(2 days, 22 hours ago)
Grand CommitteeMy Lords, we welcome these regulations, which seek to establish a necessary legal framework for the public disclosure of protected carbon storage information and samples. These are crucial steps towards fostering a transparent culture in the UK’s nascent carbon capture, usage and storage—CCUS—industry. As has been said by others, CCUS is essential for the UK to meet its net-zero carbon targets and budgets—particularly as set out by the Climate Change Committee—and the sector is projected to support up to 50,000 jobs and significant future economic growth. As has also been pointed out, the UK’s continental shelf is estimated to hold up to 78 billion tonnes of theoretical CO2 storage capacity, so this is essential in helping us meet these targets and creating the green jobs and growth of the future.
We support the principles of transparency set out in Parts 2 to 4 of the regulations, which govern the storage data obtained by the OGA, operating as the North Sea Transition Authority—the NSTA. We welcome the approach, as set out, of clarifying data based on levels of commercial sensitivity; this is sensible and pragmatic. We also welcome the decision that non-commercially sensitive items will be published straightaway. For more sensitive material, the NSTA has established clear and time-limited protection periods before disclosure. For example, detailed well information, protected carbon storage samples and computerised model information may generally be disclosed, but only after a period of two years. These two years are designed to protect licensees with sufficient exclusivity for the data they have paid to acquire.
On the regulations that relate specifically to the two-year period for the disclosure of computerised model information—relating specifically to the creation of CO2 storage models that stimulate flows of fluids in storage complexes—the NSTA has acknowledged the need for further detailed consultation. Does the Minister know when those further consultations might be completed?
Other data is classified as highly sensitive, particularly in relation to storage resource information, quality of CO2 that could be stored and substrate geology—that kind of thing. I note that the NSTA provides the ability, but not the obligation, to disclose protected material, so licensees will have an opportunity to make representations concerning the delay or withholding of disclosure. That protective mechanism is important, and I recognise the need for it in the regulations, but I simply ask the Minister: what is the minimum timeframe for representations that the NSTA will guarantee to licensees before commercially sensitive protected material is disclosed?
We generally welcome these regulations and think that they are crucial for the development of this sector. This instrument is crucial for safety and for ensuring that there is a balance between the sharing of information and protecting what is commercially sensitive. We feel that, in general, the balance is in the right place here. We support these regulations as they will help underpin the successful, transparent and efficient development of the UK’s potential CCUS industry. But we urge the Government to address these essential questions of implementation, technical definition and scope, in order to ensure that the regulations achieve their full potential.
My Lords, I thank the Minister for introducing these regulations. As has been explained, these are technical measures designed to update the periods during which information relating to carbon storage licences and offshore petroleum wells remain confidential, and to ensure a more consistent and timely approach to public disclosure. We recognise the intention behind the instrument: improving the flow of information, supporting effective regulation and giving industry greater clarity and certainty.
We on these Benches recognise the importance of transparency, accuracy and timely publication of data in the offshore sector. Carbon capture and storage will continue to play an important role in meeting the UK’s future energy needs, and the North Sea will remain central to that effort for years to come. It is therefore right that the regulatory framework keeps pace with technological and operational developments and that that information is accessible and consistent across the sector.
(2 days, 22 hours ago)
Grand CommitteeMy Lords, I thank the Minister for setting out the purposes of these regulations. We welcome them, so I shall not overburden him with questions beyond those already asked by previous speakers. It is somewhat frustrating that I did not spot the error in the amendments to Regulation 56 in the current Regulation 10; I must do better. These measures represent another step towards the full regulatory framework for heat networks that consumers have waited too long to see. From January 2026, the full authorisation regime and the special administration powers are due to come into effect—a significant milestone that we welcome wholeheartedly.
As the Minister said, we must be clear about the situation facing many people with heat networks. Years of unregulated, decentralised heating have left households paying high and unpredictable costs, receiving confusing bills and unable to switch supplier or seek meaningful redress. Citizens Advice has warned that, for some, bills have doubled or even tripled, which is simply untenable.
Therefore, while we support these regulations, their success will depend entirely on effective implementation. A framework on paper is not enough; consumers need enforceable, practical protections. As the noble Baroness, Lady Bennett of Manor Castle, rightly identified, it is essential that Ofgem is fully prepared and properly resourced to take on its new responsibilities from 27 January. It must be able to intervene when prices are unfair, when service standards fall short and when vulnerable households are at risk of disconnection. Clear complaints processes must be in place, and operators must be held to account. Like the noble Earl, Lord Russell, I would be grateful if the Minister can provide assurances today that Ofgem will be ready from day one, with no gaps or uncertainty for existing heat networks customers.
The introduction of a special administrative regime is similarly welcome. But, again, the test will be in its delivery. Consumers must have confidence that, should a provider fail, essential heating will continue uninterrupted, particularly for households in the winter months. The demand and use of heat networks will continue to play an increasingly important role in our energy system, and it is vital that this regulatory framework is implemented swiftly and effectively. Consumers must be able to rely on heat that is affordable, transparent and properly overseen. Without that assurance, the sector will not expand at the scale required.
These regulations take us closer to a regime that commands consumer confidence; the task now is to ensure that the protections set out in the Energy Act are delivered in practice for the half a million households that depend on these networks.
I thank noble Lords for their valuable contributions to this debate. A number of them go to the heart of why we are doing what we are doing today: the question of the state of many of the older heat networks that exist in this country. They are very far from the sorts of standards that we would expect to bring forward in new heat networks, and they have often operated with very sub-optimal arrangements for many years, to the considerable detriment of customers.
Therefore, the regulatory regime that we are introducing should give an enormous amount of succour to those who have suffered under those heat networks over a long period. As mentioned by the noble Baroness, Lady Bennett, there are heat networks from the 1960s and the 1970s which simply have not updated what they do, and they will be held accountable for what they do in these networks by the new regime under Ofgem. Ofgem can introduce fines for the systems if they are found wanting and, as a measure of last resort, can ensure that those networks are transferred to the running of another organisation entirely.
The noble Baroness, Lady Bennett, also mentioned the report encompassing a number of these issues from Citizens Advice, and that is why its work as a consumer champion is so important. I can assure the noble Baroness that Ofgem will be ready for regulatory commitments. It has raised no questions about its capacity to introduce these regulations and to make sure that they work to maximum capacity from day one. Ofgem will, however, take action such as collecting pricing data and various other things to refine how the regulations may work over the early period of their operation.
I can assure the noble Baroness, Lady Bloomfield, and the noble Earl, Lord Russell, and all the noble Lords who raised concerns, that Ofgem will therefore be ready for regulatory commencement. Ofgem will be publishing what methodology will be used to determine reasonable pricing. This has recently been consulted on by Ofgem. However, the exact benchmark of what is considered fair pricing will not be published first, so that heat networks do not move their prices to the top of that benchmark.
