NHS: Trust Finances

Baroness Finlay of Llandaff Excerpts

Monday 1st February 2016 Lords Chamber

[Lord Prior of Brampton]

The cap on agency staffing rates and on agency staff has really started to apply only in the past six weeks. So far, it looks as if we are making significant progress there. As I said in answer to the Question, the NHS is receiving £3.8 billion of extra funding in the forthcoming year. We believe that that will enable it to restore its finances to a proper balance by April 2017.

[Baroness Finlay of Llandaff (CB)]

What are the Government going to do about the haemorrhage of finances into the PFI deals, given that £11.8 billion of buildings will have cost the country £79 billion by the time 31 years comes round? By then those buildings might very often not be fit for purpose because things have moved on so fast. Year on year there is a haemorrhage of money from the NHS to finance these deals. Last year, £2 billion went in that direction.

[Lord Prior of Brampton]

It is clear that a number of these PFI deals were massively expensive and have put huge pressure on a relatively small number of trusts. However, the fact is that we have entered into these long-term contracts and there is no way of getting out of them. I am afraid that it is a cost that the NHS will have to continue to bear.

National Health Service: Nurses

Baroness Finlay of Llandaff Excerpts

Tuesday 26th January 2016 Lords Chamber

[Lord Prior of Brampton]

My Lords, I think the noble Lord is wrong in what he says, but I will double check. I believe that there will be an additional 10,000 placements per year, but I will check that afterwards. That is not until 2021 because the new scheme will not come into place until August 2017, which means that the first students will come out of the new scheme in 2020. We are estimating that there will be 10,000 in that year.

[Baroness Finlay of Llandaff (CB)]

Do the Government recognise that the retention of nurses is also extremely important and that the loss from the profession later in life may reflect difficult working conditions and lack of support? Will the Government also note that nurses in the hospice world and specialists in palliative nursing tend to be older nurses who have left NHS employment and gone to the charitable sector precisely because they feel that they can work as they want to, fully and professionally, and have a supported working environment?

[Lord Prior of Brampton]

My Lords, retention and return to practice are crucial. The noble Baroness may be interested to know that Health Education England has up to 90, I think, courses that have so far attracted just under 1,000 nurses back to practice. The cost of attracting someone back to practice is some £2,000 each compared with some £50,000 for a new nurse.

NHS: Preventive Medicine

Baroness Finlay of Llandaff Excerpts

Wednesday 20th January 2016 Lords Chamber

[Lord Prior of Brampton]

I thank the noble Lord for raising this issue today. We discussed it yesterday and the Government will give him a full response to the issue of fortifying bread with folic acid in the very near future.

[Baroness Finlay of Llandaff (CB)]

Does the Minister recognise in his answer that people should be responsible for their own health and the health of their families that there is a responsibility on the NHS to ensure that there is adequate support before, during and after bereavement of children? The preventive effect on mental health problems later in life is very clearly shown. Those who are unsupported do less well in the whole life course in mental health, and in social and educational outcomes.

[Lord Prior of Brampton]

My Lords, clearly, the state has a huge role to play in prevention; I was certainly not questioning that for one moment. I was just saying that I believe that individuals and families have responsibilities as well.

Children: Obesity

Baroness Finlay of Llandaff Excerpts

Tuesday 12th January 2016 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Walmsley (LD)]

My Lords—

[Baroness Finlay of Llandaff (CB)]

Can the Minister outline what is being done specifically in relation to women in pregnancy, given that excessive weight gained in pregnancy, which is often linked to the phrase “eating for two”, is very difficult to lose afterwards, particularly if women do not breastfeed? Moreover, postnatal depression can itself be a cause of excessive eating after delivery of the baby, causing the maintenance or even aggravation of obesity. That requires specific services to target these women.

[Lord Prior of Brampton]

The noble Baroness will know that the report of the Chief Medical Officer which came out two or three weeks ago laid particular stress on the importance of women who are pregnant because of the impact of obesity not just on themselves but on their children as well. Advice is available through NHS Choices, Start4Life and Healthy Start; we have various schemes that are focused on pregnant women. I am sure that we can do more, and perhaps when the government strategy on obesity is announced in the near future, it will address that issue as well.

