Pension Schemes Bill Debate
Full Debate: Read Full DebateBaroness Altmann
Main Page: Baroness Altmann (Non-affiliated - Life peer)Department Debates - View all Baroness Altmann's debates with the Department for Work and Pensions
(1 day, 10 hours ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, in leading once again on this Bill, I say that this group is bound together by a simple question: is the pensions system working as it should for its members and do we have the evidence to judge this properly? The proposed review is on consolidation, access to impartial pension advice, injustices experienced by scheme members, communications and data accuracy. It all goes to trust, fairness and whether savers can navigate the system with confidence.
From these Benches, we think these are legitimate concerns. Consolidation may bring efficiencies but could also reduce competition and choice if left unchecked. Better access to impartial advice is plainly in members’ interest, especially at key decision points. If data is inaccurate or communications unclear then even a well-designated, well-designed system can fail the people it is meant to serve.
I am pleased to have raised in my amendments the issues of competition, access to impartial pensions advice, and injustice experienced by scheme members. These are matters that I raised in Committee and I appreciate the time of, and the response from, the Minister and her colleagues in government. With all the pressures on us, I will not use any more of your Lordships’ time and bring my remarks on my amendments to an end. I beg to move.
My Lords, briefly, I support Amendment 120, in the name of the noble Lord, Lord Palmer. It is important to look at the issues he rightly raised that relate to the market. Indeed, Amendment 165 is particularly important, given that the injustices, some of which we will come on to in later groups, seem to have few redress routes. For a good pensions system, it is incumbent on us to have a better system to identify and remedy occupational pension injustices.
I will briefly speak to my Amendment 160, which would require a review to ensure that data in pension schemes must be accurate. Currently, there is no legal requirement to ensure that the amounts of money being paid into pension schemes for auto-enrolment workers or anyone else—I am particularly concerned about auto-enrolment—are correct. The Pensions Regulator has to make sure that pension contributions are being paid, but there is no requirement to make sure that this money is the correct amount.
I suggest amending the Pensions Act 2008 so that the section on “quality requirements” includes something that confirms regular checking of pension contributions; the regulations in Section 33 on “deduction of contributions”
“must require employers to obtain confirmation from the trustees or managers … that the amounts … paid into a scheme … are regularly checked … recorded and corrected as quickly as possible”;
and Section 60 on “requirement to keep records” would require schemes to provide confirmation that regular data accuracy checks and contribution verification, including for tax relief and national insurance relief, are correctly reported.
I have so often seen pension scheme records riddled with errors. It is surprising that there are no requirements in the legislation to make sure that the amounts of money going in are correct. I am interested to hear the Minister’s comments on the Government’s thinking as to whether they would consider this.
My Lords, I will speak broadly in support of these amendments. They reflect a thoughtful and welcome focus from across the House on some of the most important structural issues in our pension system. In particular, I welcome the attention given by noble Lords to the effects of consolidation on competition and market entry, and to the importance of robust data accuracy checks. A market that consolidates without sufficient scrutiny risks reducing innovation and choice, while poor data integrity undermines trust at its very foundation. These are therefore welcome points of focus, and I thank the noble Lord, Lord Palmer, and the noble Baroness, Lady Altmann, for raising them.
However, I will speak primarily to Amendment 169 in my name and that of my noble friend. This amendment would require a review of pension communications and financial promotion rules, examining whether the current framework unduly restricts providers from communicating clearly with members, particularly in relation to risks, guidance and comparative information. This is, I believe, a profoundly important issue. The reality is this: pensions are complex, technical and often opaque. For many people, they are also distant—something to be thought about later rather than now—but that distance is illusory. The decisions made or not made today will shape financial security decades into the future. Knowledge in this area is power, yet too often, individuals lack both the information and the confidence to engage meaningfully with their pensions. Communications can be overly cautious, overly technical or constrained in ways that make it difficult for providers to present information in a way that is clear, comparative and genuinely useful.
