also spoke about flags. Several different questions arise in that regard. I tried to deal with the particular problem about Parliament square, which was outside the control of central Government, in an intervention. I do not know which layer of local government was dealing with the pavements at the time and I do not want to point the finger and find that I have mistaken my target. However, we all agree that it would have been preferable had there not been that unfortunate coincidence this year. I hope that all relevant authorities can avoid a repetition of that in future.

We will continue—certainly, during the term of this Government—to ensure that the flags of the British overseas territories are flown from Government buildings on the national days of those territories. My hon. Friend knows that the Foreign Office has been doing that.

[Andrew Rosindell]

And the Crown dependencies as well?

Diplomatic Relations (Spain)

Andrew Rosindell Excerpts

Wednesday 27th November 2013 Commons Chamber

[Mr Lidington]

Clearly, any repetition, in the light of the weekend’s events, would be a matter of the utmost seriousness. The right hon. Gentleman decries the Government’s approach, but last week we had evidence that it worked in the case of the Spanish oceanographic survey vessel, which mounted an incursion into Gibraltar waters and sought to carry out survey work. Following the Government’s vigorous protests, including summoning the Spanish ambassador, and the strong views expressed in this House, notably in questions put to the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, my hon. Friend the Member for Boston and Skegness (Mark Simmonds) following his oral statement last week, the Spanish vessel pursued its survey work but did not mount any further incursion into British Gibraltar waters. The vessel carried out its survey work within Spanish waters. That shows that we should not write off the Government’s approach.

[Andrew Rosindell (Romford) (Con)]

The Minister of State must surely now realise that this is a long series of acts of aggression by the Spanish Government against the loyal subjects of Gibraltar, and that the time has come to take firm and decisive action. Is it not time to send the Spanish ambassador back to Madrid?

[Mr Lidington]

No.

European Union (Referendum) Bill

Andrew Rosindell Excerpts

Friday 8th November 2013 Commons Chamber

[Mr Speaker]

Order. The hon. Gentleman will resume his seat. He has been in the House long enough to know that the Chair is never required to explain or, as he puts it, shed light on the selection of amendments. The hon. Gentleman will have to rest content with the selection. If I were inclined to put it bluntly, I would say that he can like it or lump it.

New Clause 1

Gibraltar

‘(1) An order under section 3(2) or (3) which extends to Gibraltar may—

(a) provide for conduct to constitute a criminal offence under the law of Gibraltar;

(b) extend and apply to Gibraltar, with or without modification, the provisions of any enactment relating to referendums or elections;

(c) modify any such enactment so far as it has effect in relation to any part of the United Kingdom;

(d) modify or apply or incorporate, with or without modification, the provisions of any legislation in force in Gibraltar relating to elections, or referendums.

(2) The capacity of the Gibraltar legislature to make law in relation to any matter in relation to which provision may be made under section 3 is not affected by the existence of the power conferred by that section.

(3) Subsection (2) is not to be regarded as restricting the operation in relation to law made by the Gibraltar legislature of the Colonial Laws Validity Act 1865 (under which colonial laws are void if repugnant to provision made under an Act of Parliament).

(4) “Enactment”, and “modification” have the same meaning as in the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000 (see section 160(1) of that Act).’.—(Andrew Rosindell.)

Brought up, and read the First time.

[Andrew Rosindell (Romford) (Con)]

I beg to move, That the clause be read a Second time.

[Mr Speaker]

With this it will be convenient to discuss the following:

Amendment 41, in clause 2, page 1, line 18, leave out ‘and’.

Amendment 43, in clause 2, page 1, line 18, at end insert—

‘(aa) persons who have right of abode in the United Kingdom.’.

Amendment 45, in clause 2, page 1, line 18, at end insert—

‘(aa) persons who would be entitled to vote as electors in a European Parliament election.’.

Amendment 46, in clause 2, page 1, line 18, at end insert—

‘(aa) all persons who are legally entitled to vote as electors at a local government election.’.

Amendment 47, in clause 2, page 1, line 18, at end insert—

‘(aa) all British citizens resident in any of the member states of the European Union.’.

Amendment 48, in clause 2, page 1, line 19, after ‘peers’, insert ‘or prisoners’.

Amendment 8, in clause 2, page 1, line 20, at end add—

‘(c) British citizens, regardless of where they are resident, who have registered to vote with a British Embassy or High Commission or with the local authority where they last lived in the United Kingdom not less than six months before the date of the referendum, and the statutory provisions relating to overseas voters shall be disapplied for the purposes of this section.’.

Amendment 44, in clause 2, page 1, line 20, at end insert—

‘(2) Persons aged 16 or 17 on the date of the referendum shall be entitled to vote if they would, save for their age, be otherwise entitled to vote under any of the categories set out in subsection (1) above.’.

Amendment 49, in clause 2, page 1, line 20, at end insert—

‘(c) citizens of the Republic of Ireland, Cyprus and Malta resident in the United Kingdom shall not be entitled to vote.’.

Amendment 50, in clause 2, page 1, line 20, at end insert—

‘(c) residents of all Crown Dependencies.’.

Amendment 51, in clause 2, page 1, line 20, at end insert—

‘(c) residents of all British Overseas Territories.’.

Amendment 63, in clause 2, page 1, line 20, at end add—

‘(2) Provision will be made for all electors included in the Gibraltar register as defined in Schedule 1 to the Government of Gibraltar’s European Parliamentary Elections Act 2004 to vote in Gibraltar in person or by post.’.

Amendment 69, in clause 2, page 1, line 20, at end add—

‘(c) persons who are citizens of British Overseas Territories.’.

Amendment 80, in clause 2, page 1, line 20, at end insert ‘and

‘( ) Commonwealth citizens who, on the date of the referendum, would be entitled to vote in Gibraltar as electors at a European Parliamentary election in the combined electoral region in which Gibraltar is comprised.’.

Amendment 81, in clause 5, page 2, line 21, at beginning insert—

‘( ) This Act extends to—

(a) England and Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland; and

(b) Gibraltar.’.

Amendment 82, in line 1 after ‘Kingdom’, insert ‘and Gibraltar’.

[Andrew Rosindell]

I am proud to move new clause 1, in the name of my hon. Friend the Member for Stockton South (James Wharton) and myself.

On 1 January 1973, the people of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland joined the then Common Market, the European Economic Community, as it was known at that stage, but it was not just the people of the United Kingdom who joined what is now the European Union at that point. It was also the people of the then British Crown colony of Gibraltar, now known as a British overseas territory.

As all Members of the House know, the people of the Rock of Gibraltar are deeply proud of the fact that they are one of Her Majesty’s British overseas territories. They are proud of being British and proud of being part of the British family of nations and territories, but they are also part of the European Union.

[Mike Gapes (Ilford South) (Lab/Co-op)]

Is it the hon. Gentleman’s opinion that the people living in Gibraltar today are also pleased that they have the right to vote in European parliamentary elections and would therefore wish to take a role in the future of the European Union?

--- Later in debate ---

[Andrew Rosindell]

I was about to come to that very point. It was only a few years ago, in June 2004, that after a very long battle the people of Gibraltar were rightly granted the ability to vote in European elections. It was wholly wrong that part of the European Union was excluded from those elections. The people of Gibraltar, as members of the European Union, are now entitled to vote in those elections, so it is consistent with that argument that the people of the Rock should also be granted the right to vote in any future referendum regarding the European Union.

Of course it is right that we should ensure that the provisions of the Bill before the House today are extended to the people of Gibraltar as loyal subjects of the Crown and as British citizens, to ensure that all 20,000 inhabitants of the Rock are given the right to vote in any forthcoming referendum. As in our own nation, there are divided views about the European Union, but of course, as my hon. Friend the Member for Stockton South has pointed out many times, today’s debate is not about our future in the European Union. It is about the right of the people to decide and to choose their own destiny. If it is right for the people of the United Kingdom to have that right, it is surely correct that the people of Gibraltar should be extended that same right of self-determination within the European Union.

The people of Gibraltar have a right to vote in this referendum. That is why my hon. Friend and I have tabled the new clause. It is only correct that all the people affected by the European Union are given the right to choose, so why should the people of Gibraltar be excluded from that decision?

--- Later in debate ---

[Martin Horwood]

rose—

[Andrew Rosindell]

I will not be giving way.

The vast majority of people in Gibraltar, unlike people in the United Kingdom, choose to use their votes. In fact, the most recent European elections saw a 57% turnout—far higher than the turnout in the south-west region of which Gibraltar is a part. It is therefore right that they be given this opportunity. We know that they want the right to make the decision, along with the people of the United Kingdom.

The national anthem of Gibraltar says:

“Gibraltar, Gibraltar,

The Rock on which I stand,

May you be forever free,

Gibraltar, my own land.”

If the people of Gibraltar are to be free, if they are to choose their own destiny, and if it is to be their own land, they too must be given the right to vote in this referendum and in all elections. I commend the amendment to the House.

[Mr Barry Sheerman (Huddersfield) (Lab/Co-op)]

I served on the Committee, and during our proceedings we looked very closely at this matter. I remind the House that at that time the Government were unaware of, or had forgotten, the fact that the people of Gibraltar were a very special case because, as a European election constituency, they are part of the west of England seat and, as such, should have been included from the very start when this Bill was dreamt up.