Overall, therefore, I assure noble Lords that the scheme will work to the best of its design and ability from the word go and will properly encompass all the many and varied types of heat network we have in operation, with a view to bringing them all up to the same standard, rather than down to the same standard, for the future. Indeed, the instrument simply builds on previous regulations by introducing amendments that will expand the authorisation regime that Ofgem will implement. We have also heard mention of deemed contracts, which will be in place to ensure that the rights of households and their supply of heat are protected, even when there is no formal contract in place.
I am sure noble Lords will want to join me in thanking the District Energy Association heat authority, which tried to put a voluntary system into operation to secure compliance and uprating of systems. That has worked for 10 years. In itself, it has worked very well, but it encompasses only part of the heat network arena. This will cover everybody, so it will be a great step forward in that respect.
On the question of consultation, I understand that the four public consultations that have already taken place, dating back to February 2020, have informed the regulations, but the detailed Ofgem authorisation conditions and associated guidance are still being consulted on and will certainly be published before the authorisation regime commences on 27 January.
In conclusion, I consider that these regulations, which will include the most vulnerable, will now make sure that pretty much everybody enjoys statutory protections. Heat networks are indeed the future, and we must do everything we can to support their growth and instil confidence in that growth as it takes place. Sound and proportionate regulation is therefore central to delivering this and I beg to move.
(1 week ago)
Lords ChamberWe did that because the conclusion of a contract for 2027-31 ensures that Drax continues to produce a very large amount of energy, which is very important for the country; that it does so under enhanced sustainability requirements; and that it moves from being a baseline producer to a dispatchable producer, with a top level of 27% of output within that contract. There is also the implied understanding that the contract will pave the way towards moving to CCS on the back of the contract, making Drax a net-negative producer in the long term.
My Lords, in 2021, Drax was axed from the S&P green bond index over doubts that its practices were carbon neutral. That decision seemed to be endorsed by that famous “Panorama” programme. I bow to the noble Baroness, Lady Jones of Moulsecoomb, for her detailed knowledge of forestry, but it appears that Drax has been importing wood pellets from old-growth forests, even before accounting for the emissions caused by transporting the biomass here from abroad. Given that this is patently not a green company, does the Minister agree that the subsidies for 27% of Drax’s generation capacity are unwarranted and should be withdrawn? Further, if Drax is found to be non-compliant and closes down, does he also agree that the land and extensive grid connections could be better used in the Government’s SMR programme?
No, I do not agree that the various connections relating to Drax could be better used for an SMR programme, because of the particular location of Drax within the cluster in the north-east of the country, which is particularly important for carbon capture and storage, and, indeed, hydrogen. Drax plays a part in that process in that area. The noble Baroness perhaps ought to read the report that is before us very carefully, because it does not actually say that Drax has sourced old-forest timber. Timber is sourced from third parties, goes into the Drax pellet facility, and may or may not to Drax’s knowledge include old-forest material—which, by the way, is outlawed by the Government of British Columbia. There are a number of questions to answer, but not necessarily for Drax. There are a number of people who perhaps have questions to answer as well.
(1 week, 1 day ago)
Lords ChamberNo. The particular circumstance surrounding the TFFF itself, as I am sure the noble Lord will be aware, was one of intense UK participation in the setting up of the TFFF. As the noble Lord mentions, we consider it to be an essential and significant initiative as far as the future of forests and biodiversity is concerned across the world. That is why we put so much effort into getting this off the ground and support the continued funding for the operationalisation of that fund. It is just that, at that particular moment, we were not able to produce some additional funding for the TFFF initiative. We very much welcome that other countries have initially put some in. As I have mentioned, it does not mean that the issue is gone and forgotten; it is under continuous review for the future.
My Lords, this might as well have been considered a Defra Question, so I offer my sympathies to the Minister. But here we are, and I am always grateful to be able to ask a DESNZ question, my first to the new Minister. In the COP 30 Statement repeat last week and his initial response today, the Minister did not rule out contributing to the TFFF fund in the future. He may not have had the opportunity to read the letter entitled “Nuclear necessities” in yesterday’s Times, signed by 14 senior academics and luminaries in that industry. Given our country’s current economic situation and the need for large capital investment to meet the Government’s own green targets, can the Minister now rule out funding the TFFF and instead guarantee that future funding will, as the letter requests, prioritise re-establishing our critical domestic infrastructure, perhaps including a medical isotopes reactor and a thermal hydraulics facility—preferably in north Wales?
I very much welcome the noble Baroness to her new position on the Front Bench opposite, and I hope we will have constructive discussions in the future. She underlines the question of the different priorities that are ahead of us at the moment in terms of where to put money at particular junctures. I must admit that I am not a habitual reader of the Times, so the noble Baroness is one step ahead of me there, but I will have a good look at that letter. What she says underlines that at the moment this country has a huge number of sometimes not always well-anticipated demands on our funding—nuclear is one of them, and obviously defence is another—and that clearly has an effect on where you put money at particular points, however much your heart tells you that you would like to do so.
(6 months, 3 weeks ago)
Grand CommitteeMy Lords, noble Lords will know that I always welcome every opportunity to talk about nuclear power in all its forms. I echo the appreciation by the noble Lord, Lord Wigley, of the Minister’s support for the nuclear industry. Of course, I endorse all the comments of the noble Lord, Lord Wigley, about the obvious opportunities for nuclear power generation in Wylfa and Trawsfynydd in north-west Wales. I hope that this Government will work closely with their colleagues in Cardiff Bay to bring these projects about as speedily as possible.
It has also been good to welcome a new voice on these Benches. My noble friend Lady Maclean of Redditch will certainly prove to be an enthusiastic Member of the House, as evidenced by her barnstorming maiden speech.
The importance of nuclear energy in securing the UK’s future cannot be overstated. It is essential for energy independence, affordability and achieving our climate goals. We must adopt a diverse and balanced energy mix, one that is secure, sustainable and capable of providing affordable, reliable power for generations to come. In this mix, nuclear power plays an indispensable role. It is clean, reliable and can provide the baseload power necessary to complement intermittent renewables such as wind and solar.
The updated national policy statement, EN-7, represents a welcome and crucial step forward in the UK’s energy strategy. It is vital that the future of the UK’s energy generation is guided by a long-term vision grounded in a pragmatic understanding of what the future requires. Nuclear energy is central to that vision.
Of course, we must be mindful that innovation in nuclear technology comes with challenges. The development of SMRs and AMRs requires significant investment, careful regulation and rigorous safety standards. To an extent, the statement acknowledges some of these concerns and I welcome the Government’s commitment to ensuring the highest safety standards. Nuclear power has long been one of the safest and most secure energy sources available, and it will continue to be so with the right regulatory framework in place.
