(3 weeks, 3 days ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I support this amendment, but not for the reasons my noble friend gave. Many years ago—Members on the Government Benches may realise quite how long ago this is when I give the names of the unions concerned, which are long since consigned to history—I was the director of a small haulage firm. It no longer exists or trades, but I cut my teeth on labour relations behind the wheel.
In our small business, which employed about 50 people, there were three types of worker: those who were not in a union at all, a small number who were with the TGWU—that dates me—and those with a new union, the United Road Transport Union. The shop steward of the URTU came to see me and said: “It’s like this, John. I think that you should recognise our union”. So I did. It was personally convenient to deal with one person rather than try to have a mass meeting with 30 or 40 people, all with different views. Unlike what some noble Lords might think of those on the Conservative Benches, I found a huge amount of value in being able to negotiate with the URTU, which had the most members but was not entirely pervasive in our company. Arthur Harris was in the TGWU—he was such a long-standing member of our business that he was employee no. 1 on our payroll system—and was not about to go to the URTU for a moment.
The point of this story is that I negotiated in good faith with the URTU and recognised that it had the most members. When making an agreement, we were somewhat apart but not completely, and I said: “Peter, put this offer to them and let’s see what they say”. He did not really want to, but the point is that I needed to make the offer as well to the other union, the TGWU, and to those members who were not in a union at all.
My noble friend made the point about the Port of Felixstowe and I inferred from her remarks that there was a single union to deal with, but that is not the landscape for many organisations. Later this evening I will talk about my experiences in local government, where there are three different unions involved—UNISON, Unite and the GMB—and a complicated negotiating environment.
I support this amendment because it provides equality to the smaller unions, not just the big ones, some of which have their own agendas. It is incumbent on all unionised labour to at least see what is on the table, whether or not their union negotiated it. That is why my noble friend’s Amendment 257A is very important and should be given proper consideration; it recognises the complex labour landscape found in many companies, particularly in private business, not just the monolithic larger organisations where there are single unions, facility time and other things.
My Lords, I strongly support my noble friend’s amendment, which, as she explained, addresses a fundamental democratic deficit in our current industrial relations framework. I thank my noble friend Lord Fuller for giving his personal experience of how important this deficit can be if it is not addressed.
This amendment would require trade unions to present any employer offer to their membership for a vote, regardless of whether the union leadership supports it. My noble friend gave the example of Felixstowe; others could give similar examples, such as what has been happening with the Birmingham strike. This is not an anti-union measure—it is a pro-democracy measure that seeks to strengthen the voice of individual workers within the collective bargaining process. It recognises that in a democratic society it should be workers themselves, not union officials, who decide whether an employer’s offer meets their needs and aspirations.
The principle underlying this amendment is simple and would be seen as uncontroversial in any other democratic context: those affected by a decision should have the right to make that decision for themselves. When union leaders can simply reject employer offers without consulting their membership, they effectively deny workers the fundamental right to democratic participation in decisions that fundamentally affect their livelihoods. We would surely not accept a system where parliamentary leaders could reject government proposals without allowing MPs to vote. We would not tolerate local councils where executives could dismiss motions without having to present them to councillors. The same should surely apply to trade unions.
This amendment recognises that the priorities, circumstances and risk tolerances of individual workers may differ from those of their union leadership. A young worker saving for a house deposit may take a very different view of sustained strike action from that of an established worker nearing retirement. A worker in precarious financial circumstances may prefer settlement on reasonable but suboptimal terms to prolonged uncertainty and loss of income. Surely we all want to avoid a situation where workers are denied a voice in decisions that so profoundly affect their lives.
Contrary to weakening collective bargaining, this amendment would strengthen it by increasing member engagement and ensuring that union positions truly reflect membership priorities. When workers know that they will have the final say on offers, they are more likely to engage with the bargaining process and provide clear guidance about their priorities. Enhanced member involvement can improve union negotiating positions by ensuring that they are based on genuine membership preferences rather than leadership assumptions. It can also increase employer confidence in the bargaining process by ensuring that negotiated agreements will not be undermined by membership rejection.
Although many trade unions always act in good faith when considering employer offers, this amendment would put protections into legislation to prevent bad actors denying workers their democratic voice. Without legislative safeguards, the system could enable a dangerous information asymmetry where union officials control what information reaches members and the manner in which that information is presented.