Of course, we know that this is very much not a normal private Member’s Bill. I have never, in my experience in the House of Commons, seen a private Member’s Bill where Government Members are on a three-line Whip.

--- Later in debate ---

[Thomas Docherty]

I fully agree. You will recall, Mr Speaker, that on Wednesday evening we had a debate about the use of explanatory statements. As I think the House knows, I was a little sceptical about the mandatory nature of that proposal. However, I must confess—as I said, I am not as much of an expert as the hon. Member for Romford—that it would have been helpful in this case, because yesterday there was some genuine confusion about the amendments, with several hon. Members seeking guidance from the Clerks, the Library and elsewhere. I am disappointed that the hon. Gentleman did not explain why that particular line was included in the new clause. Does he wish to provide an explanation?

[Andrew Rosindell]

indicated dissent.

[Thomas Docherty]

No? I am sorry about that, because it has been puzzling me.

I am keen on giving the people of Gibraltar an opportunity to take part in a referendum that will directly affect them. I regret that it has taken us so long to persuade the hon. Member for Stockton South to accept that obvious point about a flaw that has been in his Bill from the very beginning.

--- Later in debate ---

[Martin Horwood]

That will probably get the hon. Gentleman “quote of the day” in somebody’s column, but I am not sure how well it will go down in Gibraltar. I do not think we should make light of the serious issue of Gibraltar’s future in the European Union, but I value the hon. Gentleman’s humorous contribution.

We could end up in a bizarre situation whereby Gibraltar votes to remain in the EU and the rest of the UK votes to leave it. We face the prospect of going to the effort of accepting this new clause and giving Gibraltarians their say and the ability to express their own view on their own destiny, but then expelling them from the EU against their wishes. I am not clear how that gives Gibraltarians a real say over their destiny.

[Andrew Rosindell]

I am afraid that the hon. Gentleman is getting this completely back to front. The people of Gibraltar would vote in a referendum, just like anybody else in the United Kingdom. If the people of Essex chose to stay in the European Union—I am not sure that is going to happen—it would make no difference: we are treated as one country in terms of the EU. I assure the hon. Gentleman that the people of Gibraltar will want to stay with Britain.

[Martin Horwood]

I am afraid that the hon. Gentleman is wrong. Gibraltar is not equivalent to Essex in any respect. It is a separate territory and it has self-government. It is not represented in this Parliament. That is a fundamental principle of our relationship with Gibraltar. It is more analogous to Denmark’s relationship with Greenland, which voted in its own right to leave the European Union despite remaining a Danish territory. Greenlanders were given their right to have control over their own destiny, but the Bill does not explain how Gibraltarians would be given that same right should their conclusion in a referendum differ from that of the people of the United Kingdom. The Bill leaves a huge unanswered question, in that it appears, on the face of it, to offer a clear scenario whereby the voters of the United Kingdom could, in effect, expel Gibraltarians from the European Union against their wishes.

European Union (Referendum) Bill

Andrew Rosindell Excerpts

Friday 5th July 2013 Commons Chamber

[James Wharton]

Of course, one of the challenges the Bill faces—and it is the reason it is a private Member’s Bill—and the reality of the parliamentary dynamic that the hon. Lady observes exists, is that the Government include not just Conservative Members, but Liberal Democrats, who have gone back on their manifesto pledge, do not want to support it and, sadly, despite my best efforts to persuade them, will not yet give it Government time.

[Andrew Rosindell (Romford) (Con)]

I commend my hon. Friend for putting this Bill forward; he is doing our nation a great service. Does he agree that we should have listened to Mrs Thatcher on this subject years ago and rejected political union?

[James Wharton]

My hon. Friend has a consistent and principled track record on this matter that I am sure this House recognises and appreciates. He makes a helpful contribution that reminds us of the historical reality within which we are operating. Over the years, many Members have warned us about what was happening in the European Union, yet those warnings have not always been heeded.

This Bill is about making good the central promise of our democracy: that we are the servants of the people and not their masters. We want to give the people a voice. I was born in Stockton-on-Tees, a town that I am now proud to represent in this place. I am also proud to be presenting this Bill, which will give not just the people of Stockton but the people of the United Kingdom—[Interruption.]

Falkland Islands Referendum

Andrew Rosindell Excerpts

Tuesday 12th March 2013 Commons Chamber

[Guy Opperman]

Those aircraft will doubtless be backed up by some Sea King helicopters, a garrison of 1,200 soldiers, HMS Clyde and many other items under the water, not least a few submarines.

Let me deal with Europe and its role in determining this matter. I did not believe that the Lisbon treaty was good for much, but I was interested to read that it was good in that the European Union recognised the Falkland Islands as a “full associated territory”, like our other associated overseas territories, within part 4 of the treaty on the functioning of the European Union. Apparently the Argentines are upset with something from Europe—I think they can join a large club, but I knew that the Lisbon treaty was good for something.

The Argentines continue to dispute this matter on an ongoing basis, but I suggest that they must now take into account the interests and desires of the Falkland Islands’ inhabitants. What has happened is applicable not only to the Falkland Islands, as it has due relevance to the other British overseas territories, including the 293,000 people who reside on a permanent basis in the 14 British overseas territories, all of whom will take great heart from what we have seen in the Falkland Islands today.

Relations with Argentina were not always so bad. In 1995, the Argentine and British Governments issued a joint statement when a deal was signed that identified a discrete area for hydrocarbon and other exploration, and work together. That agreement was scrapped in 2007 by the Argentine Government, which was a great shame. However, the facts are these: the inhabitants of the Falklands overwhelmingly want to remain a British overseas territory; it is not up to Great Britain to give the Falklands away; and it is the Falklands islanders’ own right to decide where their sovereignty lies.

[Andrew Rosindell (Romford) (Con)]

My hon. Friend is absolutely right to say that it is the right of the people of the Falklands to determine their own destiny, but does he agree that other countries around the world should now accept that the decision that has been made is the freely chosen wish of the people of those islands? I am talking about not just the United States of America, but all those countries that have sat on the fence and have failed to support the Falklanders’ desires to determine their own future.

[Guy Opperman]

I am happy to pay tribute to my hon. Friend, who has ploughed a strong but lonely furrow as the champion of the British overseas territories, all of which pay due credit to his work.

It is right that we are investing in the islands, moving positively forward and attempting to ensure that, building on the referendum, there is a celebration of the culture of the Falkland Islands and promotion of the fantastic opportunities there. The south American countries are our friends, as we would like Argentina to be.

Commonwealth Trade

Andrew Rosindell Excerpts

Wednesday 12th December 2012 Westminster Hall

[Andrew Rosindell (Romford) (Con)]

I am grateful for the opportunity to bring to the House this debate on Commonwealth trade. Hon. Members will know that I have always held a strong and passionate belief in the Commonwealth of Nations. If I may say so, I consider it a travesty that so little has been done by successive Governments to realise the full potential that the Commonwealth offers. Although I commend Her Majesty’s Government and particularly my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary for putting the C back into the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, the capacity for building Commonwealth trade, which could stretch across every continent of the globe, is perhaps the area that has suffered most from the neglect of the past few decades.

Currently, 53 nations belong to the Commonwealth family. They range from the old dominions of Canada, New Zealand and Australia to countries from Mauritius to Jamaica, Cyprus to South Africa and Belize to Tuvalu. The newest member is Rwanda, which joined in 2009. The Commonwealth spans every time zone and yields a combined GDP of more than £5.2 trillion.

[Mr Lee Scott (Ilford North) (Con)]

I congratulate my hon. Friend on obtaining this important debate. Does he agree that increasing our trade with the Commonwealth can make us far less dependent on other areas?

[Andrew Rosindell]

I thank my hon. Friend for his intervention. He makes a valid point. We trade and must trade with the whole world. We have focused on one area of the globe in recent decades. I believe that it is time to look to a wider trade relationship, and the Commonwealth is a natural group of countries, with which we have so much in common. That relationship must be developed for trade in the years to come.

[Mr Gregory Campbell (East Londonderry) (DUP)]

I congratulate the hon. Gentleman on the timeliness of the debate. He listed some—obviously not all—of the countries in the Commonwealth. Will he join me in saying that if countries that in the past were in the Commonwealth but had left, such as the Irish Republic, wanted to return, we would welcome them?

[Andrew Rosindell]

I wholeheartedly endorse the hon. Gentleman’s view. I also believe that we must expand the Commonwealth and look to countries with historical links to the Commonwealth that may not have considered joining or that we may not have approached. A more vigorous policy to attract more countries to join the Commonwealth would be very welcome. I would like to see the whole of Ireland in the Commonwealth and I very much look forward to that day.

In addition to the Commonwealth nations, we of course have 21 British overseas territories—parts of the world that my hon. Friend the Minister is becoming more familiar with by the day—which stretch from Gibraltar to the Falkland Islands, Bermuda to the Pitcairn Islands and Montserrat to St Helena, along with five Crown dependencies: the Channel Islands and the Isle of Man. Australia also has external territories, such as Norfolk Island, and New Zealand has its realm states, such as the Cook Islands. All are part of our extended Commonwealth family. The English-speaking world is, I believe, the most powerful collection of nations on earth today. It is time to harness that power to extend opportunities for trade and to create the wealth that our people need.