My Lords, I am grateful to all noble Lords who spoke. I think the noble Lord, Lord Palmer, decided not to dwell on a number of his amendments because there is more to come, I suspect, in later groups. I had a nice long speech written in response to all these, but I may spare the House parts of that and concentrate on the issues raised during the debate.
Briefly, on consolidation, I think in general we all agree on the importance of understanding and monitoring the impact of the reforms presaged in this Bill. The Government have already taken steps to do this. A comprehensive, green-rated impact assessment was produced and an updated version was published as the Bill entered this House, with details of our monitoring and evaluation plans, including critical success factors and collaboration across regulators and departments. We have published a pensions road map, setting out clearly when each measure will come in. So the kind of review envisaged in the first amendment would not be helpful.
Amendment 160 from the noble Baroness, Lady Altmann, would give new powers to the Secretary of State to require employers and pension providers to undertake regular data accuracy checks in relation to contributions paid into workplace pension schemes. I completely agree about the importance of ensuring that members get the contributions they are due. However, I do not agree that the additional requirements proposed are necessary or proportionate, given the robustness of the current regulatory framework. Compliance with automatic enrolment duties remains high. The Pensions Regulator—TPR—runs a proportionate and effective compliance regime, underpinned by detailed guidance.
As I explained in Committee, employers, together with the trustees or managers of pension schemes, are already required to keep certain records. That includes details of both employer contributions and deductions from members’ earnings for each relevant pay reference period. Employers have to keep payment schedules and contribution records for six years and opt-out information for at least four. TPR has issued codes of practice setting out clearly how trustees of DC schemes and managers of personal pension schemes should monitor the payment of contributions. These also cover the provision of information to scheme members, enabling them to check that their contributions are made correctly, and they establish clear expectations around the reporting of material payment failures.
There is already a requirement for scheme providers to have sufficient monitoring processes in place, which includes a risk-based approach to monitor employers, who should have appropriate internal controls to ensure correct and timely payment of contributions. If a trustee—
Can the Minister confirm for the House whether there are any checks or reporting on accuracy of the contributions? There is a requirement, but is anybody actually checking whether the amounts are correct?
I invite the noble Baroness to come back in at the end if she feels I have not answered that. I would say two things to her. One is that the duty is on the trustees or managers. If they become aware that the appropriate things are not being done by employers, or that an employer does not appear to be taking adequate steps to remedy a situation where things have gone wrong—for example, if there are repetitive or regular payment failures—they have a duty to report it to the regulator.
But crucially, the proposed value-for-money framework introduces an assessment of quality-of-service metrics, which directly addresses the accuracy and promptness of core administrative functions, including the secure, timely and accurate processing of contributions. Metrics related to saver engagement will be phased in at a later date, but schemes will be required to disclose how often they review and correct both common and scheme-specific data as well as the proportion of members with complete and accurate records. They also will have to report on the timeliness and accuracy of core financial transactions, such as paying in contributions.
We are currently considering the feedback received from industry on the latest VFM consultation in order to make sure that we develop a VFM regime that will drive greater transparency and higher standards around data quality and contribution accuracy. I hope that is exactly what the noble Baroness wants, and that that has encouraged her. These measures demonstrate that there is a well-established and effective framework that, together with the VFM measures, will make all the things she wants come into place.
I will not dwell on Amendment 163 from the noble Lord, Lord Palmer, about universal pension advice; we gave that a fair outing in Committee. I simply say that we completely share the view that we want to make sure that people get the appropriate advice at the time they need it. But there is already a very large amount of support out there. Being realistic, the option proposed in his amendment would probably, at the best guess on first estimates, cost around £2 billion and require us to double the size of the financial advice sector. I know he is not pushing that, but he is pushing the important underlying point: to make sure that people have access to the support they need. We believe that, between what is available at the moment and what is coming on stream—Pension Wise, stronger nudge and guidance, and targeted support and guided retirement—there is a lot out there that will do that job.