Here I stress that it would be enormously helpful if regulation between the international regulatory authorities could be aligned, as the Minister suggested it might be, thereby cutting down the expensive and time-consuming duplication of processes.
Energy security is one of the most pressing challenges of our time and nuclear energy will play a pivotal role in tackling this reality. The geopolitics of 2025 mean that energy is no longer just an industrial policy but at the very heart of national defence. The UK now imports 70% of its gas, largely from Norway and the USA. Additionally, 20% of peak UK gas comes through the pipeline between Norway and the UK.
Despite this, to achieve the Government’s clean power 2030 target, we are shutting down our domestic production of oil and gas, which supports an entire sector of jobs, brings tax revenue to the Exchequer and encompasses part of that 72% of hydrocarbons which we still rely on and will continue to rely on through the necessary transition period. It is particularly concerning that industry bodies, particularly Energy UK, have questioned whether the Government’s focus on clean power by 2030 could actually divert resources away from nuclear projects in the short term.
The UK completely removed all coal-fired power in 2024. It was largely replaced by both gas and naturally unreliable renewables. Relying on any one technology makes an electricity grid less resilient. However, nuclear power is zero carbon and will be integral in stabilising the grid when so much electricity comes from intermittent renewables. Even the former Prime Minister Tony Blair has argued that:
“Nuclear power is going to be an essential part of the answer”
to net zero. Writing in the foreword of a report by his think tank, the Tony Blair Institute, he rightly acknowledges that small modular nuclear reactors, nuclear fusion and other advanced technologies can help lower the emissions of the electricity sector.
So we welcome the updated EN-7, which emphasises the development of SMRs and AMRs alongside traditional gigawatt-scale nuclear plants. SMRs, in particular, offer significant benefits such as smaller footprints, lower costs and faster construction, making nuclear power viable in areas where large-scale plants are impractical. As the Minister stated, AMR technologies offer the potential to co-locate safely alongside data centres and heavy industrial users of power, such as the Port Talbot steelworks, providing dedicated power outside the grid.
We can also look towards nuclear power’s capabilities in meeting the UK’s ambitious sustainable aviation fuel mandate. This requires 22% of sustainable aviation fuel use in total jet fuel demand by 2040. This must not be overlooked: unlike intermittent renewable sources, nuclear power provides the steady, reliable energy supply demanded by large-scale SAF production. I hope the Minister recognises that significant investment is required to ensure the scalability and sustainability of nuclear energy in this sector.
By supporting nuclear innovation, we can position the UK as a global hub for nuclear expertise and technology, attracting investment from around the world. This is not merely about energy; it is about securing the UK’s future growth and prosperity. It is about ensuring that Britain remains a leader in high-tech industries, while creating jobs and fostering growth in communities across the nation—particularly those left-behind communities in the Midlands, Wales and the north-east. A strong, homegrown nuclear sector is central to achieving this.
We must also acknowledge the UK’s role as a global leader in nuclear innovation. Many of these advanced reactor designs are being developed right here in Britain. With the support of EN-7, we can strengthen the UK’s nuclear sector, positioning the country as a world leader in nuclear energy, but may I first make a few suggestions to the Government?
NESO needs to prioritise the siting work for advanced nuclear technologies. Sites identified as having potential must be reserved as strategic national assets now. Many of these could be currently designated as brownfield, such as those being identified in the Midlands near water and transmission lines; they must not be covered over by houses or solar farms for short-term gain.
The Government need to share the heavy lifting on the production of the appraisal of sustainability. Having to evaluate all possible alternative sites and flood protection for the entire life of the project is an onerous burden for developers, as highlighted by my noble friend Lady Coffey. The Minister will know that I have concerns about the method of gaining community support. While this is important in general terms, as the noble Lord, Lord Ravensdale, outlined, endless contact between developers and communities with potential sites could become counterproductive—unless they are in Wylfa or Trawsfynydd, perhaps. Lastly, the Government should ensure that the Committee for Climate Change has a nuclear advocate—it has long been missing from its mix.
To conclude, the updated EN-7 represents a positive step towards a cleaner, more secure and more prosperous energy future for the UK. By embracing nuclear energy, we can achieve energy independence, stabilise our grid, reduce emissions and create economic opportunities across the country. Finally, I very much look forward to the end of spring—in six weeks’ time—as, I am sure, does the Minister.
My Lords, the noble Baroness, Lady Bloomfield, is very experienced and knows that departmental spring is not entirely consistent with meteorological science. I very much take the point, however, that we all want to see a final investment decision on Sizewell C—except the noble Lord, Lord Howell—and great progress on the SMR programme.
This has been a really interesting debate, and I just make it clear that the contributions that noble Lords have made today will be fed into the consideration of our final version of EN-7. In a sense, the debate does not finish here; we will make sure that the contributions are considered very carefully by officials before we receive final advice on the contents.
I congratulate the noble Baroness, Lady Maclean, on a very lively, excellent maiden speech. We look forward to her future contributions. She will discover that the West Midlands is not overrepresented in your Lordships’ House, so it is very good to see her here. I did not know about Redditch tights—I now know—but I do know about the potential of Redditch. I also share her view about the need to encourage the aspirations of young people in Redditch, and I know about the work being done on the educational system there to try to improve aspirations, including through access to higher and further education.
This debate has been very encouraging. When I last had this job in 2008 to 2010, there was much more of a mixed view, inside and outside Parliament, about the role of nuclear. There has been a huge change in attitudes and in support for nuclear. We know that from the regular polling that my department has done on public attitude following Putin’s invasion of Ukraine. Among experts and political parties, there is generally now a baseload of support for nuclear, which is really encouraging. Given the long lead times of investment decisions and build for nuclear, having stability for the companies that wish to take this forward is absolutely crucial, as it is in terms of building a UK supply chain. This kind of debate is therefore very encouraging in that respect.
I know that the noble Lord, Lord Howell, was disappointed with EN-7. On future demand, there is clearly a range of estimates for what we need based on assumptions including the extent of electrification, the role of hydrogen and the growth of artificial intelligence. I assure him that we are not wedded to a single estimate, but we clearly have to flex the supply of electricity generation according to how we go forward in relation to the future.
On EN-7 and his argument that it insufficiently mentions SMRs, we believe that EN-7 caters to SMRs throughout. We do not refer to broad categories such as SMRs as planning decisions will reflect the facts of each set of plans rather than what they are called. The different characteristics of SMRs are addressed, particularly when it refers to phased development and cooling, where we recognise that different stations may be cooled in completely different ways.
