(2 weeks ago)
Grand CommitteeMy Lords, it is a pleasure to follow the noble Lord, Lord Davies of Brixton, and speak to this stand part notice, also signed by the noble Lord, Lord Sikka. The noble Lord, Lord Davies of Brixton, set out the question of principle about whether we allow access. I will make a couple of practical arguments and one point of comparison.
I start with the practical arguments. I was just thinking back to the second-ever vote that the Green Party won in either House of Parliament, which was an amendment in the name of my noble friend Lady Jones of Moulsecoomb calling for a review of rural bus services. Losing your driving licence might be an inconvenience, if you live in London—in most parts—but, if you live in the depths of the countryside, it effectively totally traps you in a situation where huge practical disadvantage will happen in your life.
It is worth noting that Clause 92 allows the disqualification of a licence for two years. I acknowledge that this is by a court—it is different to what we were talking about before—but I also acknowledge that the option of jail is available here. I am not quite sure how a court will make a judgment—if it is a really serious offence, where will you place those issues? My comparative point is to note that, back in 2023, the then national lead for the police for fatal crash investigations, Andy Cox, made some very strongly worded statements about people who get 12 points on their licence. He said that too many people were using exceptional circumstances to get out of losing their licence. In fact, one in five people who end up with more than 12 points on their licence in three years succeed in pleading exceptional hardship and therefore do not their licence and can continue to drive.
The really important point here is that, as the national lead for fatal crash investigations pointed out, some people in that situation go on to kill on the roads. We have a situation where people who are driving dangerously and illegally are able to keep their licences, which is quite a contrast to people who have not been accused of doing anything wrong on the roads but may potentially be suffering from that penalty.
Again, we are talking about something that is potentially hitting recipients of benefits, and I rather suspect that a lot of those people who manage to plead exceptional hardship in court, and keep driving with 12 points on their licence, have a fair amount of privilege in their life and can employ fairly expensive lawyers to keep driving. There is a real imbalance there, which should be cause for concern to the Committee.
My Lords, I oppose the proposition that Clause 92 and Schedule 6 should not stand part of the Bill. Clause 92 provides for disqualification from driving to be a sanction that is available in the most serious and persistent cases of benefit fraud, where a recoverable amount remains unpaid despite all reasonable efforts at recovery.
I do not wish to step on the Minister’s toes by speaking in defence of this provision. Perhaps I should anticipate another speech that she will be making—we will probably be in broad agreement. However, we must be clear that this is not about punishing people arbitrarily but about ensuring that there is an effective deterrent against repeated and deliberate non-compliance with efforts to recover public money. We have a precedent for this, as we noted at Second Reading. The same mechanism exists in the child maintenance enforcement regime. We have learned from that experience that deterrents do work—or we think that they work. I will return to that in a moment. Fewer than five driving licences were seized under those powers, because the power to impose a disqualification was sufficient to prompt compliance. It was a last resort that rarely had to be used, precisely because it was effective in changing behaviour before reaching that point.
In the spirit of trying to be helpful to the Government here, what evidence can be produced that the threat of taking away a driving licence is indeed a deterrent? One statistic could be the number of cases of non-payment from those people whom we know have the ability to repay unlawfully gained moneys but who resolutely refuse to do so and are on the cusp of having their licences taken away. To ascertain the numbers that may have miraculously fallen at this point is one way of defining whether the deterrent has worked. One might assume that any numerical drop in non-paying numbers immediately before a licence withdrawal defines that deterrent. I listened carefully to the remarks from the noble Baroness, Lady Bennett. Perhaps the fall could be seen to be larger in rural areas, as the deterrent would be more significant there than in urban areas. The Minister may be able to enlighten us on this or add that to a letter that hopefully will be coming our way.
This is about proportionate enforcement. Clause 92 does not create a routine sanction. It does not apply automatically. It is not triggered for minor mistakes or for those who are acting in good faith. It exists as a targeted and time-limited measure, for use only when all other routes have been exhausted and when the liable person is wilfully refusing to repay money, which—let us not forget—has been obtained unlawfully.
Some may argue that disqualification from driving is a severe consequence—the noble Baroness, Lady Bennett, has made that point. However, we must weigh that against the seriousness of fraud against the public purse. This money could have been used to fund front-line services, support the vulnerable or maintain trust in the welfare system. Those who persistently abuse the system must know that there are consequences for their actions, which will be followed through. This clause provides one such consequence that is proportionate but effective.
We have been consistent throughout Committee in saying that enforcement must be fair but credible. If the consequence of not repaying fraudulently obtained benefits is no more than a polite letter and no meaningful follow-up, then we send entirely the wrong message. Clause 92 helps to restore that balance. It does not criminalise poverty or target vulnerable people. It sets out a power that, in exceptional cases, can be used to bring about compliance when other tools have failed. I therefore oppose the removal of Clause 92 and Schedule 6 and urge colleagues to do the same. I am interested to hear the remarks of the Minister.