I turn to Amendment 169 from the noble Baroness, Lady Stedman-Scott. It is always faintly dispiriting when someone announces at the start that they will listen to you but they are going to vote on it anyway. But let me do my best, notwithstanding that challenge, and maybe I can persuade the noble Baroness and she will change her mind—one never knows.
This amendment relates to pension communications. I understand that its aim is to ensure that pension providers can communicate effectively with their members so that they can navigate their choices with confidence. We share that aim, which is why we are acting to reduce complexity and strengthen the support available to pension members. The Government have heard extensive feedback from firms on how targeted support may interact with the direct marketing rules contained in the privacy and electronic communications regulations.
Having considered this feedback, the Government have committed to take forward secondary legislation to amend those regulations. This change will enable workplace pension providers to send targeted support recommendations, which amount to direct marketing, to members who have not opted out of receiving it. That reflects the fact that workplace pension providers have fewer opportunities to obtain consent for direct marketing, limiting the level of engagement they have with their members. We aim to deliver this legislative change quickly to ensure that targeted support can reach as many pension members as possible, while maintaining robust protections from unwanted marketing. We will continue to engage with stakeholders and regulators throughout to ensure that we get the right balance.
In Committee, concerns were also raised around communications that may be required under guided retirement. The Government have examined this carefully in developing the policy, including engaging with the sector and the Information Commissioner’s Office. We will seek further stakeholder views through a public consultation, expected later in the year; this will cover proposed requirements on the information and communications journey for pension members, including the extent to which trustees can intervene to provide support, but that is the best way in which to consider any such interactions in a timely manner. Running a separate review to a different timescale would make it difficult to incorporate any findings in the design and implementation of the policy, but I hope that reassures the noble Baroness that the Government are taking action, and she will not feel the need to test the opinion of the House.
Finally, Amendment 165 is from the noble Lord, Lord Palmer, although he did not speak to it—my noble friend Lord Davies did. I do not want to dwell on any particular scheme but say simply that the Government recognise the importance of pension security in retirement and protections for those saving into pension schemes, and those concerns are at the heart of the Bill. We are also acting where previous Governments have not; for example, by introducing annual increases on compensation payments from the PPF and FAS relating to pensions built up before 6 April 1997, when the scheme provided for this. There are clear and established routes for members to raise concerns or complaints about their scheme when they feel that things have gone wrong. The Pensions Ombudsman provides an independent and impartial service to resolve pension-related complaints that cannot be resolved through a scheme’s internal dispute resolution process; that gives a route to settle issues fairly and ensure that members’ rights are upheld.
This has been a good chance to have a canter across the waterfront of pensions, but I hope, in the light of my responses, the noble Lord feels able to withdraw his amendment.
I hope the House will bear with me. I once bragged that if I were ever on “Mastermind”, GMPs would be my specialist subject, so I feel compelled to ask a question. Of course, through the Pensions Act 2012 the coalition Government made significant changes to the impact that GMPs had on people who retired after 2016. In effect, they were abolished and forgotten about. That issue was corrected in public service schemes but not in private schemes. Perhaps my noble friend the Minister could write to me and assure me that there is no difference in the effect of these amendments between people who retired before and after 2016.
My Lords, I shall speak to my Amendment 155, and I am grateful for the support of the noble Viscount, Lord Thurso. This amendment and the noble Viscount’s own Amendment 162, to which I have added my name, deal with the same point, which is something we talked about in Committee. They aim to secure provisions that were made in the Pensions Act 2004 which would allow schemes to be extracted from the Pension Protection Fund if there were a new opportunity; for example, for the pension scheme members to be treated to better pensions than those available in the Pension Protection Fund itself.