The noble Lord, Lord Howell, made a number of remarks about Sizewell C that I do not think other noble Lords agree with. I know that he thinks that the replication of Sizewell C in relation to Hinkley Point will not lead to improvements in productivity, but I point him to the improvement in productivity between unit one of Hinkley Point C and unit two. To be fair, we know that Hinkley Point C has had many challenges, and clearly we are all anxious to see further progress made, but it has made progress. There is no doubt that it has learned about how to build on a huge site using the modular approach in many ways. I am convinced that Sizewell C will benefit hugely from it. Pulling the plug on Sizewell C and saying that we will put all our eggs in the SMR basket would be greeted with consternation within the industry. That is not the way to go forward.
I agree with the noble Baroness, Lady Coffey, about the RAB model. That was an important consideration. I was interested in what she had to say about the coalition agreement in 2010, and I still remember the decision made to withdraw support from Sheffield Forgemasters in 2010, which I think was a big mistake. I pay tribute to Sheffield Forgemasters, the work it is now doing and its potential.
On the financing of SMRs, there are plenty of companies which are knocking on our doors saying, “Just give us the green light. We can develop all this. We do not need any public money”. Allow me to be a little sceptical, particularly when it comes to first-of-a-kind development. Coming back to the comments of the noble Baroness, Lady Maclean, about the share of GDP spent on public finances, et cetera, nuclear is one of those areas where you need public and private partnership. Of course we will develop our policies over the next few months, in particular in relation to advanced modular reactors, and look at the best way we can encourage private finance, because clearly we need the private sector to finance the development of AMRs in future. However, at the moment, and we have seen this with Sizewell C, public finance will be involved with the development of SMRs. Public finance is involved.
Clearly noble Lords are impatient for us to get to the end of the current programmes. We have basically inherited GBN’s assessment of SMRs. We cannot intervene now. It is working as hard as it possibly can to get decisions to government very quickly. Of course it is then tied into the spending review process, as it has to be, but the spending review outcomes are going to be known within a very short space of time. I do not accept that we are at risk of falling behind. I know from various discussions that I have had with other countries that there is huge interest in the GBN process. I hope that at the end of the process we will have a decision that will enable us to go forward with confidence and with the huge opportunity of developing a UK supply chain.
On the various contributions of the noble Lord, Lord Ravensdale, I first thank him for all the work he has done in the Midlands, showing the potential that we have in the Midlands, both east and west. He and his colleagues, uniquely, have brought the east Midlands and the West Midlands together, which as he and anyone living in the Midlands will know, is one of the greatest challenges known to men and women. Even though Brum is only a few miles away from Derby and Leicester, pulling them together is hard. He and his colleagues have done that and my department is very interested in the work that he is doing. I have already met him and I hope that he will carry on this work. It is worth saying that we already have huge assets. For instance, at the grid in Warwick, we have great skills and I am sure that we will contribute more in the future. That is probably not a departmental view, but noble Lords will know where I stand on these matters.
On community support, I very much take the point. It is an unknown quantity at the moment. With the existing sites that are listed in EN-6, we know that there was broad support in the local community for the development of new nuclear. We do not really know what the appetite will be in those areas that are new to nuclear. I take the point about the need for communications—mainly by the developers but I accept that the Government have a role. I should say that today we published our Community Benefits and Shared Ownership for Low Carbon Energy Infrastructure working paper for consultation, which may be helpful in encouraging communities to host infrastructure, receiving high-quality benefits in a consistent manner by building on existing voluntary approaches to community benefits.
On the noble Earl’s point about the Strategic Spatial Energy Plan, this will not be limited by EN-6 but will be consistent with it, as it obviously should be in EN-7. He asked about the threshold of 50 megawatts in England and 350 megawatts in Wales. This applies to planning applications, so it would naturally incorporate entire projects and entire sites. We think it unlikely that a developer would split a complex nuclear project into multiple planning applications to try to game the system. If they did, we could call in the applications and treat them as nationally significant infrastructure projects. I think that, given the scale of investment that is concerned, that is very unlikely.
I turn to the comments made by the noble Baroness, Lady Coffey, I take her point on population density. We had a lot of discussions about that before we published EN-7 and we are continuing to look at it in the EN-7 consultation. Any change we make has got to be broad-based and based on strong evidence. There is obviously a balance between safety, certainty of industry and public confidence. We are still considering this point. We are of course reviewing the national policy statement at least every five years and the review will give us an opportunity to revisit this as evidence develops and we gain experience of community attitudes in, say, urban populations, which we do not really know at the moment.
A very important point was made about water. EN-1 requires applicants to consider water quality and resources in detail, covering both construction and operation. Obviously, they need to engage early with the Environment Agency and water companies, but it is a substantive point. Of course, we have the more general issue of the need to build reservoirs, and I am well aware of some the discussions taking place about this at the moment.
My judgment on Sellafield, having revisited it after a gap of 14 years, is that it has made considerable progress. There is a long way to go, but I pay tribute to the work that is being done, the current leadership at Sellafield and the good relationships it has with the workforce. My judgment is that we need to see Sellafield as part of the future rather than just a legacy of the past. The skills developed at Sellafield—and, generally, in nuclear decommissioning—contribute to the industry as a whole. Confidence in the future and new nuclear depends on our being seen to deal with waste and decommissioning as effectively as possible.
We did not know that the noble Lord, Lord Wigley, was such an expert and had such experience. His constructive approach to new nuclear in north Wales is very much appreciated. He has made the point to me, and I very much accept it. He will know that Wylfa offers many attributes; that is why it is listed in EN-6. I also understand the issue about Trawsfynydd and isotope production. Isotopes are a matter for my colleagues in the Department of Health, and I encourage the noble Lord to talk to them about that.
I visited Wylfa in 2009 and met many people in the workforce there. At that point, they were very keen to see nuclear development continue. It is a matter of great regret that the Horizon project fell apart, but we certainly consider Wylfa to be a site that offers many attributes.
On the issue of the sites listed in EN-6 that missed out, we are saying, in essence, that we have those sites and they continue to have much to offer, but we want a more flexible siting to allow more areas to come in. Before this was published, I was very keen not to suggest that, suddenly, the sites we listed in EN-6 were being overlooked, because they are not. Clearly, they offer many advantages.
My noble friend Lord Browne made a number of important contributions. On Scotland, it is interesting that, between 2004 and 2021, nuclear energy accounted for 25% to 43% of annual electricity generation. Scotland has this hugely rich heritage, and it is a tragedy that, at the moment, we cannot see new nuclear developments in that country. Let us hope that we see a change.
My noble friend’s remarks on the COP declaration on nuclear energy—on the risk of proliferation and the security issues that arise—were very important. The COP declaration itself and the addition of a number of countries—which, as he mentioned, was announced in the previous COP—are to be encouraged.
We are strong supporters of the International Atomic Energy Agency, which has such a vital role to play on nuclear deproliferation. Its work in Ukraine over the past year or two has been amazing and the people involved in that deserve great credit. The UK is one of its strongest supporters and is acknowledged as such. I have had a series of meetings with the agency to talk about these matters.