[Mr John Spellar (Warley) (Lab)]

I pay tribute to the hon. Gentleman’s long-standing and very considerable interest in the British overseas territories. He mentioned the territories that are administered by Australia and by New Zealand, but what is the aggregate population of those territories if we are talking about trade and Britain’s trade balances?

[Andrew Rosindell]

I thank the right hon. Gentleman for his intervention and I commend him for his commitment to the Commonwealth and his deep understanding of countries around the world with which we have a lot in common, such as Australia. However, I have to say to him that this is not only about population size; it is also about geography. It is about the opportunities that some of the smaller territories around the world present. Some of them can contribute in all kinds of ways. Yes, some of them have small populations, but surely they too should be welcomed as part of the family of nations and territories. We do not exclude a small territory because it has a small population; otherwise, what would we do with places such as Pitcairn, Sark and other places that have very small populations but are loyal to Britain and want to feel part of the extended Commonwealth family?

[Mr Frank Field (Birkenhead) (Lab)]

I, too, congratulate the hon. Gentleman on obtaining the debate. Before he leaves the subject of the overseas territories, might he not address the Government and say that if we were serious about protecting their interests and ours, we would have done what the French have done for their overseas territories: first, got them access to the European Union and, secondly, given them representation in this place?

[Andrew Rosindell]

Once again, I admire the right hon. Gentleman’s stance on these issues. I have enormous sympathy with his remarks. The Minister will recall that only yesterday I raised with him the failure of the United Kingdom in this regard. It is the only post-colonial nation to deny its territories the right to vote in its own elections. The Government in London, our Parliament, can of course make laws affecting our territories. We can declare war on their behalf. We can sign treaties and decide foreign policy and currency issues—a whole range of things—yet no one from our territories has the right to vote in our elections or to have any direct say. We do not even have a Standing Committee of Parliament that deals exclusively with our territories and dependencies. In that regard, we are unlike Australia, which has an external territories committee. Therefore we have, I believe, let our territories down over many years.

It is only since the election of the current Government that I have seen a genuine change of attitude to our territories. I pay tribute to my hon. Friend the Member for North West Norfolk (Mr Bellingham), who championed this cause as Minister for the overseas territories until only recently. Many of the representatives from those territories are truly grateful to him for everything that he did to change the relationship and to ensure that we have a much more positive attitude towards our overseas territories.

[Mr Henry Bellingham (North West Norfolk) (Con)]

I am very grateful to my hon. Friend for those kind remarks. On the overseas territories, does he agree that one should look not at the size of population but at GDP and per capita income? We should look at some of the territories that have world-class financial services and world-class hydrocarbons and at ways of harnessing bilateral trade in both our interests. Does he agree that any reinvigorated approach to the territories must focus more on the trade agenda?

[Andrew Rosindell]

I wholeheartedly support what my hon. Friend said. This is not just about population. There is a whole range of factors, as he mentioned, and we must look at all those opportunities if we are to capitalise on parts of the world that we have neglected. We have missed opportunities. We know that if we want a sustainable future for all our people, we have to stretch beyond the European continent, and what more obvious opportunities are there than those offered by countries with which we have so much in common, not least the English language?

[David Simpson (Upper Bann) (DUP)]

I congratulate the hon. Gentleman on obtaining the debate. The hon. Member for North West Norfolk (Mr Bellingham) hit the nail on the head in terms of what we need to concentrate on. The hon. Member for Romford (Andrew Rosindell) mentioned Australia, whose economy is growing dramatically because of the demand for its natural resources from China. We need to concentrate more on the 53 countries and put money into them, rather than putting tens of billions of pounds into a black hole in the European Union, which is losing us money every year.

[Andrew Rosindell]

The hon. Gentleman speaks for the majority of the British people in that. Those outside this place cannot understand what on earth Governments have been doing over the past 30-odd years narrowly focusing on a small part of the world, which might be geographically close, but with which we have huge differences, when in other parts of the world, with which we have so much in common, we have neglected such opportunities. We need to unshackle ourselves from this deadweight and forge something new and positive that will sustain us with trade and co-operation in a range of areas in the years to come.

[Mr Frank Field]

Will the hon. Gentleman give way?

--- Later in debate ---

[Andrew Rosindell]

I will have to make some progress, but I give way to the right hon. Gentleman.

[Mr Frank Field]

The hon. Gentleman talks about the change in attitude of the Government already to the overseas territories. As we know, changes in attitude can be important, if they are followed by action. What would he like to see that change in attitude deliver for the overseas territories by the end of this Parliament?

[Andrew Rosindell]

This is of course not purely a debate about overseas territories. It is about Commonwealth trade. Only last week, I met chief ministers and premiers from many of the overseas territories, who were here for the joint ministerial council, and the one message that I received from all of them was that although they appreciate all the different, new initiatives our Government are introducing and the much warmer relationship, they still wonder: are they British or are they foreign? That is the question they put to me. Why are British territories under the Foreign Office? They are British, not foreign. They are not even Commonwealth; they are not allowed to join the Commonwealth. They do not even have territory status in the Commonwealth. They feel that they are treated almost as an anomaly.

It is high time that we addressed all the issues and treated overseas territories as an equal part of the British family, while upholding their right to self-determination and home rule. We do not want to govern them from London, but we want them to feel securely part of the British family. Giving them elected representation and secure places in our Parliament, particularly for territories that are under threat from aggressive neighbours, such as the Falkland Islands and Gibraltar, would signify that we intend to retain them permanently as British sovereign territory and that negotiations over their future will not take place. I appreciate the sentiments that the right hon. Member for Birkenhead (Mr Field) expressed this morning.

The nations of the Commonwealth are dotted along the whole spectrum of the development index. Within it are some of the largest producers of raw materials, as well as a broad range of manufacturing and service industries. Combined with that rich diversity, we are all wonderfully tied together by a shared history, heritage and language. Many Commonwealth countries continue to share Her Majesty the Queen as their sovereign and Head of State, and of course Her Majesty remains head of the Commonwealth itself. The Commonwealth was not an accident; it was built on trade flows, the location of commodities, the availability of work forces and a mutual desire to develop and succeed.

Where have things gone wrong? Why has the United Kingdom sat back? Why has there been such a systematic failure to develop the debate over Commonwealth trade? I suggest that some of the fault may lie in our membership of a continental construction that has effectively tied Britain to a protectionist trade block. Although I welcome everything that the Foreign Secretary has said, perhaps blame lies with the low importance that the Foreign and Commonwealth Office has given in recent years to our relationship with the Commonwealth.

Could the Minister tell the House how many people in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office actually work on Commonwealth issues? I am informed that it may be as few as six, and only one may be full-time. Is that true and, if so, why do Her Majesty’s Government not make the Commonwealth a greater priority? In addition, can the Minister confirm which UK representative, if any, joined the Commonwealth Finance Ministers meeting delegation in Tokyo in October of this year? I have no doubt that he agrees that the UK should take a leading role at such meetings.

[Mr Spellar]

As I understand the arcane discussions going on inside the Conservative party at the moment, one school of thought says that we ought to return to a relationship with Europe as a trading block, rather than continue in the European Union, and that negotiations should take place and there should be a referendum. But that would still mean that we were in a major trading block that would be our major trading partner. The hon. Gentleman seems to be suggesting that we ought to look for an alternative trading block, rather than a complementary or supplementary one. Will he clarify?

[Andrew Rosindell]

The shadow Minister misunderstands the point I am making. I value enormously our relationship with Europe. Co-operating and trading with Europe is very important, and I do not downplay it at all. I am sceptical over whether the EU, as constructed, is the right model for us to be part of. There are all sorts of ways to trade and co-operate with our neighbours on the continent, without necessarily being tied into a political union, which is, I am afraid, heading in the direction of an integrated united states of Europe. I do not think that many constituents of Members in the Hall today would support the idea of going further and deeper into that construction. If the Labour party intends to fight the next election wanting to sign up to an even closer relationship with Europe, I look forward to the election result.

What of the general UK presence in terms of trade with the Commonwealth? For example, how many UK trade delegations have been to Commonwealth nations since 2010? Maybe the Minister can answer that later. Sadly, it seems that Britain has delegated many such matters to Brussels. We appear to have lost our ability to conduct direct trade deals with countries outside the EU. The UK seems unable to carry out free trade agreements with a third party, due to our association with the EU customs union. Consequently, the UK can independently forge bilateral investment agreements only. In the light of that, could the Minister inform the House when the last bilateral investment agreement was signed by the UK and another Commonwealth country? Although we all recognise the importance of our trade relationship with our European neighbours as individual states, the idea that we must for ever have a Eurocentric focus is simply outdated and wrong. Commonwealth and European trade should not be seen as mutually exclusive; they should complement each other.

We run a trade deficit with the EU of £41 billion, but a trade surplus of more than £10.7 billion with the Commonwealth, so it makes sense to balance one with the other. More Commonwealth trade does not mean less trade with European nations. Germany, for example, had an extremely healthy surplus of £16.8 billion in 2011. Does anyone seriously believe that our German friends would stop that great deal with the British people if we forged a new agenda on Commonwealth trade? It would to be to no one’s advantage.