That provision, in Section 169(2)(d) of the Act, has never been commenced. That provision means that if an employer had two or three workers in a pension scheme, had a company which fell on hard times and became insolvent—at which point the members’ pensions went into the PPF—then had a particularly fortunate experience and found himself or herself in a position where they could try to remedy the shortfalls of the members’ pensions and wanted to be able to take the scheme back out of the PPF, then that would be possible. Currently, that would be against the law because the provision has not been commenced, even though it is in the Pension Act 2004.
These amendments seek to ensure that this is at least a possibility, especially now that employers may start to be more attracted to running pension schemes, given the different financial situation that surrounds pension schemes now that we no longer have quantitative easing, with schemes finding themselves more often in surplus. Therefore, I hope that the Minister might accept that this is a possibility. These amendments would not commit the Government—or anyone—to spending any money; they would merely bring into force a provision that was already provided for in 2004.
My Lords, I support Amendment 155 from the noble Baroness, Lady Altmann, and will speak briefly to my Amendment 162, which seeks to achieve exactly the same effect. Since the noble Baroness has explained it so well, I do not have to repeat the arguments in favour of it. Amendment 162 was tabled shortly after I tabled Amendment 161, when I was looking for remedies for the problem that was being created around Amendment 161. As most of the arguments for that should properly be deployed when we get to Amendment 161, I will not make them at this point, which I hope the Minister will understand to be appropriate. However, I give notice that if we get to that point and we have not had anything helpful—you can always hope—then I will seek the opinion of the House on Amendment 162.
My Lords, I apologise—during my first contribution I should have declared my interests as a non-executive director of a pensions administration company and as a board adviser to a master trust. I also take this opportunity to wish the noble Lord, Lord Davies of Brixton, a full and speedy recovery; we missed him.
These amendments—and I am very grateful for the support of the noble Viscount, Lord Thurso—are all related to enabling either the pension protection fund or the financial assistance scheme to recognise the losses suffered by the oldest members of the schemes, who have lost the inflation increases they would have had in their schemes. I understand and appreciate that the Government have decided that, for the future, they will increase for inflation all pre-1997 benefits that were available to the scheme members in their original scheme. However, that does not really help those who are towards the end of their lives and whose pension, or compensation, is mostly comprised of pre-1997 accruals.
Although I understand why the Government are reluctant to commit to an open-ended amount for the future—which the current proposals will of course do, and we are grateful for that—my amendments seek to find an alternative way of recognising the losses in a one-off payment, a lump sum. I have drafted the amendments carefully to allow the Government to authorise that, and to enable the Pension Protection Fund to push some of its reserves into this kind of payment. I have not specified an amount. It would obviously need to be related to the amount each member has lost, but if the member is going to qualify for future uplifts, these amendments would also allow for an extra payment to recognise the amounts that were unpaid because of the inflation increases they had in the scheme but have lost.
The failure to pay any increases has resulted in the oldest members finding that their pensions have been whittled away, in many cases to less than half their value. I pay tribute to members such as John Benson and Phil Jones from Allied Steel and Wire—Phil Jones is seriously ill and now living on less than half his promised pension after 20 years of losing the inflation uplifts—and Richard Nicholl and Terry Monk. These are elderly gentlemen who have campaigned for years. I see the noble Lord, Lord Hain, in his place: he was instrumental in achieving our financial assistance scheme breakthrough in 2007, for which these members are extremely grateful, after a long campaign from 2001 to 2007.
The reality of the situation for the Pension Protection Fund is radically different from that which prevailed in 2004, and indeed in 2007. In those days, it was unclear how the PPF would fare. The rationale for getting rid of the pre-1997 increases was based on the fact that there was no legal requirement for employers to do that, and a recognition of the need to control costs, potentially, in future, should a massive number of large schemes fail and the PPF prove unable to afford the benefits. It was unclear how many employers might become insolvent, what types of schemes would be affected, and how much the PPF would have to pay. It was going to be able to collect its revenues from employer levies, assets from the unfunded schemes, assets of insolvent employers that were recovered, and investment returns, but it was unclear at the time how any of that would pan out.