Health: Liver Disease

Baroness Finlay of Llandaff Excerpts

Wednesday 9th December 2015 Lords Chamber

Asked by

[Baroness Finlay of Llandaff]

To ask Her Majesty’s Government what progress has been made to implement the recommendations of the Lancet Commission on liver disease, to address the incidence of liver disease in the United Kingdom.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Department of Health (Lord Prior of Brampton) (Con)]

Since the publication of the report of the Lancet commission, the Government have continued to address the incidence of liver disease through a number of measures which focus on both the prevention of liver disease, and improved care for those with liver disease. Public Health England has a programme of public health action to tackle liver disease and is working with key stakeholders, including the Lancet commission, to produce a framework for liver disease next year.

[Baroness Finlay of Llandaff (CB)]

As we enter the festive binge drinking season, do the Government recognise that 28% of deaths in 16 to 24 year-old males are alcohol-related and that 85% to 90% of the cost of in-patient liver disease is due to alcohol? By raising the floor cost of alcohol by 10%, we may be able to reproduce the Canadian evidence of a 30% fall in deaths attributable to alcohol. Do the Government also recognise that we have a responsibility to the next generation because in pregnant women hepatitis, obesity and alcohol are each risk factors, each compounding the other? If we implement a six-in-one vaccine programme for hepatitis B in neonates, we may prevent the next generation suffering from hepatitis B as well as decrease the incidence of foetal alcohol syndrome by tackling alcohol abuse in pregnancy.

[Lord Prior of Brampton]

My Lords, there was quite a lot in that question. Some 6,000 babies suffer from foetal alcohol syndrome and it is a shocking and appalling by-product of alcohol. Canada has increased the floor price of alcohol and I understand it has seen some reduction in alcohol-driven disease as a result of that. We are watching what happens in Canada carefully. Of course, Scotland is considering a similar move although it is awaiting the outcome of a court case in the European Union. I gather that Wales will possibly follow suit if that court case goes accordingly. We will watch what happens in those other countries, study it and then make up our minds accordingly.

Mesothelioma (Amendment) Bill [HL]

Baroness Finlay of Llandaff Excerpts

Friday 20th November 2015 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Finlay of Llandaff (CB)]

My Lords, like others, I congratulate my noble friend Lord Alton on his tireless work in this area and on his perseverance in trying to improve the outlook for the future. I shall concentrate on mesothelioma not as an epidemic of today but as one that is looming because of the problem in our schools. The need for research is ever more pressing as time goes on.

It has been estimated that more than three-quarters of our schools—my noble friend Lord Alton referred to 87% of schools—have asbestos in place. We know that deaths from workplace exposure are more common among healthcare workers, teachers, telephone engineers, shop workers, finance workers and so on. It is estimated that about 20 deaths a year occur among teachers. In healthcare, we are not sure of the exact number of deaths. When I was a junior doctor the lagging was hanging off the pipes in the basement of Westminster Hospital, just across the road from here, and in other hospitals in London in which I worked. To go to cardiac arrests, we would literally run through the dust and sometimes hit our heads on bits of lagging that were hanging down. Everyone was oblivious to the dangers.

The problem is that we have asbestos in our schools and that means children are being exposed. Other countries have decided to have a phased removal—for example, Australia has already implemented that—and the European Parliament has called for the removal of asbestos from all public buildings by 2028. The Committee on Carcinogenicity of Chemicals in Food, Consumer Products and the Environment reported that,

“it is not possible to say whether children are intrinsically more susceptible to asbestos-related injury. However, it is well recognised … that, due to the increased life expectancy of children compared to adults, there is an increased lifetime risk of mesothelioma as a result of the long latency period of the disease … for a given dose of asbestos the lifetime risk of developing mesothelioma is predicted to be about 3.5 times greater for a child first exposed at age 5 compared to an adult first exposed at age 25 and about 5 times greater when compared to an adult first exposed at age 30 … we conclude that exposure of children to asbestos is likely to render them more vulnerable to developing mesothelioma than exposure of adults to an equivalent asbestos dose”.