Our neighbours across the English Channel would be the beneficiaries of any new arrangement for Commonwealth trade. They, too, could plug into opportunities that Britain is in a unique position to create. We are in a unique position to concentrate on developing the potential for trade that exists beyond the continent of Europe, and we should not be held back from doing so.

In October this year, a paper authored by Tim Hewish and James Styles, “Common-Trade, Common-Growth, Common-Wealth”, set out the possibilities for Commonwealth trade. It examined in detail how we can further mould the Commonwealth into a relevant and practical 21st-century organisation, based around a mutually beneficial trade relationship, as well as how we can lift developing Commonwealth nations out of poverty. I highly recommend the book to the Minister. I hope that he will read it, and take it back to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office to develop ideas based on its excellent contents. The case is supremely compelling.

[Mr Robin Walker (Worcester) (Con)]

I congratulate my hon. Friend on the powerful case he is making for Commonwealth trade. To strengthen his argument and the report he just held up, yesterday the all-party group on the extractive industry was told by the International Council on Mining and Metals that the Commonwealth already plays an important role in capacity building in some developing countries, which ensures that they do not suffer from the resources curse and that they can deal with the classic issues of corruption and lack of transparency that have blighted so many economies. Does he therefore agree that Commonwealth trade can play an important role not only in increasing the UK’s trade, but in helping many developing countries to trade out of poverty?

[Andrew Rosindell]

My hon. Friend makes an excellent point. I will refer to this later, but we spend rather a lot of money on aid, through our Department for International Development budget. It is probably more beneficial in the long term to assist such countries to trade. We should help people to trade themselves out of poverty, which is a far better solution than continuously giving them handouts. Trade is the way out of poverty, and the Commonwealth is uniquely placed to form a foundation for that. I thank my hon. Friend for that intervention.

[Mr Bellingham]

Does my hon. Friend agree that a vital part of the Commonwealth organisation is the Commonwealth Business Council? In the past, it focused largely on India, the far east and the antipodes—rightly so, in some ways—but seven of the 10 fastest growing economies in the world are African, and many of them are in the Commonwealth. Does he therefore agree that the Commonwealth Business Council should concentrate more on Anglophone and, indeed, Lusophone Africa?

[Andrew Rosindell]

I agree with my hon. Friend. I hope that his work in the Foreign Office laid the foundations for closer co-operation with our friends in Africa, which is an up and coming continent. Once again, Britain is uniquely placed to develop trade and co-operation with those countries, and the Commonwealth Business Council also has a role to play. But what were we thinking of, in the past few decades, when we completely forgot about countries all around the world, and focused purely on a model of Europe that, frankly, was alien to what most of us in this country believe? All those opportunities lie before us, and we now need the political courage to seize them and make the best of them, not only for our own people, but for those of all the Commonwealth nations. I believe that we have the chance to do so at this point in our history.

We all know that, in comparison with the combined Commonwealth annual growth rate of 3.7%, the European Union’s growth is shrinking. Under the so-called Commonwealth effect, the overhead costs of trading with the Commonwealth are reduced by about 15% in comparison with trade outside the Commonwealth. I hope that the Minister will acknowledge the Commonwealth factor in doing business.

We are the world’s sixth largest trading nation. Yet while we remain wedded to an outmoded customs union, emerging nations are at liberty to trade freely and openly in a healthy competitive environment. Will the Minister tell us what the Government are doing, despite that hindrance, to help UK small and medium-sized enterprises trade with other Commonwealth nations, and what platforms are open to UK SMEs to get information about Commonwealth trade?

I am left in absolutely no doubt that we are at a crossroads; not taking a practical outlook now on how the UK moves its trade relations forward will be viewed by future generations as utterly foolish. As a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, in my work with the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, and as chairman of all-party groups relating to Commonwealth countries and the overseas territories, I am fortunate to have met and had direct dealings with many high commissioners, prime ministers, premiers, chief ministers, diplomats, Government representatives and those engaged with trade and commerce. Let me tell the House that there is a strong and clear message that resonates: the Commonwealth nations are eager for our business, and they want to explore and develop a trading relationship. But what do we do? We talk. We talk about the valuable asset of the Commonwealth, how relevant it remains to Britain and the potential for business and trade, but we seem to do very little.

Therefore, I ask the Minister to consider making that a central theme for Her Majesty’s Government to pursue in the second half of this Parliament. Will a Business Minister join him in Colombo for next year’s Commonwealth business forum to promote what I hope will be a new British vision for trade across the Commonwealth? I, for one, recognise how important it is for the UK to take a lead in Commonwealth initiatives. What could be more important in these times than to build steadfast foundations for trade for the decades to come? To all those who think that adopting a different relationship with the EU would put us on the periphery of Europe, I say no—it would place us on the doorstep of the world. That point runs much deeper, because increased Commonwealth trade and co-operation would bring a whole host of other benefits. A Commonwealth investment bank might cultivate projects in emerging markets, and a Commonwealth business visa could promote a trans-regional investor environment.

On that note, a few simple changes at our border would also provide a friendlier reception for Commonwealth citizens entering the United Kingdom. As colleagues will be aware, I am promoting the United Kingdom Borders Bill, which would provide for recognition at our border of people from Commonwealth realms where Her Majesty the Queen remains the Head of State. It would give people from those 15 nations the right to enter UK passport control in the same channel as the British, which would generate a tremendous amount of good will.

The shadow Minister, who has links with Australia, will know how passionately such people feel let down when, on arriving at Heathrow, they are told to queue with those from the rest of the world. They fought shoulder to shoulder with us in every war, they share the Queen as their Head of State, they speak our language and their culture and heritage is ours, yet we treat them as aliens. Why do we not allow people from those realms and territories the right to enter through the same channel as the British, while those from countries with whom we have not always had that much in common can enter through that channel? It is a shameful indictment of the failure of all Governments to recognise our very special relationship with those countries. I hope the Government will address that by supporting my Bill, which is now before the House. The Bill would boost tourism and trade by making it easier to move between Her Majesty’s realms and territories.

There is a social justice element to the argument. The UK currently hands out £8.57 billion a year in international aid, which is a lot of money, almost all of which is distributed to Commonwealth countries. However, as we have discovered, handouts are futile for long-term sustainability: endless handouts are not the solution. If we really care—in other words, if we really mean it—we should offer such nations a way to trade their way up and out of poverty.

The cruel reality is that that cannot realistically be achieved by the UK at the moment, for we cannot give Commonwealth states the chance to trade with us on equal terms. While other countries such as Russia and China are able to invest in mutually beneficial relationships with the Commonwealth nations in the developing world, Britain is left simply throwing money at well-meaning projects, because we are not able to have trading relations directly with those nations without going through the European Union.

[Mr Spellar]

Will the hon. Gentleman give an example of where China has been able to develop those relationships differently with, say, Australia or Canada?

[Andrew Rosindell]

Goodness me. The shadow Minister surprises me. Wherever I go in the world, I see the Chinese investing money, establishing institutions, developing opportunities for trade and ensuring that their best interests are looked after. Sadly, we cannot do that because we are shackled to an institution that prevents us from doing so individually as Britain with our Commonwealth partners. Even the Labour party must be able to see that this is no way to create wealth either for Britain or for developing nations.

[Mr Spellar]

I thank the hon. Gentleman for giving way again. Will he give an example of the sort of projects that he is thinking about that the Chinese are able to develop and that our membership of the EU prevents us from developing?

--- Later in debate ---

[Andrew Rosindell]

Once again, the right hon. Gentleman surprises me. Like me, he must, on occasion, have the opportunity to travel to all parts of the world; over the past couple of years, for example, I have travelled to Africa and the Pacific. Everywhere one goes, the Chinese are there doing the business and ensuring that their interests are looked after. They can sign up to a trading arrangement with any of those countries, but we are not allowed to do so. The right hon. Gentleman should understand that the dead-weight around our ankles has to be taken away if we are to give those countries and ourselves the opportunity to trade in the years to come. Consequently, I ask the Minister to consider the example of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, which exists primarily to promote trade. Perhaps he can look at the way it operates and report back to the House with his findings. We need to look at examples of how the Commonwealth can develop in a similar way.

We need to be more like the dynamic Asian economies and less like some of the high-taxed, over-regulated and welfare-bloated European states. It must be in the United Kingdom’s interests to be able to enter independently into negotiations with Commonwealth states to establish free trade agreements. Surely it must be in our interests and in the interests of all Commonwealth countries to have those opportunities, denied to us at the moment because of Brussels. Instead, we are left at the mercy of the European Union deciding what is best. What would be the thoughts of our pioneering forefathers who shaped what has become today’s Commonwealth? Oh, how we have let them down. But all is not lost. There are many things that Her Majesty’s Government can do immediately to turn it all around.

First, I propose the creation of the post of Minister for Commonwealth trade, with a joint role between the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills to ensure that the Commonwealth is better promoted and understood both abroad and within the United Kingdom. A team would also be established, based on UK Trade and Investment, dedicated to Commonwealth trade, which would act under the auspices of the suggested Commonwealth trade Minister to enhance the options of UK SMEs to trade with emerging and developing markets.