In practice, the PPF has been an amazing success. It now finds itself with a significant surplus, with assets relative to its compensation liabilities far in excess of what is required to pay all the future pensions. The provisions of the Pensions Act 2004 state that these huge reserves, of well over £14 billion, cannot be used for anything other than member compensation or funding related to the PPF itself. The PPF is a separate statutory fund; it is not the property of government. Therefore, I am trying to suggest the payment of a portion of that £14 billion. Full retrospection is calculated to cost £3.5 billion. I am not talking about that, but even after that payment, the PPF would still be 150% funded—50% more than it needs to pay its expected liabilities.
However, I am not talking about that. The Government or the PPF could work out a sum—whatever it might be; perhaps it could be £1 billion—that could be allocated to paying the lump sums for those members who were promised their money but have lost it. It would be hugely welcomed by those members. They tend to be the oldest ones, and often the ones who have campaigned for so long, at such personal cost, for the other members of the Pension Protection Fund and the Financial Assistance Scheme.
Amendments 124, 128, 132 and 136 relate to the Pension Protection Fund paying those lump sum payments. Amendment 154 is about mirroring that for the Financial Assistance Scheme. I accept that the Government may have to find public money for that, but I argue that—after allocating billions of pounds to the Mineworkers’ Pension Scheme and the British Coal Staff Superannuation Scheme to increase the already full benefits that those members were receiving at the expense of the taxpayer—spending a small fraction of that on remedying this injustice, for so many people who are becoming gradually poorer every year, would be a sensible way to spend some of the surplus in the Pension Protection Fund. As the members say, the Government’s hugely welcome current proposals to increase with inflation in the future will not make any of them better off now. It will make sure only that they get worse off more slowly—but is that really all we can achieve given the success of the Pension Protection Fund? I beg to move.
My Lords, I strongly support what the noble Baroness said and commend her for her work with the Pensions Action Group. I was Secretary of State in the DWP at the time and was lobbied effectively by her in a very good campaign. I managed to persuade the then Prime Minister, Gordon Brown, in favour of it—mostly against his initial will and as a result of a fierce argument, during which my private office thought I might be sacked. That policy succeeded. Pensioners who had suffered a terrible injustice—150,000 were robbed of their pensions when their companies went bust; those companies took those pensioners down with them—were given the assistance that I believe they deserved.
I do not know exactly how to remedy the issue that was not addressed then—the lack of indexation—and whether it is through the proposal set out in the noble Baroness’s amendments. That seems to make sense to me, but I can understand why my noble friend the Minister would find it difficult to concede. However, there is an injustice that needs to be addressed. I simply wanted to make that point.
I personally met members of Allied Steel and Wire—ASW—in Cardiff. Many who had served some 30 years suddenly found themselves, on the point of retirement, losing their pensions—all their plans had gone up in smoke. This was a terrible injustice. Some 150,000 workers across the country were in that predicament. The Government acted—I am proud that we did—to remedy that, but there was one gap that was not addressed, and the amendments from the noble Baroness, Lady Altmann, seek to do that. I hope that the Government will find a way to accept the basic case that she put.
My Lords, I will speak briefly. We welcome the intent behind these amendments. We have spoken with campaigners and representatives of affected members and understand the concerns that sit behind them. Those concerns are real and deserve to be taken seriously. I have listened very carefully to the remarks from the noble Baroness, Lady Altmann, and the noble Lords, Lord Hain, Lord Wigley and Lord Davies, with the case studies that they have cited relating to the losses suffered by individuals, and also the emotional consequences.
However, we have reservations about the proposed approach. As drafted, these amendments would, in certain circumstances, compel the payment of lump sums. That does not sit comfortably with the core principle that we have adopted throughout the passage of this Bill: that we should not seek to direct or constrain pension funds in a way that limits their ability to act in the best interests of their members. If the PPF determines that using surplus to provide such payment is appropriate, proportionate and in members’ best interests, of course we would support that. However, that judgment is properly one for the fund itself, not something that should be prescribed. It is for the Government to offer a response to the questions and the points raised by other speakers, and I look forward to the remarks from the Minister.