The current advice with regard to asbestos is that it should remain undisturbed, and indeed that seems sensible. However, there does not seem to have been a comprehensive assessment of what happens in our schools when children’s chairs and desks scrape along the walls and a little shower of asbestos dust comes into the classroom; or when windows or doors are slammed, not because of children behaving badly but simply because the school is a building with lots of boisterous children in it. Assessments have been done when buildings have been empty.

There is an urgent need for research into why some people develop mesothelioma and others do not, and for long-term epidemiological studies, which take money and investment, to understand what is going on in the long term so that we can plan for it if the numbers are going to go up hugely. In my own field, I have made a plea for us to undertake some research into why mesothelioma causes so much pain, and why it appears to be relatively difficult to manage with straightforward analgesics. In my own hospital, the Velindre Cancer Centre, Dr Jason Lester is doing some innovative research on tumour-associated antigens and their expression on the surface of tumour cells, but that research is not cheap—it cannot be done on a shoestring—and needs dedicated cell lines.

The Asbestos in Schools Steering Group was set up by the Department for Education in 2012. What is its position with regard to academies and free schools in relation to their responsibilities for managing asbestos, and where are the levers that the Department for Education has for managing it? I understand that the Health and Safety Executive produces guidelines for how asbestos should be managed, but the responsibility seems to lie with those who are running the schools themselves.

For us in Wales, this has revealed what you could call the “devolution crack” because no one seems to be taking clear responsibility for schools in Wales. In the Senedd on 28 January this year, the First Minister said:

“The responsibility lies with the Health and Safety Executive; that is quite clear”.

He went on to say that,

“in terms of ensuring that the responsibilities are progressed, that is also a responsibility of the environmental health officers”.

However, that appears to be at odds with Answers that have been given in this House. When the noble Baroness, Lady Randerson, was Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State at the Wales Office, she answered a Written Question last year from my noble friend Lord Wigley about responsibility in Wales by saying:

“The Health and Safety Executive has responsibility for regulations and guidance as it applies to the management and control of asbestos in all workplaces in Great Britain, including schools. However, within this framework, the development of policies for the management and control of asbestos in schools is a matter for the Welsh Government”.—[Official Report, 14/1/14, col. WA 11.]

Your Lordships might think that that would be the end of it and it should all sit with Wales, but I suggest that in the long term the devolution crack that has been demonstrated will affect NHS England just as much as NHS Wales. Wales is a net exporter of young people, particularly into the professions, and a net importer of older people. We have a lot of older people coming to spend their last years in nursing homes, particularly in north Wales and along the coastal strips. So Wales may have a problem today but unless there is joint working between those responsible, and unless Wales is invited to join in and share expertise on these committees, we are not going to solve the problem in the long term for the next generation. I also suggest that the confusion over this has been evident in the complaint that was taken to the Parliamentary Ombudsman by Annette Brooke on behalf of the Asbestos in Schools group regarding the conduct of the Health and Safety Executive following the closure of Cwmcarn High School in 2012, the outcome of which is awaited.

This Bill is very important for the future, not only for the health of the whole of our nation—England and Wales joined together—but because it is important to plan expenditure and demand, and to plan how we are going to manage what may be a looming epidemic among our schoolchildren that we have not even begun to take notice of yet.

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Prior of Brampton]

If there is a shortfall—and there may be a shortfall—given that that levy is raised from the industry on an equitable basis rather than relying upon two or three insurers to do it on a voluntary basis, that strikes me as a better approach. The point has been made that compensation payments are somehow different from funding research, but it strikes me that the two are very closely related. I am just putting it out there for further discussion, and I would like to pursue that discussion with my noble friend Lord Freud, who is probably the expert on our side of the House on this matter and was intimately involved with the Bill which came through the House in 2014. I would like to have that discussion with him and perhaps with the noble Lord, Lord Alton.