Secondly, I propose that the UK Government and others bring to the next Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting a resolution to study the viability of a Commonwealth investment and development bank to assist trade and business expansion. The current Commonwealth Fund for Technical Cooperation is not enough, nor is it the best vehicle to deliver that demand. Thirdly, we should draw up a feasibility study into the creation of a Commonwealth business visa that will allow businessmen to move more freely between nations, have meetings, set up companies and invest.

Those three practical changes would make an immediate difference to our position on Commonwealth trade. I should appreciate it if the Minister could evaluate and address my recommendations.

In the longer term, I want to see the Government invest in the next generation of Commonwealth citizens by bringing the Commonwealth back to the classroom. As the author Stephen Luscombe observes:

“It is still surprising that an institution that lasted half a millennium, involved millions upon millions of people, that was responsible for some of the biggest population shifts and technology transfers in history and influencing nearly every corner of the globe should be largely ignored by the British political and educational establishments.”

Indeed the United Kingdom is in itself a microcosm of the Commonwealth. With an increasingly multi-ethnic population, it is paramount that children understand what it means to be British and what part the Commonwealth has played in that story. The United Kingdom is most fortunate to have a Commonwealth within, ready to be utilised, if only we ourselves appreciated it. Today is the day when people can hear this story. I say to the Chamber and to the Minister that we in these British Isles should open our eyes and lift our gaze further towards the potential that exists within our great family of Commonwealth nations and peoples.

--- Later in debate ---

[Mr John Spellar (Warley) (Lab)]

I congratulate the hon. Member for Romford (Andrew Rosindell) on securing the debate. I had hoped that it would focus on increasing trade around the world and especially on ensuring a fair share for manufacturing; I say that having, in a previous incarnation, been a national officer for the electricians’ union and represented two west midlands constituencies during my parliamentary career. I have a huge interest in manufacturing, and I would certainly agree that its interests and importance have not had sufficient attention, particularly among the ranks of the British civil service. I will touch on that later.

It is unfortunate that almost no debate in the House can now be conducted without focusing to an unhealthy extent on Europe, often in areas where Europe is not a relevant consideration. The hon. Gentleman talked about high-tax, welfare-bloated states; some would characterise Sweden as one of those—it is an archetypal Scandinavian welfare state—but it has a very effective exporting machine. Similarly, as my right hon. Friend the Member for Birkenhead (Mr Field) will know, Germany laid the foundation for many social welfare provisions in the Bismarck era, as one of the early representations of a welfare state, and it is hugely successful at exporting.

Let me take another, very real example. Following the manufacturing downturn that resulted from the global financial crisis, civil service and Treasury officials here were hugely resistant—there was a considerable battle within the Government about this—to paying companies to keep their manufacturing workers on the books. We should compare and contrast that with what happened in Germany, which kept workers on and then had a work force who were ready to go when the upturn came.

Take a company such as JCB, whose owners are well known for their donations to, and involvement with, the Conservative party—although I will not complain about that on this occasion. We should compare and contrast its operation in Germany, which is a smaller part of the overall business, with its operation in Uttoxeter, in the midlands. When the upturn came in Germany, its operation there was able to take on work straightaway, but its operation in Uttoxeter had to go and find the workers that it had had to lay off to maintain financial viability. That is very much about using welfare provisions to maintain industrial capability, so it is not as though there is an inconsistency in having a proper welfare state and industrial efficiency.

That is the nub of my argument with the hon. Member for Romford. He put forward many interesting ideas, and I fully agree with him about the importance of stressing the need to develop, maintain and expand our relations with our Commonwealth partners. However, he focused on our relationship with the EU, when the fault, in Shakespeare’s words,

“is not in our stars, But in ourselves”.

The problems are in the UK, and constantly blaming people somewhere in Brussels means that we do not examine what we need to do in this country to improve and, in many areas, to build trading relationships, particularly—I was pleased the hon. Gentleman touched on this—through education.

We also need to look at how we have been reacting to Government purchasing, for example. It is hard to go to a foreign country and say “Buy British trains” when the Department for Transport deliberately turns its back, because of some complications in the bidding, on buying from Bombardier in Derby and buys from Siemens instead. It appears that yet again, as happens so often, it is allowing Siemens some variation to the contract. Why do I cite Bombardier in particular? Precisely because it is an extremely successful Canadian company, investing in UK train manufacture. It is also investing—I am sorry that our colleagues from Northern Ireland are no longer present—in what used to be Shorts in Northern Ireland; that is an extremely successful project, which is now securing an increasing share of the world market.

In that context, the hon. Member for Romford slightly underestimated the degree of engagement between us and many of our significant Commonwealth partners. Australia and the UK are either No. 1 or No. 2 as major investors in each other and, interestingly enough, the position of Australia has been rising in the past two or three years. There is significant investment between our countries.

There was enormous publicity during the year about the success of Tata, a major Indian company that has made a huge success of its ownership of Jaguar Land Rover. Now it is not only expanding production but moving down the supply chain. An investment in a substantial engine plant for Jaguar Land Rover in the Wolverhampton and south Staffordshire area is very welcome.

[Andrew Rosindell]

I accept a lot of what the right hon. Gentleman says. Will he therefore agree that Britain is in a unique position to be a bridge between trade with the European continent and trade with the English-speaking world, and that we could have a unique and positive role to play if we were to harness the Commonwealth and the English-speaking world while retaining a trading relationship with our neighbours on the continent? Can we combine the two to the mutual benefit of all?

[Mr Spellar]

I am pleased that my eloquence has persuaded the hon. Gentleman that those objectives are not inconsistent but compatible and that, for a variety of reasons, many of which he enunciated effectively, we can act as a springboard into the European market. That is an attraction not just for Commonwealth countries, but, as the hon. Member for Worcester (Mr Walker) will know extremely well, for Japanese companies coming to the UK.

Why are so many Japanese car companies based in the UK and expanding their investment and production? It is because we have offered a welcome mat to them, and they are now also expanding component manufacture here as well. It is enormously important for us to be able to tell those companies, “You have come to a country where you will be welcome, and where you have the advantage of the English language, the time zone and a developed commercial community that can service a variety of needs.” That is enormously important. I only wish we could also say, “And you will have easy access through airports,” but that is a matter that—regrettably and, I think, to the detriment of our business—seems to have been slipped slightly to the right.

The situation has come about precisely because we are an engaged member of the European trading bloc. There is a lot of talk—one can read about it in the excellent note produced by the Library—about the fact that so much of our trade now is intra-European, but that is not surprising. In all economies, especially as borders break down, geography is destiny. The United States has a huge cross-border trade with Canada. Up on the Detroit-Windsor border, trucks run back and forth every day between the major car and component plants in the United States and Canada.

It is the view of Australian politicians of all parties that it was inevitable, especially as China opened up and Japan developed economically, that trading relationships would grow between Australia, and Japan and China. That was inherent in their geographical position. The same goes for us. We do not count as a trade flow the fact that Toyota builds engines in Deeside in Wales and builds its cars in Burnaston. If, however, we considered that process happening between plants in Germany or France, it would count as trade flows, but that is the nature of modern industry and the interdependency of plants. We should welcome it, but it should not detract from our efforts also to build markets around the world.

[Andrew Rosindell]

The right hon. Gentleman surely realises that the concept of free trading around the world in some of the countries that he mentions is very different from the model of trading that we are presented with via the European Union. The harmonisation, standardisation, centralised control and single currency that are being introduced in the European Union are not being brought in anywhere else in the world. The model of trade that the right hon. Gentleman articulates so well is one I would accept, but that is not the model of trade prescribed by Brussels. He is talking about two different visions of what trade is all about.

[Mr Spellar]

There are always standards. Whether the European Union is involved or not, there are international standards. When the hon. Gentleman uses a DIN plug on some audio equipment, that is the Deutsche whatever-it-is; when he has a SCART lead that is the Syndicat—it is a French standard. Countries adopt international standards. It is the same in the oil industry. People work to standards normally set by the United States. Why is so much of that business still undertaken in feet and inches? Precisely because of where the main activity takes place. None of that, to get back to the point I made earlier, prevents Germany from being a major industrial powerhouse, which sells goods all round the world—and it does not prevent Sweden or French industry from doing that, either.

I agree with the hon. Member for Romford that we need to look at what we are doing throughout the world because there are several countries that are hugely important markets for us. Australia and Canada are both in the G20. By the way, we should also consider the huge growth happening in another G20 country, Indonesia, although it is not a Commonwealth country.

The EU has also recently signed a free trade agreement with Korea, which opens huge new markets to us. I hope that there will also be developments in the Japan trade agreement. The hon. Gentleman is right to stress the importance of studying expanding markets, and ensuring that we produce the right sorts of goods and services and that Government purchasing encourages their manufacture in the UK. We should sell such goods and services and not underestimate our ability to sell services around the world—not just in the financial and legal sectors, but in the cultural field, where we have a unique selling proposition, which we should develop further. We should be thinking about building on our commonalities with the countries in question, as well as ensuring that we do not ignore other growing countries.