While we have sympathy with the objective of these amendments, we do not believe that mandating this approach is the right way to achieve it. Therefore, I am afraid that we are unable to support them.
The Minister may correct me, but I do not believe that the Pension Protection Fund could itself agree to make these lump sum payments; they need to be enabled by legislation. I have not double-checked that, but that was what I was led to believe.
The noble Baroness asks a fair question. Can the Minister clarify that? We have looked into this in some depth and come to our own conclusion, and I am afraid we will have to stick to that: but I do take the noble Baroness’s point.
My Lords, I thank the Minister for her response and her understanding. Obviously, her reply is extremely disappointing. I thank all noble Lords who have spoken, without exception, in support of helping these members, who are the oldest and have typically lost the most as a result of their scheme failing.
I would like—and I feel, in all good conscience, having heard the support across the House for these principles and having worked for more than 20 years with many of those who have lost out, that I am morally obliged—to test the opinion of the House, but I will not do so on Amendment 124. I give notice that I will do so on Amendment 154, on the Financial Assistance Scheme, later in this debate on Report.
My Lords, as we have already debated this amendment and I alerted the House that I would like to test its opinion after such strong support from nearly all sides, I beg leave to test the opinion of the House on Amendment 154.
I welcome the comments from the noble Lord, Lord Palmer of Childs Hill, on police pensions. It is a clear injustice that my noble friend the Minister will understand. The truth is that the only objection is the classic “read-across”—the implications it has for other groups—but I do not see that as a good reason to continue with an injustice. I am therefore happy to express my support for Amendment 164.
I do not support Amendment 157, calling for a review of public service pensions. In truth, the House deserves a proper, full debate on the issue and not as a by-product of this Bill. If other Members want to take the necessary steps to have a proper debate on the issue, I would welcome that. I am confident in that because I know that when such a review takes place, it will come up with the same conclusion as the last review.
It should be of no surprise to anyone that an unfunded pension scheme is not funded—it is inherent; it is in the name. Why do we fund private sector pensions? We do so to provide members with a guarantee. There is no ideological issue involved here. For members to feel safe about receiving their pensions, they want to see the employer putting aside the members’ money into a fund that will be there to provide the pensions when they get to retirement—that is why we have a fund. If the pension is being provided by the Government, we can rely on the Government. We have always relied on the Government, and so a fund is not necessary. Calculating what the fund would be, if it were funded, is an interesting exercise—I would do it myself for a reasonable fee—but it does not tell you anything about the management of that unfunded pension scheme arrangement.
The noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe, mentioned interest rates. Interest rates make no difference whatever to the cost of an unfunded scheme, because it is not funded. They do make a difference to the figure that you calculate at the current time, but that is purely a ghost figure—that is not the cost of the scheme. The cost of the scheme is what arises when you pay the benefits, which is not affected in any way by interest rates.
I look forward to the noble Viscount, Lord Younger, introducing his amendment on member engagement. If I had seen it before this weekend, I would have been minded to add my name to it—I like the amendment. I do not know whether my noble friend the Minister will accept it, but I agree that it is time for a review of how members are engaged in their pension scheme. The system we have now dates back almost 30 years; it is post Maxwell. The Pensions Act 1995, introduced by the noble Lord, Lord Hague—as he is now—established the structure, and the operation of pension schemes has moved on so much since then.
An interesting wrinkle in the legislation comes in the light of the Goode report. Professor Goode was asked to provide advice on member involvement in the wake of the Maxwell scandal. He recommended that there should be member-nominated trustees. This was adopted by the then Conservative Government. The interesting fact is that the Goode commission recommended that there should be a majority of member-nominated trustee in defined contribution schemes, which, of course, is the majority form of provision at the moment. If we were to adopt its approach, as part of the noble Viscount’s review, we would want much greater involvement in looking after the money and taking investment decisions, which I regard as a very good thing.