I have not dealt with the veterans issue or the schools issue. I shall deal with them by letter, if that is all right. They are both extremely important. The situation with the veterans and the MoD is under active consideration by my noble friend Lord Howe. I will write to the noble Baroness, Lady Finlay, if she is happy with that, setting out the situation on schools in Wales.

The instinct of the Government is not to support the Bill, for the reasons I have given, but there may be a way through this which we are able to explore over the next month or two.

[Baroness Finlay of Llandaff]

When he writes to me, will the Minister include in the correspondence the noble Lord, Lord Wigley, who has done a lot of work on schools in Wales? He might want to meet him. Will the Minister clarify who has responsibility for free schools and academies? They are in a different position from maintained schools, yet they often occupy buildings which contain asbestos.

[Lord Prior of Brampton]

I think the answer to that question is that the Health and Safety Executive would have prime responsibility for them. I think the point that the noble Baroness is making is that the local authority no longer has the responsibility it would have over local authority schools. I will look into that issue and write to the noble Baroness.

Junior Doctors Contract

Baroness Finlay of Llandaff Excerpts

Friday 20th November 2015 Lords Chamber

[Lord Prior of Brampton]

I agree entirely that industrial action is the last thing that any of us want. I have worked with trade unions of one kind or another off and on since 1980—for 35 years. I think that the Junior Doctors Committee of the BMA is behaving in an extraordinary fashion.

[Baroness Finlay of Llandaff (CB)]

My Lords, can the Minister say how sincerely the Government are considering going to ACAS, which, as far as I understand it, is acceptable to the BMA Junior Doctors Committee, and can he explain why there is resistance to doing that? Given the threat of terrorism that we now face, have the Government assessed the impact and the security that would be needed on the strike days both in the event of a terrorist attack on the population at large, when those who are well versed in managing it will not be working, and in the event of a terrorist attack specifically targeted at demonstrations by junior doctors, when they will be injured and the hospitals will be empty?

[Lord Prior of Brampton]

The Secretary of State has said that he is open to conciliation. Frankly, it would be so much better if we could sort this out ourselves rather than go to conciliation, but he has said that he is open to it. If there is a terrorist attack, speed will be of the essence if people are severely injured. Junior doctors care hugely about their patients, so I think we have to rely on junior doctors to be available in hospitals in the event of some awful terrorist outrage, even if they are on strike. I will certainly draw to the attention of COBRA and the relevant authorities the question of the impact of terrorism on a demonstration by junior doctors.

Access to Palliative Care Bill [HL]

Baroness Finlay of Llandaff Excerpts

Friday 23rd October 2015 Lords Chamber

Moved by

[Baroness Finlay of Llandaff]

That the Bill be now read a second time.

[Baroness Finlay of Llandaff (CB)]

My Lords, I declare my interests as palliative care lead for Wales, chair of the National Council for Palliative Care and chair of the National Mental Capacity Forum.

The only certainty is that every one of us will die. Nothing else in healthcare in the UK applies to 100% of our population. About three-quarters of us will need palliative care input at some level when we are dying. The UK seems to be a good place to die. It was ranked top of 80 countries in the recent Economist Intelligence Unit report. We can be unashamedly proud of our hospices and palliative care services. I am grateful to them all for their support of my Bill.

Let me explain why my Bill is needed, what it will do and why it will not incur costs but will free up resources in the system. The Parliamentary and Health Service Ombudsman’s report, discussed yesterday in the excellent debate of the noble Lord, Lord Farmer, shows all too clearly that provision of palliative care in England is unacceptably patchy. The Minister spoke of our transparency, and although he cited that many report good or excellent care, he admitted that a quarter of bereaved relatives reported that end-of-life care was not good enough. The memory of that experience remains in the minds of bereaved relatives and can blight their lives, particularly if they are children.

The ombudsman reported that in its casework:

“End of life care is, sadly, a recurring and consistent theme”.