I am sorry that the hon. Member for North West Norfolk (Mr Bellingham) has left the Chamber. It was a pleasure to work with him at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, not only because of the work we all did, as the hon. Member for Romford will know, on returning the Turks and Caicos Islands to functioning democracy but because of his interest in Africa. I engaged with him on the issue of Somali pirates and my shadow ministerial colleagues engaged with him on Africa.

The hon. Member for North West Norfolk was right to stress that many of the world’s fastest-growing countries are in Africa, and in the Commonwealth, and he is absolutely right that we therefore need to put in more diplomatic and commercial effort. I hasten to add that I would like the banks to be a bit more helpful to and co-operative with companies trying to expand and inevitably dealing with cash-flow issues. In manufacturing in particular, the banks are not as helpful as they should be—certainly not in the west midlands. The hon. Gentleman is absolutely right to stress those issues because they are areas that we ought to develop, but the matter is not exclusive to our relationships with Europe; it is part of an expanding international trading community, in which we ought to be involved.

I slightly query the hon. Gentleman’s stress on trade delegations, although I do not in any way underestimate their impact. When I was in Indonesia in July, it was clear that the Government trade delegation that had been there had been helpful and significant. We really need to follow up on that, and I am not sure whether we are doing enough.

Trade delegations are important, but we do not need one to Australia. Businessmen, politicians, academics and others are backwards and forwards to Australia and Canada. We should treat trade with such countries as part of our normal trading pattern. It seems to me that trade delegations are to open up markets and relationships. As things proceed positively—we hope—in Burma, we will undoubtedly need to be developing more there. That is the role of trade delegations, but we should be considering how we, our embassies and our high commissions around the world, facilitate the operation of businesses. We should also be moving towards doing normal business, as though going from Birmingham to Brisbane was like going from London to Edinburgh, rather than treating such business as separate, and just part of foreign policy.

To ensure that the Minister has time to reply, I shall make just one final point. I return to the question of the British independent overseas territories. As I said earlier, I congratulate the hon. Member for Romford on his work in raising the prominence of the overseas territories here in Parliament. There is no taxation without representation, but also no representation without taxation, so I am not entirely sure exactly how their having direct representation would work out.

The hon. Member for Romford is right to stress the strategic importance of some of the territories, but it worries me that we sometimes focus on countries that have, for one reason or another, political or media prominence but do not represent the real markets that we ought to be considering—the ones from which we get the volume and the ones that will be the hugely growing economies of the future. I conclude by saying that the hon. Gentleman has opened up a number of issues, and one day we might be able to have a debate without Europe dominating so much.

Oral Answers to Questions

Andrew Rosindell Excerpts

Tuesday 4th December 2012 Commons Chamber

[Mr Hague]

My reaction to calls for economic sanctions of various kinds has not changed, but I also want to stress another point I made earlier: we will be discussing with other EU nations what our next steps will be, because the Israeli Government have not yet responded favourably to the representations we and other countries have made. We will be discussing that with other European Governments, therefore, but I would not want to raise the right hon. Gentleman’s hopes that there would be enthusiasm around the EU for such economic measures.

[Andrew Rosindell (Romford) (Con)]

I know the Minister will join me in welcoming the premiers, chief ministers and Heads of Government of the British overseas territories, who are in London this week for the first overseas territories ministerial council. Will he update the House on the progress the Government are making with our overseas territories following the publication of this year’s White Paper?

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (Mark Simmonds)]

I am grateful to my hon. Friend for raising this important matter, and I congratulate him on the important work he has done in ensuring there are strengthening ties between the UK and the overseas territories. As he said, most, if not all, the overseas territories leaders are in London this week for the first joint ministerial council, at which we will be exploring how the UK Government, and most of the UK Government Departments, can strengthen ties in respect of financial and fiscal responsibility, building capacity in the Governments of the overseas territories and, importantly, strengthening environmental and economic and trade ties.

Antarctic Bill

Andrew Rosindell Excerpts

Friday 2nd November 2012 Commons Chamber

[Philip Davies]

My hon. Friend’s point about insurance is a good one. We need to encourage people to take out the relevant and necessary insurance before they start and the Bill considers what happens if they do not do that. Perhaps that should be explored in more detail in Committee.

The explanatory notes state that the protocol on environmental protection to the Antarctic treaty, which was signed in 1991 and entered into force in 1998, already

“provides for the comprehensive protection of the Antarctic environment. Its Article 7 prohibits any activity relating to mineral resources other than scientific research. Until 2048 the Protocol can only be modified by unanimous agreement of all the Consultative Parties to the Treaty and, in addition, the prohibition on activity relating to mineral resources cannot be removed without a binding legal regime on Antarctic mineral resource activities being in force.”

It is important to state that considerable protection is already in place in the Antarctic. I accept that my hon. Friend is seeking to strengthen that protection in order to address unforeseeable future circumstances, but will the Minister explain what additional protection the Government think the Bill necessitates that is not already covered by the international treaties?

The British Antarctic Territory is the UK’s largest overseas territory and is administered by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office as an overseas dependent territory—an arrangement that dates back to 1908. Rather than dwell on that point, I take this opportunity to support the comments of my hon. Friend the Member for Romford. I think it is fair to say that he is the leading authority in the House on the British overseas territories and does a fantastic amount of work to defend and speak up for them, often when very few other people are prepared to do so. We should commend him for what he does, and particularly for what he said today about the British Antarctic Survey and the Natural Environment Research Council. I endorse everything that he said. I do not want to go over old ground, but his points were particularly well made.

The BAS operates its research stations in the Antarctic throughout the year, and it should also be commended for its fantastic work in South Georgia, Adelaide Island and Coats Land. We were right to be concerned about the merger that my hon. Friend discussed at length, and everybody welcomes today’s statement about it.

[Andrew Rosindell]

I thank my hon. Friend for his generous remarks. Does he agree that when we discuss the British presence in that region, the sovereignty of our three overseas territories there—the Falklands, the British Antarctic Territory and South Georgia—should be paramount? He mentioned the Antarctic peninsula, and he will know that in South Georgia there is a peninsula called the Thatcher peninsula. I have no doubt that he would celebrate the name of that part of that overseas territory.

[Philip Davies]

Absolutely. I can think of no better name for it; it is greatly honoured by having that name, as far as I am concerned.

My hon. Friend makes a good point about sovereignty. As he knows, I absolutely agree with him on these matters, as I am sure the Minister does. It is important to make the point that the existing treaties make it clear that nobody can question our sovereignty over those territories. Others may have their own claims, but nothing in the treaties can encourage them to make them aggressively.

One might think that my hon. Friend the Member for Stroud had brought a niche issue before the House today. I think it is a big issue, but people might consider it a niche one in parliamentary terms. Nevertheless, it has generated quite a bit of interest in the form of parliamentary questions. It is a shame that my right hon. Friend the Member for Mid Sussex (Nicholas Soames) is not here today, because I know that he takes a close interest in it. I commend him in his absence for his work in pressing the Government on the mission and scientific research of the BAS. He has pressed both the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills and the Foreign Office on that and has raised some interesting points about the funding of the work that is carried out. I should point out that the hon. Member for Cambridge (Dr Huppert) has also done so. He has a constituency interest, given where the BAS is based.

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[Mr Spellar]

My hon. Friend and fellow allotment holder is exactly right. It is of considerable concern that no proper evaluation has been made of what take of krill in the Southern ocean is sustainable right the way up the food chain. Much more scientific work will need to be done before we understand the matter. Harvesting is right and proper, but we do not want mining of the populations in the Southern ocean, because of the deep long-term effects all the way up the food chain. I understand that even now there is considerable concern about whether there are adequate food supplies for penguins in the area. That demonstrates the enormous importance of the Southern ocean for the ecosystem, although, as I have indicated, it goes much wider than the Southern ocean area. I agree with him about that and with his comments about the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. Implementation of the treaty is rightly welcomed here, but the FCO should engage actively with other signatories to ensure the more rapid implementation of this important work.

Those measures are extremely welcome, and I am sure that any concerns that hon. Members have can be dealt with in Committee, as the hon. Member for Stroud indicated. The broad thrust, however, has support across the House. It is slightly disturbing and contradictory, then, that alongside these excellent measures we are looking at proposals to merge the British Antarctic Survey and the National Oceanography Centre. As I indicated in an intervention, the decision not to do that was extremely welcome, and I once again place on the record my tribute to the Science and Technology Committee, under its excellent Chairman, my hon. Friend the Member for Ellesmere Port and Neston (Andrew Miller), for producing a report that was highly critical of that measure. Its criticism was based not only on the scientific contribution, the excellent work done and the loss of scientific capability but, as hon. Members have mentioned, on a concern about the message it might send in the south Atlantic area.

Our noble colleague Lord West rightly drew attention to another problem that he claimed could lead to us sleepwalking towards another Falklands—a matter of enormous concern to him, obviously, given his heroic record.

[Andrew Rosindell]

The right hon. Gentleman might like to take the opportunity to confirm that should a British overseas territory, such as the Falkland Islands, be threatened, the Labour party would be 100% in favour of defending the right to self-determination of the peoples of that territory, unlike what happened in 1982, when many Labour Members opposed the actions of Her Majesty’s Government.

