Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill

Debate between Baroness Blake of Leeds and Lord Falconer of Thoroton
Baroness Blake of Leeds Portrait Baroness Blake of Leeds (Lab)
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I repeat that I am happy to write to noble Lords further on this point. I do not think that Members are going to move away from this point, so I am very happy to do that.

The noble Lord, Lord Gove, asked whether the assisted dying help service could be set up through statutory instrument, and I am happy to write to him to clarify that point. I will write to the noble Baroness, Lady Finlay, on the point of the constitution. That is the most straightforward way to deal with this.

With the undertaking that the Government will write on the points that have not been addressed, I hope noble Lords will understand that, on the areas that I have not raised, we cannot confirm that the amendments are workable. That is the point I must make. With those comments, I hope that the noble Lord will withdraw his amendment.

Lord Falconer of Thoroton Portrait Lord Falconer of Thoroton (Lab)
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I thank everybody who has contributed to this debate, in particular my noble friend Lady Blake, who ended up caught up in the eye of a storm that was not of her own making. I very much sympathise with her. I thank the noble Lord, Lord Kamall, for his mature and helpful interventions.

The amendments from the noble Lord, Lord Birt, would, as he said, effectively do three things. First, they would introduce a new organisation called the assisted dying help service that would be responsible for providing both the judgment and the navigation through the process of assisted dying. Secondly, they would give the assisted dying help service specific power and a timeline that is much shorter and more flexible than the one in the existing Bill. Thirdly, the noble Lord insisted that the commissioner not give guidance, provide leadership, collect information and make assessments as to what is going on. Instead, the commissioner would be solely a regulator, without monitoring and other functions.

As I have indicated, I do not support those amendments. In relation to the key point, the safeguards in the Bill at the moment, as the noble Lord indicated, consist of three doctors, including the preliminary doctor, the panel, the periods of reflection and the doctor who gives the assistance at the end having to be satisfied that all the requirements are still in place and operative. That structure is the one we support, and we stick by it, because we think it provides a safeguard. We are not in favour of changing that.

Separately, in relation to the assisted dying help service, I am strongly in favour of the basic principle outlined by Stephen Kinnock, when he gave evidence to the Lords Committee, and of the points made by the noble Lord, Lord Markham, and my noble friend Lady Blake. The Bill gives the Secretary of State the power to determine how it should be delivered. I accept that Clause 41, which was criticised by the deregulation committee in this House for being too vague, needs more detail. I said that I would come forward with more detail, so let me indicate what sort of detail, because people have indicated that they want that. I particularly isolate the noble Lord, Lord Goodman, whose speech was effective in that respect.

It will name as the possible commissioners ICBs, the National Health Service England—which I appreciate is itself in a terminal condition and will shortly be abolished, but it has to be kept there—or the Secretary of State. Picking up the regulation point, it will specify that the services will have to be regulated by either NHSE or the CQC. It will specifically impose duties that currently reside with the NHS commissioners on the people who can make the commission. It will indicate the principles that the Secretary of State has to provide in doing the commissioning and it will limit the Henry VIII power in Clause 41(6), which is currently very wide and, as the deregulation committee said, needs to be limited. We will make considerable progress on that. I apologise for that not being available at the moment, but there are a number of amendments to be dealt with. I hope that is helpful. That deals with the essence of the points that have been made.

The points made by the noble Lord, Lord Harper, and the noble Baroness, Lady Coffey, were in effect about the problems with the amendment from the noble Lord, Lord Birt. Because I do not support that amendment, it would be otiose and time wasting for me to go through them.

I will deal with two other points: how much it is going to cost and where it is going to come from. There is an impact assessment that, as the noble Lord, Lord Markham, said, suggests that in year 10 the annual cost will be something under £30 million. It is ridiculous to suggest where that money is going to come from in 10 years. The noble Lord, Lord Deben, says that we need to know where the money is going to come from and how much it is going to cost.

The noble Baroness, Lady Grey-Thompson, says that maybe the money will come from somewhere else. The noble Baroness criticises the impact assessment because she says it is based on Oregon, not on greater experience. If the Government take the view that they cannot rely on the impact assessment for the points that she makes—it is not a promoter view; it is a government view—then no doubt the Government will have to make a decision about whether they need a new impact assessment. For my part, the impact assessment looks careful and rigorous. When we make the decision about assisted dying, we know how much it will cost on the basis of the impact assessment. We have to make a decision as a Parliament as to whether, in the light of that cost, we think it should go ahead. It is true to say that it is a very small part—a tiny part—of the total budget for the NHS.