There have been big changes since 1995. There has been massive growth in single corporate trustees, which precludes the possibility of member-nominated trustees—again, another good reason to support the noble Viscount’s amendment. Of course, how you have member involvement in schemes that are closed is a much more difficult issue than when they are open with active members.
There are good reason for having a review of how members are engaged in occupational pension provision. I have not discussed this with my noble friend the Minister but my guess is that she will reject the amendment, which is a bit of a pity but I will of course, as almost always, support the Whip.
My Lords, I support Amendment 164 in the name of the noble Lord, Lord Palmer. I agree that there seems to be something of an injustice in relation to survivor pensions for the police. For policemen who pass away, pensions for their spouse are suspended if the spouse remarries or even moves in with a partner. Do the same provisions apply in the Armed Forces, NHS and Civil Service pension schemes, or does the deceased member’s partner not lose their pension in those schemes if they remarry or cohabit, unlike for the police?
Lord Moynihan of Chelsea (Con)
My Lords, I revert to the amendment from my noble friend Lady Neville-Rolfe. I thank her for this important contribution and welcome the contributions from various noble friends, the news from the noble Lord, Lord Palmer, that he would be minded to support this amendment, and even the super news from the noble Lord, Lord Davies of Brixton, that he too might support some form of inquiry.
I have been struggling for some weeks now to think how I could persuade the House that my noble friend Lady Neville-Rolfe’s amendment was crucial and urgent, and how we have got ourselves into a really dangerous situation with public sector pensions. We discussed this in Committee. The noble Viscount, Lord Thurso, gave a speech in which he seemed to believe that these pensions were necessary because pay was—I think this is the number that was given—30% below that of the private sector. As I think we know, studies show that public sector workers get about 6% more for the same job as the private sector worker before these generous pensions. Yes, a commitment was made for these pensions, but so was it made to the civil servants of Greece and of Ireland—suddenly there was no money and those commitments were reneged on. We do not want to get to that situation.
The mood of the House is always to say, “Look, these people are working hard. They need a good a retirement. There is a wonderful security in being promised a salary increasing with inflation that is about two-thirds of what they were getting before until they die. All that is wonderful, we should be generous, and it would be an injustice to take it away”, but the fact is that this House is also for scrutiny and looks at the finances of this country, not just at where we can give more money to people. I listened earlier this afternoon to people arguing for more money to be laid out. It is what we tend to be quite good at, but the fact of the matter is that we now know that there is no money, when we cannot afford to spend enough on defence and when, as my noble friend, Lord Elliott of Mickle Fell, said, we are paying out more in benefits than we are receiving in income tax. In area after area, there are calls for money that is not available, and the Government, quite rightly, reject those calls for more money to be spent. There is no more money.
I support the amendment from the noble Viscount, Lord Thurso. I think that anyone who looks at the detail, as he has done, will be convinced that somewhere in this series of events there has been a serious injustice. There is no question of that. These people have suffered financially through no fault of their own.
Getting to the bottom of it is difficult. Whatever “a review” means, I think it is appropriate that there should be some form of investigation. The problem they face is that the existing methods of investigation—in particular, the Pensions Ombudsman—just do not work in this case, so a bespoke review is required.
I have to emphasise that nothing I say should be taken as a criticism of professional colleagues and certainly should not be taken as constituting professional advice. But the injustice is clear. Other cases have been quoted by those who have suffered an injustice where the Government have taken action to support members of other, not directly analogous, but similar schemes, and this only increases their sense of injustice.
I urge my noble friend the Minister to indicate in her reply that the Government’s mind is not totally closed on this issue, because there is undoubtedly unfairness involved.
My Lords, I have added my name to this amendment, and I thank the noble Viscount, Lord Thurso, for the excellent explanation he has given. I agree completely with what the noble Lord, Lord Davies, said. This is clearly an injustice that has gone under the radar for far too long. Indeed, I have spent the last 20 years of my life trying to help people in this kind of position, where their pensions have been taken away from them, reduced or in some way impacted by problems that were not of their own making.