[Mr Spellar]

I regret and resent that question for two reasons: first, because the then Labour Opposition supported the action of the Government, and, secondly, because of the reasons for the action. I did not raise this before, because I thought this was a bipartisan issue, but the hon. Gentleman knows full well that it was the withdrawal of British capability in the south Atlantic by the Government he so praises that encouraged the Argentines to believe that we were losing interest, unlike the position taken by Jim Callaghan when he was Prime Minister, which he protected. It is outrageous for the hon. Gentleman to try to play politics. Unfortunately for him, when he chose his weapon, he chose a boomerang.

If the connection I have described was so obvious to many hon. Members in both Houses, I am slightly surprised that it was not so obvious to civil servants, the quango or Ministers. Notwithstanding that, it is extremely welcome that we have made the change we have, which enhances the measure we are considering today. It is a worthy and timely measure, and I hope that in responding the Minister will say not only what actions the Government will take, but what encouragement they will give to speed up international co-operation.

Antarctic Bill

Andrew Rosindell Excerpts

Friday 2nd November 2012 Commons Chamber

[Neil Carmichael]

I am not going to go into the full details, but I think that single sleeping bags for those hon. Members who have so far expressed interest would be appropriate. The key point about visiting the Antarctic is that it is important to show interest, commitment and appropriate support to those there working on our behalf. That would be the real purpose of such a visit, and I would like to participate in one.

[Andrew Rosindell (Romford) (Con)]

My hon. Friend may not be visiting Antarctica any time soon, but he can visit Parliament square today, where the flag of the British Antarctic Territory proudly flies for the first time ever.

[Neil Carmichael]

I am grateful to my hon. Friend for that intervention. I will certainly salute the flag, and I wish to thank him for his work as chairman of the all-party group on polar regions. We have worked very effectively together, and I am grateful to him for coming along to the debate. We will continue to work together because, as I have stressed, this is not just a matter of getting the Bill through Parliament, but a matter of what happens thereafter.

Let me speak about the details of the Bill, which I know hon. Members will have read with great interest. The two parts of the Bill, as I mentioned, build on treaty obligations, the need to maintain and where possible strengthen the British presence, and the good work that our scientists and explorers have done over two centuries. The first part deals with environmental emergencies, and enhances contingency planning for such emergencies. That is important because of the increasing pressure on the Antarctic. Part 1 raises the issue of liability and passes to operators and others the responsibility to make sure that they properly prepare for their activities.

The provisions for environmental emergencies cover the impact not of routine operations, but of accidents and unpredictable incidents that result in environmental damage—for example, ship groundings. There have been one or two shipping accidents. My hon. Friend the Member for Christchurch (Mr Chope) spoke about Argentina. The biggest single accident involved a ship from Argentina, which dispensed 600,000 litres of diesel, resulting in a huge $10 million bill for the clean-up. Appropriate contingency measures are important, and responsibility for accidents should be properly allocated. That is a useful point to make.

Part 1 also requires operators to secure adequate insurance, a point that has been discussed with my hon. Friend the Member for Richmond Park (Zac Goldsmith). It is important to underline the obligation for operators to be properly insured for whatever they intend to do in the Antarctic.

--- Later in debate ---

[Andrew Rosindell (Romford) (Con)]

I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Stroud (Neil Carmichael) on securing Second Reading for his Bill and commend all hon. Members who have spoken with such passion about this important subject. My hon. Friend has engaged in excellent work to champion the vital cause of protecting the Antarctic. As chairman of the all-party group on the polar regions, which was established last year and focuses on both the Arctic and the Antarctic, I am pleased to have the opportunity to contribute to this debate and to support what I consider to be a significant Bill that will strengthen, enhance and protect the environment of the Antarctic region.

Antarctica is a truly unique region of the world and Britain has always maintained a very close attachment to it since it first rose to prominence over a century ago. One can only imagine what the explorations were like at the turn of the 20th century, when the courage of those heroic British men spread far and wide until most of the western world had heard the names of Captain Robert Scott and Sir Ernest Shackleton. It is, indeed, fitting that we are debating this subject in the centenary year of the fateful Terra Nova expedition, in which Captain Scott and his colleagues tragically lost their lives.

Fortunately, polar expertise has come a long way since those first dangerous pioneering expeditions and now, thankfully, it is much safer for modern explorers. Antarctica, like no other continent, is a region of our planet that remains almost untouched by mankind.

[Mr Cash]

My hon. Friend has paid an undoubtedly deserved tribute to those who went on the Terra Nova expedition, which ended in tragic circumstances. Captain Scott also went to the Antarctic beforehand, from 1901 to 1904, and the people who went on that particular expedition were going there for the first time—certainly in that era—which was an astonishing feat in itself. Does my hon. Friend agree that attention should be given to that first expedition, as well as to the second one?

[Andrew Rosindell]

I agree. We should pay tribute to all those who pioneered those early expeditions. We now benefit from the progress made by those brave men, so we should acknowledge all involved.

It is our responsibility to protect Antarctica from those who might cause it damage. Indeed, we have a moral duty to ensure that it is adequately protected, which is why the Bill is so important. It is surely right that Her Majesty’s Government should take preventative measures to shield the environment and enhance the conservation of the Antarctic. The Bill will, I believe, enshrine that protection in law so that those who fail to respect the environment when travelling to Antarctica as part of a British operation can be properly held to account in the British courts for any irresponsible behaviour or damage that they may cause. There will be stronger regulations, fines and penalties for operators who break that code. With an increasing number of expeditions to Antarctica from around the globe, now is the time to introduce provisions that would enhance the protection of this amazing region of planet Earth.

There is another reason why we in the United Kingdom should take the lead in the protection of Antarctica. I urge hon. Members to take a look at Parliament square today. They will see displayed opposite the Houses of Parliament the flag of the British Antarctic Territory flying proudly alongside those of the other 15 British overseas territories and the five Crown dependencies. This is the first time that those flags have been displayed in Parliament square, and that, I believe, is a clear indication that Her Majesty’s Government value the contribution that our territories and dependencies make to the overall success of the Great British family. I am delighted to see the Minister in his place, but I would like to pay tribute to the previous Minister with responsibility for the British overseas territories, my hon. Friend the Member for North West Norfolk (Mr Bellingham), who championed the territories’ cause to ensure that they were recognised, as they are today in Parliament square, with your support, Mr Deputy Speaker.

The British Antarctic territory is our responsibility, so we must not only protect the environment, but uphold the territory’s security at all times. We are all too aware of the claims by Argentina to all three British overseas territories in that region, namely the British Antarctic Territory—which is also claimed by Chile—and South Georgia and, of course, the Falkland Islands. Defence of our national interests in the Antarctic and south Atlantic region is vital. I strongly urge Her Majesty’s Government to remember the importance of maintaining our presence in the seas around the region and to be vigilant to any potential threat.

[Jeremy Corbyn]

The hon. Gentleman and I work very well together on the issues facing the British Indian Ocean Territory, but may I gently remind him that both Chile and Argentina are signatories to the Antarctic treaty and the environmental protocol and that they host conferences on the preservation of the Antarctic? As far as I am aware, the Governments of Chile, Argentina and the UK have worked well together on preserving the natural environment of the Antarctic. Could we not approach the debate in that spirit?

[Andrew Rosindell]

I thank the hon. Gentleman for his intervention. We have indeed worked very well together on the issue of the Chagos Islands—the British Indian Ocean Territory—which is another policy that I hope the Minister will review. Yes, we will work with Argentina and Chile on the issue of Antarctica—it is our responsibility to work with all the nations that are signatories to the Antarctic treaty—but it would help the cause if they respected the sovereignty of territories that are under the Crown. It is not helpful that countries such as Argentina in particular ignore the democratic wishes of the people of the Falkland Islands and retain an illegal claim over that territory. I hope that they will take the hon. Gentleman’s advice and show respect for the traditions that we all respect, namely democracy and the right to self-determination.

One organisation maintains the British presence in the Antarctic like no other. It is a body with a proud record of scientific research and unparalleled achievements in the field of polar science. It is, of course, the world-class British Antarctic Survey, which, until today, faced a battle for its own survival as the result of a foolhardy proposal by the Natural Environment Research Council to merge BAS with the National Oceanography Centre. I could not have supported that plan in any way whatever.

[Mr Spellar]

I do not wish to appear churlish, but does the hon. Gentleman not agree that it is unfortunate that we had to await a report of the Science and Technology Committee, chaired by my hon. Friend the Member for Ellesmere Port and Neston (Andrew Miller), before the Government took action to slap down the proposal, instead of their intervening at an early stage for all the good reasons that the hon. Gentleman and other Members have mentioned?

[Andrew Rosindell]

I commend the hon. Member for Ellesmere Port and Neston (Andrew Miller) and his Committee for its report, which has certainly made a contribution, but the right hon. Member for Warley (Mr Spellar) might not be aware of the impact of the letter that the Minister recently received from the all-party polar regions group. I had his response today. There has been collaboration from all parties to end the proposal, with many of us working together on it, and all those who have spoken up against it should take some credit. I completely agree, however, with his commendation of that report.