I totally agree with my noble friend about the UK’s potential with the SMR programme globally. I know that we need to make progress quickly, but we have not missed, and will not miss, the boat. We have a great opportunity.
I very much take the point made by the noble Earl, Lord Russell, about the energy needs of AI, which will make huge electricity demands but can make great contributions to improving our energy efficiency and the efficiency of the whole energy sector. We want AI to be linked to decarbonised energy. That is what is so exciting about what is happening in the US and the support that companies such as Amazon are giving to AI centres linked to nuclear power stations. We are looking at that carefully. Over the next few months, we want to work to ensure we have policies that make it as easy as possible for these to be developed using funding from private finance. The noble Earl asked me a question about one or two SMRs. He does not really expect me to be in a position to answer that. We will just have to be patient at this point.
Geological disposal is important, of course. EN-7 makes a number of points about waste, its importance and how it needs to be factored into the developers’ considerations and applications. I cannot give timelines on geological disposal. The noble Earl will understand that the Lincolnshire position is difficult at the moment, and we are not absolutely certain about where we are going with that. Clearly, the long-term future in relation to waste is geological disposal, but interim storage is of the highest quality and can assure safety. It fits into the general position. I cannot comment on the CNC role and security issues. All I will say is that security at our existing sites and new sites is crucial.
I fear I am going over my time, but I must refer to the important contribution by the noble Baroness, Lady Bloomfield. We are totally agreed on the importance of nuclear energy and safety standards. Let me reassure her that our review of the regulatory system will not put safety at risk. I will make just one point about international collaboration. Surely we can do more to share knowledge and information. If in the US, for instance, a technology has been given approval, there must be ways in which we can have reciprocity. I am convinced of that. In relation to the collaboration between regulators, we need to do much more. A comment was made earlier about the roles of Natural England and the Environment Agency. We have to ensure that these regulators work together and in a timely way.
Perhaps I can pass on oil and gas, as we have debated that many times, but nuclear innovation is very important. The Prime Minister’s visit to the UK National Nuclear Laboratory in Springfields only a couple of months ago was a signal of the Prime Minister’s support for nuclear and our innovation.
I am sorry that I have taken so long, but this has been a really interesting debate. The contributions of noble Lords have been very helpful. They will be carefully considered by my officials before advice is given to Ministers.
I apologise to the Committee. I should have started my speech by drawing attention to my registered interests. I still have a small legacy involvement with a Canadian nuclear company.
(7 months, 1 week ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, Mighty Oak was a successful programme to test plans for full electricity restoration in the event of a national power outage. It was very successful and generated a number of learning points, and we now have a strong governance framework for oversight of the implementation of those recommendations. That work will also feed into the resilience review that my right honourable friend the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster announced in July 2024.
I assure my noble friend that there is absolutely no complacency whatever, and nor is there any in relation to the energy security system and cybersecurity threats he referred to. It is certainly a key priority for the Government. We work closely with the National Protective Security Authority and the National Cyber Security Centre and we are certainly not complacent on this.
My Lords, I can reassure the noble Earl, Lord Russell, that I do not wish to denigrate the contribution of renewables but, with the increasing electrification of heating and transport, can the Minister explain how the grid can remain resilient without more reliable baseload power, such as that provided by nuclear?
My Lords, I agree with the noble Baroness that the baseload that nuclear provides is very important indeed. She knows that we are rapidly approaching the final investment decision on Sizewell C, and the conclusion of the current work of Great British Nuclear in relation to small modular reactors. We are very keen to see the contribution of nuclear recognised. I agree with her that it provides an essential baseload to the system.
(7 months, 2 weeks ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I agree with the last statement by the noble Lord, but I do not agree with what he said. The Government are very focused on development of new nuclear. He knows that, in relation to small modular reactors, we have a process by Great British Nuclear, which is going through a detailed series of negotiations, with final decisions to be made over the next few weeks. We were bequeathed that process by the Government that the noble Lord supported. His party did not open a single nuclear power station. I can tell him that, as far as SMRs are concerned, I have been to many fora discussing this with companies. They are clearly awaiting the outcome of the GBN process, and we will make progress following that.
My Lords, I welcome the Question from the noble Lord, Lord Jones of Penybont. The Minister needs absolutely no reminder from me of how important Wylfa is to the people and economy of north Wales, but, since the Government’s own calculations say that the delay is costing £90 million a year in lost revenues and lost opportunities in the supply chain and others, can he tell me what steps the Government are taking to prevent further delays at Wylfa?
My Lords, I think I have said that we will set out our future ambition for plans in due course. We have focused very much on getting Sizewell C over the line, and we hope a final investment decision will be made over the next few weeks. We have the SMR programme, we are very keen to see the development of AMRs as well, and we will set out our ambitions in due course. But there is no question about our commitment to taking this forward; we took the decision in 2007 to go back to nuclear. What is so disappointing is that the last Government had 14—it is all very well for noble Lords to shake their heads, complaining about what I am saying. They do not want to hear the facts. They had 14 years to sort this out, and they did not.
(8 months, 3 weeks ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I thank the noble Lord, Lord Hunt, for introducing this SI. I will concentrate most of my remarks on the details of the SI before us rather than the amendment in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Hoey.
Before I do that, I turn to the reasons for the regret amendment. Once again, the strength of feeling on these matters is clear to see, as shown by the speakers on various sides of the House. We on these Benches supported the Windsor Framework as a means of moving on from the stalemate following Brexit, but it is far from perfect and there clearly remain real and legitimate concerns about the lack of parliamentary oversight on these matters and the impact that Brexit itself and the Windsor Framework are having on businesses in Northern Ireland.
It is strange that the Government chose not to consult Northern Ireland on this SI. Given its political sensitivity, it would surely always be better to have consulted. I note that there is no legal duty to hold the consultation as the instrument does not make any substantial changes, but I view consultation with Northern Irish authorities as a different class of consultation and more a matter of common courtesy.
I note that the full impact assessment has not been produced. The Explanatory Memorandum says that the changes brought in
“are expected to have no significant direct or no significant indirect, impact on business, charities or voluntary bodies”.
As part of the reset in our relationship with the EU, I hope the Government will review the oversight mechanisms for how they consult the relevant sectors in Northern Ireland. I would welcome a response from the Minister on this point.
I turn to the tabling of the amendment. I must say, although it is absolutely the noble Baroness’s right to table her amendment, that it is hard to see, in my mind at least, that this SI justifies it. Everything that she may wish to say in the main Chamber could have been spoken just as clearly in the Prince’s Chamber at a more convenient time for everyone involved.
The SI itself will ensure that the latest EU rules on product-specific ecodesign and energy labelling automatically apply to Northern Ireland and can be enforced there, as required by the Windsor Framework. The new rules are updating previous Northern Ireland regulations from 2010 and 2011. The new regulations seek to ensure that household and some office items, such as tumble dryers, have a standby mode, and that for other items, such as mobile phones or tablet computers, consumers can acquire some spare parts.