Inadequate care is not a few isolated incidents. National audits by the Royal College of Physicians and Marie Curie, and the recent House of Commons Health Committee report on end-of-life care, and many others, all say the same: many places provide excellent care but provision is patchy and varies in quality, accessibility and reliability.

In response to the report More Care, Less Pathway, the Leadership Alliance for the Care of Dying People set five priorities of care in its report One Chance to Get it Right. The Bill is a chance to finally get it right for all. It meets the recommendations that appear consistently in reports, in particular the Health Committee report, What’s Important to Me: a Review of Choice in End of Life Care, which is awaiting the Government’s response, Ambitions for Palliative Care and End of Life Care, from a wide coalition of 27 lead providers and charities, published just this month, and the ombudsman’s report. It would narrow the widening gap in hospice provision between affluent and poorer areas. It would ensure access to hospice care for those with non-cancer diagnoses.

The NHS Confederation describes the NHS as “at a cliff edge” and points out the need to transform the way that the health service provides care. David Behan, reporting on the state of health and social care in England, points to the need for more collaboration between organisations and services; to evidence that person-centred care is better for the individual and can be more economical for service providers; and that safe services require the right staff and skills mix.

We all know what to do—we have strategies, working parties and reports galore—but we are just not doing it all the time, everywhere. Why not? The demands on clinical commissioning groups are great. They are well intentioned, but drowning. They need a clear, simple template to bring up the standard of services. Importantly, patients and their families, faced with all the fears and uncertainties of discovering that this is likely to be their final illness, need and deserve the assurance that their care will be good and that they will not be abandoned or failed in their hour of need, wherever they are, whatever the time or day of the week.

In 2008 we had the End of Life Care Strategy for England and a similar national strategy in Wales that we implemented pan-Wales. Both were reinforced by the NICE guidance on what high-quality palliative care should look like, including that patients’ physical and psychological needs are safely, effectively and appropriately met at any time of the day or night, including access to medication and equipment, and that those whose needs may benefit from specialist palliative care are also offered it at any time of the day or night.

In Wales, we developed a funding formula for palliative care services in 2008 to correct the wide variation in availability. We developed seven-day services, with specialist advice to any healthcare professional at any time of the day or night. We set a benchmark of provision of one actual bed, or a virtual hospice-at-home bed, per 15,000 population; a standard of responding rapidly to urgent referrals; out-of-hours “just in case” boxes for medication for patients at home; a single core palliative care IT record; and staff education initiatives. I am not claiming that we are perfect, but we know that patients consistently rate their experience of care from palliative care providers in Wales as over 9.5 out of 10 across domains of dignity, being listened to, having their concerns addressed and timely care. Indeed, scores of seven out of 10 or below set an alert.

In preparing for today I sent a freedom of information request to all 209 clinical commissioning groups. One hundred and twelve gave information about the number of beds they commission. Benchmarking against Wales on a population basis, 49 have fewer dedicated palliative care beds than Wales and 66 have more. The beds are probably there already, overall. Subject to data validation, clinical commissioning groups’ spend ranged between £15 and £10,504 per patient with palliative care needs, with an average spend of £886 per patient.

Regarding levels of services commissioned, there was wide variation—a true postcode lottery. Some 78% commission 24/7 specialist palliative care advice, but what happens to patients in other areas when staff get stuck and do not know what to do? Only 29 clinical commissioning groups knew how many people they had with palliative care needs, although the Palliative Care Funding Review showed that 0.75% of the population have palliative care needs at any one time.

Narrative from the bereaved and professionals, reported in Every Moment Counts, highlights failures in co-ordinating and personalising end-of-life care, particularly pain relief. Such care is, and should be, delivered by and large by generalists, but often they lack training and confidence to open up difficult conversations, to know how to respond appropriately to distress, or to manage pain urgently.

Actions for End of Life Care set policy aims for 2014 to 2016. It is packed with words such as “promoting”, “supporting”, “facilitating partnership” and “working together”. Its aims are laudable and it would deliver better care if they were all fully implemented. But we do not live in an NHS of plenty; we hear daily of cash-strapped services, of deficits, of failing to meet priorities. There are 15 million people living with one or more long-term conditions. Their admission to hospital is often avoidable.