[Neil Carmichael]

I referred to that report in my remarks, and although it was important, it was the icing on a big cake that had been cooking for quite a long time. A large number of submissions were made about protecting the British Antarctic Survey, and huge efforts were directed towards the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills and the NERC to prevent the merger from taking place.

[Andrew Rosindell]

The plan to merge the British Antarctic Survey with the National Oceanography Centre would have, in effect, disbanded the BAS, which could not only have had a devastating impact on Britain’s ability to continue to lead the world in polar research but diminished our standing and our perceived commitment to our overseas territories in the Antarctic and south Atlantic region.

The BAS is one of the world’s leading scientific research institutes, with five bases in the Antarctic and more than 400 staff in total. As the House will be aware, it has a long and distinguished history of carrying out research and surveys in the Antarctic and the surrounding regions. Undertaking most of the British research across that frozen continent, it plays an invaluable role in carrying out highly complicated and sophisticated scientific field research programmes in a way that is cost-effective for the UK taxpayer. Its work and expertise is stunning, and it is a truly great British institution. To have undermined its achievements by forcing upon it a merger with a separate organisation established for different objectives would have been a huge mistake.

The break-up of the BAS could not possibly have been in the interests of Britain, including our wider interests throughout the Antarctic and south Atlantic region. I therefore commend the decision that we have learned about today. However, I draw the House’s attention to the words of Professor Klaus Dodds, a leading academic on polar issues. He stated:

“One of the lessons we learnt in 1981 was that the proposed withdrawal of HMS Endurance, our ice patrol vessel, sent a signal to Argentina that we were losing interest in the region. Argentina is not likely to be invading the Falklands any time soon, but the Kirchner government might think that their best chance of taking over these overseas territories lies in simply waiting for the UK to cut costs and rationalise what we do there. To be clear, British Antarctic Survey and the UK’s credibility in the region lies in very strong part to the high quality science that is undertaken.”

It is clear that any attempt to dissolve the BAS, which I am pleased is now not to take place, would have sent precisely the wrong signal to the nations in the region that have displayed and continue to display a hostile attitude to Britain’s presence there.

The BAS is internationally renowned and has been responsible for many of the great polar discoveries, such as the hole in the ozone layer, which has had a huge impact over the past few decades. For the reasons that I have outlined and many others about which I could speak at length, to quote the former deputy director of the BAS, Robert Culshaw, “Britain needs BAS”. I am relieved that my words and those of many other people have been listened to on that vital topic and that the BAS will remain in operation, I hope, for many years to come.

May I also take this opportunity to mention the BAS scientists currently stationed at the south pole? As hon. Members may know, polar science is generally conducted over the summer months, with a skeleton crew manning the permanent bases over the winter. Right now, many of those staff are preparing to come back after a long and dark winter. Those men and women are essential to the running of the BAS, and it is important that they are given the recognition they deserve for their public service. On the other side of the planet, back in Cambridge, the BAS is gearing up for the summer, with ships and planes full of supplies and staff ready for the long months ahead. Many will be making the long voyage for the first time, and I cannot stress enough the importance of their work.

I am glad that the NERC has dropped the proposals to merge the BAS with the NOC, which could have had disastrous consequences and destroyed a national treasure. It is imperative that a new director is appointed as a matter of urgency so that the BAS can retain its upper management and continue its work in future.

In February, I will be fortunate enough to return to the Falkland Islands to attend a conference of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association. While I am there, I hope to visit the BAS office in Stanley so that I can see at first hand some of the work that it is doing in the southern hemisphere. Indeed, the Falkland Islands is a fine example of the significance of our overseas territories to the work that we carry out in the Antarctic region. The Falkland Islands and South Georgia are important stepping stones in the Antarctic and make operations in the area significantly easier. It is also worth bearing in mind their importance to the Bill. Any expedition setting off from a British overseas territory officially becomes a British expedition and falls under the Antarctic Act 1994, under which British activities in Antarctica are regulated.

I welcome the increased global interest in the region, but it is not without its problems. There are now more than 50 permanent bases in Antarctica and a great many more semi-permanent summer bases, and that huge increase in numbers could have detrimental consequences. Antarctica has a fragile and delicate ecosystem that is incredibly vulnerable to even the slightest change. Although the Antarctic treaty of 1959 addresses the unique situation in Antarctica and goes some way towards protecting the region, much more needs to be done. The Bill tabled by my hon. Friend the Member for Stroud would reinforce many existing parts of the treaty while making much-needed additions, so I welcome it and hope that colleagues in all parts of the House will give it their enthusiastic support. It is essential that we maintain the unspoiled landscape of Antarctica and hold people and organisations responsible for their actions should they jeopardise the Antarctic environment. It may be only a matter of time before an incident occurs in Antarctica, and the Bill will go some way towards preventing such an accident or ensuring that its consequences are less far-reaching.

We can all be justly proud of the role that Britain has played in Antarctica for more than a century. Today marks a further step in Britain’s long-standing commitment to that region of our planet, and I commend my hon. Friend’s Bill to the House.

UK-Turkey Relations

Andrew Rosindell Excerpts

Wednesday 4th July 2012 Commons Chamber

[Mike Gapes]

I shall say something about NATO in a moment.

The position taken by the countries in the EU that are resisting Turkey’s application is, of course, easier for them to take because of continuing difficulties over the resolution of the conflict involving Cyprus. I am disappointed that, although the Greek Cypriots elected a President who was, unlike his predecessor, committed to this process and although the Turkish Government have not opposed it, there has been no resolution. The hon. Member for North Dorset (Mr Walter), my friend from the Inter-Parliamentary Union, said earlier that the position could be viewed more optimistically in the light of Cyprus’s presidency of the Council of Ministers. I hope so, but I myself am not very optimistic, because I think that some of the deep-seated issues are still not easy to resolve regardless of whether Cyprus has the presidency.

We need to look to the future imaginatively. Who knows what the current debates about the future architecture of the European Union and the inner core of the eurozone and the other developments will lead to? It is possible that in five, seven or 10 years’ time, we shall be looking at a completely different structure of European foreign policy and political relations. If that proves so, it is tragic that people in this country should want Turkey to join the European Union while a substantial number of Government Members want the UK to leave it. It seems perverse to want Turkey to be in the EU while we ourselves want to leave it. That revolving-door approach to international relations strikes me as totally illogical and absurd—

[Andrew Rosindell (Romford) (Con)]

rose—

[Mike Gapes]

But perhaps the hon. Gentleman can explain it to me.

[Andrew Rosindell]

Does the hon. Gentleman agree that Turkey is a proud nation, and being part of the European family does not necessarily mean having to be part of a European political union, so we should give the Turkish people impartial advice rather than keep pushing them in only one direction?

[Mike Gapes]

I am sure Turkey receives lots of advice, both partial and impartial, from lots of different quarters. It is my understanding that the position of the hon. Gentleman’s Government is the same as that of my party’s last Government, which is to support Turkey’s membership of the EU. Perhaps the hon. Gentleman has a different view, however, and he can explain that when he speaks, if he catches your eye, Mr Deputy Speaker.

[Andrew Rosindell]

The Turkish people should make that decision, and we should not hoodwink them into believing they have to join the EU to be part of the family of European nations. Switzerland and Norway manage perfectly successfully without being in the EU.

[Mike Gapes]

Switzerland and Norway are smaller countries than Turkey. The Turkish people are very wise and they will make their own decisions in their own national interests, but it is helpful of us to say that it is in the UK’s interests for Turkey to be part of an enlarged EU, and that that will promote democracy and stability as well as our influence throughout a very difficult part of the world.

--- Later in debate ---

[Andrew Rosindell (Romford) (Con)]

I am proud, as a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, to be associated with its report.

Turkey is a country that we should focus on a great deal more than we have in recent years—a country that has been a staunch ally as a member of NATO, and a country that we have always had good relations with in modern times. As my hon. Friend the Member for Poole (Mr Syms) said, we have in recent times taken it somewhat for granted. However, as a friend of Turkey’s, we should give it the honest advice that it needs during these developing years. It applied to join the European Union some time ago, but it has not yet been accepted. I was part of a delegation visiting Turkey last October and the clear message that I picked up, from speaking to many people, was that they wanted to join the European Union for reasons of acceptability, to be part of the family of European nations, and not necessarily for economic reasons; it is, of course, already part of a customs union.

We must be candid friends to Turkey. We must ensure that, whatever decision it makes about the European Union—and it is its decision whether to join—it is given the advice of a friend who has been a member of that organisation for many years. I hope that Turkey will continue wanting to be part of the family of European nations and carry on its tradition of wanting a secular society and western values.

I hope that we will respect the wishes of the people in Turkey. I think that there is a feeling there that they have, in some ways, been pushed aside by us in Europe and that we have not given them the respect that they deserve. We accepted the country’s support during the cold war, of course, but now it feels slightly disjointed. The British Government and all Governments in the European Union need to understand that.

I commend the Foreign Affairs Committee report and its findings. I reiterate my steadfast support for Turkey as it continues to navigate successfully towards a bright future as part of the family of democratic nations in the European region of the world.