The Government rightly argue that these regulations will bring benefits to Northern Ireland’s residents as they will save money on reduced electricity usage and be able to repair mobile devices if they break, saving the need to buy again from new. If the Department for Energy and Net Zero thinks that these regulations are good for energy efficiency for the people of Northern Ireland, while I welcome the fact that the Minister wants to bring the regulations to the whole of the UK, why can that not happen until March 2026? Is it possible to bring that forward? Clearly, if we could align these regulations across the whole of the UK and get these benefits for everybody, to my mind at least, that would be a good thing. There are staggered start dates for the regulations coming into force to replicate the staggered nature of the EU regulations themselves. The first will come in on 9 May 2025.
This statutory instrument has not been drawn to the special attention of the Houses by the Joint Committee on Statutory Instruments. However, the SI was noted as an instrument of interest by the Secondary Legislation Scrutiny Committee. It points out that
“while manufacturers from Great Britain (GB) selling into NI or the EU will have to meet the EU’s new product standards, the Department says that “the majority” of the products covered by this instrument will also still be compliant with GB standards”.
The committee also notes that the impact of enacting this SI is that, further forward,
“the legislation always automatically reflects the most up to date EU rules on product-specific ecodesign and energy labelling, removing the need for further secondary legislation to implement updates in UK law when the EU rules are replaced in a way that affects NI”.
The committee recommends that
“it would be helpful to also publicise future changes through a Parliamentary Statement to both Houses”.
Will the Minister respond to this suggestion? In his opening remarks, I think he talked about memorandums of understanding; if could he just clarify that point for me, it would be appreciated.
I note the Minister’s points about being on a journey on these matters. In general, we welcome these measures for ecodesign and would like to see them implemented across the UK.
My Lords, I too thank the Minister for introducing this SI, which seeks to update the existing ecodesign and energy labelling regulations for Northern Ireland in line with the Windsor Framework. These amendments ensure that Northern Ireland continues to adhere to EU rules on energy-related products, reflecting the requirements of the framework. While the Government’s intention behind this statutory instrument is understood, there are several aspects that warrant closer scrutiny and further clarification. I note the concerns of the noble Baroness, Lady Hoey, about the ramifications of these regulations on small businesses and consumers, as reiterated by other noble Lords in the House.
Before examining the impact and provisions of the current measures, we should consider the history behind them. The previous Conservative Government had a long-standing commitment to improving environmental standards while ensuring that businesses and consumers were given the tools necessary to thrive in an energy-efficient economy. When the ecodesign and energy labelling regulations 2021 were first introduced in this House, they focused on reducing carbon emissions through ensuring that products in the market met higher energy-efficiency standards. These regulations set minimum standards for products that consume energy, helping to lower energy bills for consumers and reduce the environmental impact across the economy.
In practice, products placed on the Northern Ireland market will remain subject to the EU energy-efficiency and labelling standards. These updates are designed to ensure that Northern Ireland’s product offerings continue to meet the high environmental and energy-efficiency standards set by the EU. These amendments to the ecodesign regulations seek to enhance energy efficiency by imposing stricter performance requirements on a wide variety of products, including household appliances, lighting products and electronics. Can the Minister provide further details on the specific impact these regulations will have on businesses, particularly small and medium-sized enterprises in Northern Ireland? How do the Government intend to ensure that businesses are not burdened by excessive compliance costs or administrative hurdles when adapting to these new requirements?
(10 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I refer to my entry in the Register of Members’ Interests: I am the honorary president of the Carbon Capture and Storage Association. The amendments listed in my name all relate to the same issue so, with the permission of the House, I will group them together. Their purpose is to give clarity and not to exclude vital technology
The UK is at a pivotal moment in energy transition and these amendments would update the Bill to reflect the role of CCUS and hydrogen in achieving a sustainable, reliable and low-carbon energy system. It is a very useful Bill, but it does not explicitly include these technologies in the definition of “clean energy”. Accepting these amendments would be a means for the Government of highlighting to investors and to the industry their commitment to supporting both renewable energy and low-carbon technologies in a balanced and inclusive way.
The purpose of the amendments is simply to broaden the definition of “clean energy” and ensure that GBE can support a wider range of innovations that will foster investment and partnership. That will be crucial to the UK achieving clean power targets by 2030.
In the Carbon Capture and Storage Association, which was established in 2006, we recognise that we have the commitment of the Energy Secretary and, indeed, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who speaks of CCUS often to promote the concept of clean energy. However, to reach out to the myriad companies anxious to develop CCUS, it will be necessary to be a lot more precise. There are many out there who are very keen to get in on the act, not just here but around the world.
In the Bill, “clean energy” is defined as any energy
“produced from sources other than fossil fuels”.
Our argument is that you can “clean” energy. That is what carbon capture is about: cleaning the energy that has already been applied.
Some people think that carbon capture, utilisation and storage is a new concept, but it has been around for at least 25 years. When I was an Energy Minister about 25 years ago, it was described as clean coal technology. In 2006, Dr Chapman established the Carbon Capture and Storage Association. It has grown, and the benefit to the environment has been recognised. I have been to a lot of conferences on carbon capture and storage. It is not a terribly exciting issue to most people—it is to me—but the most recent conference in November was packed out. It was held in Central Hall Westminster and the sheer scale of interest was quite dramatic. Businesses see the opportunity.
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change and the Climate Change Committee have both taken a great interest in CCUS as an integral part of limiting global temperature rises and the route to net zero. Indeed, the Climate Change Committee estimates that the UK needs to capture over 50 million tonnes of CO2 per year by 2035 to keep in line with emissions reductions.
The ambition, certainly on this side of the House, is to get to a clean power energy system by 2030, as we promised during the election. That might not be possible without carbon capture and storage. Indeed, CCUS is absolutely essential for industries such as cement. Without CO2 there is no cement industry; CO2 production is an essential part of the process of creating cement.
CO2 storage has operated for 25 years in Norway. There are now 50 operational large-scale CCUS facilities worldwide and 44 are under construction. These are countries that are out there, desperate to get in the lead. The IEA has stated that global CCUS deployment has
“tripled over the last decade”.
However, we cannot afford the delays that we have seen in the past. Yesterday, I was delighted to see that Drax can proceed with a £2 billion carbon capture upgrade at its north Yorkshire plant. It is more important to get things moving rapidly now, because there are so many businesses that are interested in carbon capture in the UK which are getting to a stage where they are wondering whether we are going to do anything about it.