Cicely Saunders Institute research showed that early integrated specialist palliative care significantly improved quality of life for patients with severe respiratory disease at no additional cost. Sue Ryder’s Bedfordshire partnership provides out-of-hours support, resulting in lower emergency hospital admission rates.

Cancer patients receiving palliative care are half as likely to attend the emergency department in the last month of life. Those with pain and poor care are more likely to have multiple emergency department visits in the last two weeks of life. The Nuffield Trust estimates that over that last three months of life the cost of end-of-life care in a hospice is around £550 per person, compared with £4,500 per person in a hospital—an increase largely due to emergency admissions that could have been avoided.

A new palliative care service for people with severe multiple sclerosis improved pain and care-giver burden, at a total cost saving of almost £2,000 per patient over three months. Coordinate My Care, developed by the Royal Marsden, has ensured that three-quarters of those who died while on the programme did so in the place of their choice, with an average saving of more than £2,000 per person.

Let me explain what my Bill would do. It would ensure that wherever a dying person is, whatever the time of day or night, whatever day of the week, they can receive high-standard care. How would it do this? It would do so by ensuring that commissioners commission a level of service for their populations to meet need. If you are a patient with complex needs and things become difficult, you cannot access a specialist service if it is just not there. You cannot expect staff to meet your needs if they do not know what to do and have no one to ask for help. You cannot access medication at home if your needs change, if there is no local way to get that medication urgently, and if the out-of-hours provider does not carry even the basics because they will not pay £4,504 to be licensed to hold an emergency stock. If you need equipment, you cannot wait days or weeks for it. Electronic palliative care communication systems promote better co-ordinated timely care, avoiding inefficiency and duplication. They need to be everywhere. My Bill would ensure co-ordination so that help is accessible, efficient and can meet needs. It is often said that good care costs less than bad care. Sensitive attitudes and caring behaviours by staff cost nothing, but they transform the quality of the patient and family experience.

Health Education England has indicated that it would welcome this Bill to ensure core education and training everywhere. Currently, only one-fifth of trusts have mandatory training in care of the dying. And research is essential to drive forward improvements; it is not a bolt-on.

There are around 500,000 deaths a year in England. Although three-quarters of people have an expected death, the way the deaths of the other quarter are managed can be improved by lessons from palliative care being applied to ways that family members are informed and supported, and how the critically ill and rapidly dying patient is managed.

The stories of people dying at home in distress through failures of commissioning have to stop. We know what to do but we are just not always doing it. At the end of the day, no amount of nice words will make commissioners ensure that they have in place the services to meet their population’s needs.

Why legislate for this and not for other services? It is simply because everyone will die. No other area of healthcare has 100% certainty, so this will not set a precedent. This is the time to make the good care of everyone who is dying a given. I beg to move.

--- Later in debate ---

[Baroness Finlay of Llandaff]

My Lords, I am most grateful to everyone who has spoken in this debate. They prepared for it carefully and highlighted the inequities in provision. I thank all those who support the Bill. I believe that patients and relatives out there, hearing that the Government do not support legislation that would drive up standards of palliative care provision, will be horrified. This has not been plucked out of the air. In Wales we have been doing this for seven years. It is a template as the result of a natural experiment between England and Wales. Through the Bill, we are trying to share best practice.

The Bill is indeed only skeletal. Since coming to this House, I have learnt that you do not put into a Bill what can go in guidance. The issues that have been raised by Peers over possible amendments I would certainly expect to see set out in guidance because that is the right place for them. The reason is that systems change over time, healthcare professional responsibilities change, and you do not want to be locked into something that becomes archaic.

This is not the Liverpool care pathway in another guise. In fact, I have to say publicly that we did not adopt the Liverpool care pathway in Wales because we predicted that it would run into trouble. We developed a slightly different, modified system of our own.