This is probably the worst example I have seen of instances where people were misled into moving their money into something that was totally different from what they were led to believe. For example, the members asked the Government Actuary’s Department, which reassured them before they moved their money that the scheme they were moving it into was pretty much the same as the one they left, without any mention of the risk that they could lose the whole thing. Indeed, in 1996 there was no Pension Protection Fund, and they could have lost the whole of their accrued benefit that was transferred over.
They asked:
“Did the GAD document state anywhere that the AEAT pension fund was at greater risk than the UKAEA pension fund?”—
the private fund that they transferred to. In the written reply, the Government Actuary’s Department said it did not. In the private sector, how many people have paid a fortune for mis-selling for much less lack of risk warning than that? In Parliament, Ministers at the time gave assurances, such as that from Richard Page MP in debate on the Atomic Energy Authority Bill, which did the privatisation. He said:
“I have made it absolutely clear that the Government have no intention whatever of selling employees short. Their terms and conditions and pension rights will be fully protected”.—[Official Report, Commons, 2/5/1995: col. 210.]
That is just not what has happened.
I do not think it was an intentional outcome, but it is a real outcome to the members who are trying to survive on so much less than they should have. The Pensions Ombudsman could not investigate this because the scheme was privatised in 1996 and failed in 2012. The statute of limitations expires after 15 years, but the company did not fail until 16 years later. The Parliamentary Ombudsman office could not investigate because it is involved with public sector pensions, but the ombudsman felt so strongly that this was an injustice that they helped to draft a Private Member’s Bill for the noble Lord, Lord Vaizey—he is not in his place and I had hoped he might make it; I think he is coming later—to try in that way to achieve proper justice for the AEAT members. We are talking about fewer than 1,000 people in the closed section who transferred their entire public sector pension accrual over into this new private scheme with a new company. The amendment tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Palmer, in the first group concerned a lacuna in protection. If this is not a huge lacuna in protection, I am not quite sure what is.
I remind noble Lords that in 2024 the Government allocated £1.5 billion to enhance by 32% the pensions of 112,000 former mineworkers. I am not criticising the Government for doing that. They also, in the last Budget in 2025, allocated £2.3 billion of taxpayers’ money to enhance coal staff pensions, even though that money would have come back to the public purse in 2029. That was given to those mineworkers. Again, I am not criticising the Government for that. However, I cannot help wondering whether the shortfall for 2029 that would arise as a result of this may have driven in some regard the £2,000 national insurance salary sacrifice cap, which will, perhaps coincidentally, kick in in 2029.
What I am saying is that, if this country can afford to enhance those pensions at taxpayers’ expense, how much more worthy and important is it for us as a country to honour the accrued rights of workers who in good faith transferred their pensions on the advice, as we have heard from the noble Viscount, Lord Thurso, of the Government Actuary’s Department? They believed they were doing the right thing and have ended up losing so much as a result.
I hope that the Minister and the Government might think carefully about the speeches that we have heard this evening and give serious consideration to addressing this injustice.
My Lords, this is a thoughtful amendment from the noble Viscount, Lord Thurso, and the noble Baroness, Lady Altmann, and I am grateful to them for bringing it before the House. Where there is a credible concern that individuals have suffered material pension losses, it is right that those concerns are properly examined. This amendment seeks to ensure that the facts are established, the extent of any losses is understood, the causes are examined, and any lessons for policy, protection or redress are fully considered. That seems to us a measured and sensible approach. If the losses suffered by former employees of AEA Technology are indeed material, it makes sense that this issue should be looked into carefully, independently and transparently.
We will therefore listen closely to the Minister’s response, particularly on whether the Government believe that the existing framework is sufficient to address these concerns, or whether there is merit in undertaking the kind of review proposed in the amendment.