Last week, the Public Accounts Committee published a report that was very sceptical about the delivery of CCS. Yes, it does not come cheap, but the much-quoted £22 billion is over 25 years; you do not have to put your hand in your pocket right now for £22 billion to pay for it. However, what we do have to watch is the pressure on the fuel bills for households; they must not carry the cost of other delays. The PAC report challenges the department more than the industry, not least on dispersed sites and the slow response to issues that we saw repeatedly with the previous Government—not helped by repeated reshuffles.
The time for CCUS is now. It will create jobs, not least for those currently in the energy industries who can bring knowledge and experience to the table. All I ask is for the Government to make clear their commitment and to get this country in the lead in cleaning up our energy systems. We will all benefit. I commend Amendments 2 to 6, 11 and 12 to the House.
My Lords, I rise to speak to Amendment 7 in the name of my noble friend Lord Offord, to which I have added my name. This modest amendment merely asks the Government to insert
“the production of nuclear energy”
at the end of Clause 3, page 2, line 18. I also pay tribute to my noble friend Lord Trenchard, who sadly is unable to be in his place today, for his Amendments 10, 33 and 36, which all focus on the nuclear sector.
The Minister for nuclear will not be surprised that I bring this back on Report. He will understand that we merely wish to ensure that nuclear energy plays its full role in our energy mix; putting it on the face of the Bill signifies the Government’s intention that it should do so. I will not repeat the arguments in full that I made at Second Reading. The Government have already acknowledged the importance of nuclear in various speeches at Nuclear Week in Parliament, and the recent announcement that the nuclear national policy statement, EN-7, is to be updated is very welcome.
By accepting this amendment, the Government can bridge the gap between their stated aspiration and its implementation. It will also send a strong signal to investors, developers and the broader energy sector that the UK is serious in its ambitions for nuclear. While we can sadly no longer aspire to claim a world first in the development of new nuclear technologies—Canada has already claimed that crown—it is not too late to be building domestic supply chains and a home-grown industry that will contribute to our own energy security. At the same time, one must of course recognise the potential for creating good-quality jobs and careers in areas such as north Wales that need them most.
Of course, the relationship between Great British Energy and Great British Nuclear remains the big unknown. If properly resourced, GBN could have been uniquely positioned to co-ordinate and drive nuclear developments across the country. It still can. It was created 18 months ago and the small modular reactor drawdown was launched in October 2023. We await the outcome of that competition and I hope that the Government will pick up the pace.
Finally, noble Lords have been silent about the equally important relationship between Great British Energy and UK Industrial Fusion Solutions or the International Atomic Energy Agency. While the STEP project at West Burton will not help the Government towards their 2030 ambitions, in the long term fusion remains the holy grail and is one sector where the UK really does lead the world. I ask the Minister to give the House a clear assurance that Great British Energy will have a role in developing our nuclear energy capability.
My Lords, Amendment 10 is a minor amendment and the noble Viscount, Lord Trenchard, has asked me to speak on it in his absence. I believe his amendment evinces frustration at the tendency of those who are averse to nuclear energy to exclude it from their definition of “clean energy”. He has therefore proposed that the Bill should state that clean energy means renewable energy, nuclear energy and energy produced from sources other than fossil fuels.
In assessing the hazards of nuclear energy, one must separate the issues of nuclear cleanliness, by which I mean the absence of nuclear pollution, from issues of nuclear safety. The latter range from concerns about the accidental spillage of radioactive materials to the risks of rare occurrences such as the accidents of Three Mile Island, Chernobyl and Fukushima.
A degree of laxity characterised the early nuclear industry, but the industry has since developed a stringent attitude towards cleanliness. The radioactive emissions of our nuclear power stations are negligible. They are a fraction of the emissions from the granite rocks of Aberdeen, and the human exposure is far less than that of a high-flying airline passenger on a scheduled flight. The industry’s attitude to cleanliness extends far beyond the question of radioactive contamination; I have seen the senior management of a nuclear power station become apoplectic at the discovery of a cigarette butt embedded in a gravel pathway.
The major accidents that I mentioned were occasioned by the meltdown of nuclear power stations embodying pressurised water reactors. They have led to a heightened emphasis on the safety of such power stations. That is evident in the design of the Hinkley C power station, where the consequences of the worst imaginable malfunctions would not extend beyond the power station itself. The same is true of the current designs of small modular reactors, which are also pressurised water reactors.
The SMRs employ a nuclear technology that is set to be replaced by fourth-generation technologies endowed with passive safety. A molten-salt reactor provides an example: in the unlikely event of a rupture of the containment vessel, the molten salt and the nuclear reagents would escape into wider containment, after which the nuclear reaction would cease and the salt would crystallise at 300 degrees Centigrade. Such reactors are fit to be employed close to industrial processes that require abundant heat and electricity. An unfortunate fact, to which I must testify, is that we are failing to support the development of such reactors. We are leaving it to others to develop the technologies that are vital for achieving our net zero ambitions.
(10 months, 2 weeks ago)
Grand CommitteeMy Lords, these regulations represent a pivotal step in securing the long-term sustainability of heat networks across Great Britain. Heat networks are central to the UK’s decarbonisation strategy, particularly in densely populated areas, and are projected to supply 18% of the nation’s heat demand by 2050. Presently, more than 500,000 households and businesses are already connected to these networks, which, as the noble Earl, Lord Russell, rightly observed, historically have operated without formal regulation.
The previous Conservative Government made notable progress in modernising this sector, investing £32 million through the heat network efficiency scheme. This funding allowed network operators to replace outdated and inefficient equipment, resulting in improved reliability and more efficient heating for consumers. Heat networks are expected to play a crucial role in reducing carbon emissions, particularly in areas where individual heating solutions are less feasible, such as, as the Minister suggested, dense urban environments.
The measures in the SI seek to establish a structure of regulation for the heat networks market designed to ensure that heat networks operate in a way that benefits the consumer. The key provisions include: the licensing of heat suppliers; stronger consumer protections; regulatory oversight from Ofgem; and performance reviews on data and reporting. Additionally, the regulations will encourage market development to foster innovation, competition and the integration of renewable energy solutions, which will be essential for meeting the UK’s climate goals. These provisions are designed to create a fairer, more transparent and consumer-friendly heat network sector, while supporting the transition to clean energy, making it a central pillar in the Government’s wider decarbonisation agenda.
Notwithstanding the comments made by the noble Earl, Lord Russell, about the lack of regulation in this market, Energy UK has acknowledged that the current level of regulation is lighter than that for gas and electricity, which is understandable given the market’s current stage and variability. However, it also recognised the need for regulation to become more robust as the market matures. While the measures to encourage investment in the sector are welcomed, Energy UK advocates for further efforts to promote wider connections to heat networks and enhance investment, particularly in underserved areas.