The principles of the Health and Social Care Act 2012 have to work out, and over time they will, but this Bill will not stifle innovation. In fact, it will make sure that there is innovation because research has set out in the Bill. It will make sure that those who provide specialist care have to keep up to date with what is going on and participate in research. No longer will they be able to duck out of it using all kinds of weasel words and excuses about wanting to protect patients from people who want to find better ways of care and thus improve it. Those people are called researchers who, like those at the Cicely Saunders Institute, have delivered most of the data to provide the transparency the Government want. I am greatly indebted, particularly to Dr Felicity Murtagh, Professor Irene Higginson and other colleagues there, who have provided me with an enormous catalogue of evidence to check out what is in my Bill.

As for consent and control, we already have the framework in place. No one should be treated against their wishes, so we have a framework that enables people to make advance refusals and statements of wishes. They can do it now, when they are well and long before disease strikes, and they can make changes if they change their mind. That is what the Mental Capacity Act 2005 is all about. It ensures that no one is treated against their will. I know that I now have an uphill struggle in trying to get it properly implemented, but it is a challenge that I take on willingly and I am humbled at being given the chance.

I am also alarmed at the thought of care being discriminatory against people on the basis of age and so on. As for people wanting to be cared for at home, I am cautious about anything that tries to put into legislation specific pathways of care because people change their mind. I have had patients change their mind about what they want and where they want to be in their dying moments—not about the place of care, but even about trying chemotherapy or asking for a second opinion about surgery. We have to be flexible all the time with our patients until they are dead because they may change their mind about what they want in the last few minutes. It may be a minor issue, such as whether the family is in the room or out of it, but those wishes need to be respected.

I am saddened that some have tried to link this Bill with the debate on the Assisted Dying Bill. The House of Commons looked at the proposal for physician-assisted suicide very comprehensively and has spoken very clearly. That Bill is unsafe and should not be brought back into either House of Parliament. It is actually an abuse of the House even to think about doing so. If people want assisted suicide, then go away and write a Bill that is safe, but do not saddle doctors in palliative care with it. They are the group that wants to provide better care and do not want to be involved in such a process. Those doctors also have the right to behave ethically and to do what they want for their patients; they do not want just to give in to demands.

I am also saddened that the Government have been so blunt; they will not even look at ways to improve the situation. We will watch the position over time. I hope that the Bill will have a Committee stage because I want to debate some of these issues further, and I also want transparency. But above all, I want every person dying in this country to be secure in the knowledge that they will get the care they need, but I am afraid that the response I have had today from the Government does not give me that assurance.

Bill read a second time and committed to a Committee of the Whole House.

Child Health: Play

Baroness Finlay of Llandaff Excerpts

Monday 12th October 2015 Lords Chamber

[Baroness McIntosh of Hudnall (Lab)]

My Lords—

[Baroness Finlay of Llandaff (CB)]

My Lords—

[Baroness Jones of Moulsecoomb (GP)]

My Lords—

[The Lord Privy Seal (Baroness Stowell of Beeston) (Con)]

My Lords, we have not heard from the Cross Benches on this Question yet.

[Baroness Finlay of Llandaff]

Do the Government recognise that there is another group of children who must be considered—those who have illnesses limiting their mobility for a variety of reasons, some acquired and some congenital? The role of physiotherapy in paediatric departments is essential to ensuring that they can grow and develop and become as independent as possible. I declare my interest as president of the Chartered Society of Physiotherapy.

[Lord Prior of Brampton]

The noble Baroness makes a powerful and strong point. All I can do is agree with her 100%.

Health: Children

Baroness Finlay of Llandaff Excerpts

Thursday 10th September 2015 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Finlay of Llandaff (CB)]

Do the Government accept that intrauterine exposure to environmental toxins, psychological stress and nutritional deficiencies in the mother have long-term health effects on the child, as well as problems that arise in the immediate postnatal period? Will the Government therefore undertake to support epidemiological research in these areas, linked to their reviews of maternity services?

[Lord Prior of Brampton]

I am well aware of the impact on the health of children before as well as after they are born. I cannot give the undertaking that the noble Baroness would like me to give here today but I am very happy to pick it up with her outside the Chamber.