Despite the positive progress these regulations represent, several challenges remain. On consumer protection, how can we ensure that vulnerable consumers are adequately safeguarded and fully informed of their rights? Regarding investment and market growth, what additional steps can be taken to incentivise further investment in heat networks and ensure that the sector remains competitive? Could we see measures such as tax incentives or grants for businesses in local authorities looking to develop new networks or to expand existing ones? As the market evolves, how do we maintain the right balance between regulation and innovation—fostering growth without stifling creativity and new ideas? It is essential that these regulations allow space for technological breakthroughs and market experimentation. Finally, given that heat networks often operate as local monopolies, how can we ensure fair competition and prevent consumers being locked into poor-value contracts? The introduction of transparency measures, dispute resolution mechanisms and regulatory enforcement will be essential in addressing these concerns.
In conclusion, these regulations are a vital step in creating a fair, efficient and sustainable heat network market. They aim to protect consumers, encourage investment and support our climate objectives. As we move forward, we must ensure that these regulations continue to adapt to meet the evolving needs of the sector. To that end, ongoing consultation with stakeholders, consumers and innovators will be critical to ensuring that the heat network market thrives, while the interests of the public are protected.
I end with a plea to the Minister to keep a watchful eye on Ofgem, which has seen its workload increase exponentially over the last few years. I hope that his department continues to monitor Ofgem’s increasing responsibilities and to ensure that its resources are increased to match.
My Lords, could I ask the Minister one question? I apologise to him: I realised this was being done today only about 20 minutes ago.
A significant number of existing heat networks are run by local authorities or hived-off organisations owned by local authorities. The aim of this legislation, as far as consumers are concerned, I have strongly supported for a long time, including during the proceedings of the Energy Act. I am very much in favour of consumer protection and consumer redress as spelled out in part of these regulations, but I have been told elsewhere that those protections and certainly those forms of redress are different if they are for consumers of heat networks run by local authorities, compared with a private sector or mixed ownership of the heat network. I would like to know whether that is true in principle. If it is at all true, perhaps the Minister could write to me and explain what the situation is.
My Lords, I am most grateful to noble Lords who have taken part in this short but none the less interesting and, I think, important debate. As the noble Earl, Lord Russell, the noble Baroness, Lady Bloomfield, and my noble friend Lord Whitty have suggested, the development of heat networks is a very important one, and we want to see considerable progress over the next few years.
I also think it is important that the sector itself has broadly supported the regulatory proposals. I believe, and I think it was explicit in what the noble Baroness said, that that confidence will allow them to invest in the future and develop the market, which is what we earnestly hope for and wish to see.
In response to the noble Baroness, Lady Bloomfield, I accept that this is another responsibility that is being placed on Ofgem. I have had quite considerable experience in dealing with regulators in my time in government. I think Ofgem discharges its responsibilities very seriously, and I have confidence in its ability to discharge this new responsibility. In a sense, it is simply extending the principles of the current regulation of gas and electricity to network heating, so it is something I am confident it will be able to do.
In response to the noble Earl, Lord Russell, I make it clear that from April this year, heat network consumers will also be able to seek redress from the Energy Ombudsman scheme and, through Citizens Advice and Consumer Scotland, will have access to advice and advocacy services afforded to the gas and electricity markets. In answer to the noble Baroness, we think this will be particularly helpful to the vulnerable customers she mentioned.
The noble Earl asked me about retrospection. The new arrangements will not be able to be applied retrospectively. The fact he raised this shows why it is so important that we get a move on in introducing these new regulations, and how customers were at risk under the previous arrangements.
As far as fair competition is concerned, again, I very much accept that point. Indeed, this work arose from the Competition and Markets Authority, and Ofgem is well used to intervening in areas where it feels that competition is not being fairly adopted. I am confident that it can deal with that. The data gathered by Ofgem—and, of course, it will have this ability to require data to be provided to it—will enable it to identify emerging issues and trends and adapt regulation as the heat sector develops and grows. As I see it, regulation will be proportionate and organic, marching in step with the way the market itself develops.
I inform the Committee that we will be introducing further regulations this year: first, to introduce protections against insolvency and debt management; and, secondly, to create an entity to implement mandatory technical standards. Putting those together will provide the foundation for this market to grow in future. Market growth seems to me to be a fundamental question, so we are working to expand the existing heat network market through capital funding via the green heat network fund, which will establish heat network zones in key locations. This will allow heat network developers to deploy large-scale district heat networks in dense urban locations, where, as I have said already, they are best suited to provide low-carbon heat.
On support for smaller heat networks, my understanding is that, first, Ofgem will take a proportionate and outcomes-based approach to regulation, providing guidance and supporting small operations.
To come back to the legacy issue and add a bit more information, on legacy issues with existing heat networks, we will take action to guide heat networks through legacy challenges that they face with existing heat networks, with remedial works implemented over time. One advantage of giving authorisation to current schemes is that, once they have been given an authorisation, they then come under these regulations. In one way, if there are pre-existing issues, at some point they will be authorised, and then they can be dealt with under these regulations. So, in fact, although strictly speaking it cannot be retrospectively applied, I hope that that can bring comfort to customers who are really concerned about the situation as it is.
I understand also, in relation to vulnerable customers, that a priority services register will enable vulnerable consumers to access additional support relating to their heat network, including receiving communications in an accessible format, assistance reading their meters and the ability to nominate another person to act on their behalf when dealing with their heat provider.
In relation to the point raised about regulation and customer prices, Ofgem will have direct powers to intervene on prices with a general authorisation condition, to set prices fairly, with data-driven interventions proceeding from January 2026.
On the point raised by my noble friend Lord Whitty, first, I acknowledge the work of local authorities of in some ways even pioneering district heating systems. My noble friend may know that in the heart of the city of Birmingham we had a district heating system that ran right through the city centre, and we can see the potential area. I have also been informed about the South Westminster Area Network, which is being established through close working between Westminster Council and Westminster business improvement districts. That is a new approach to procurement; it took four months to bring forward a partner, which is much quicker than for many of the schemes and developments.
The point that my noble friend raised is a new one to me, and I hope that he does not mind me just checking it out and coming back to him on it. On the face of it, it seems puzzling, but I think that I need to find out some more information about it. But I take his point that we want local authorities to continue to take a lead in developing some of these network heating schemes and, clearly, the public must have confidence in how that is done.
Finally, the noble Earl, Lord Russell, asked me about Great British Energy. He will know that we believe that, in the development of local plans and the role of GBE in doing that, there is clearly potential to give encouragement to community energy schemes and network schemes. I cannot really say any more about that, but I shall draw those remarks to the attention of the start-up chair of Great British Energy.
I should just clarify my remarks about Ofgem. In no way was I intending to imply that its work was anything other than exemplary—I was just commenting on the increasing workload that we are putting on Ofgem.
I did not take it as a criticism at all. The noble Baroness is absolutely right that we are asking Ofgem to do a lot—but her experience and mine is that it is very capable of doing that.