Oral Answers to Questions

Debate between Graham Stuart and Chuka Umunna

Thursday 17th October 2019 Commons Chamber

[Chuka Umunna (Streatham) (LD)]

The National Audit Office said yesterday that if the UK leaves the EU without a deal, cross-border shipments could be reduced by more than 50% and would take 12 months to return to normal. Can we stop this charade? Is it not the case that no responsible Government would do that to our businesses, and that if there is no agreement with the EU by Saturday, the Prime Minister will send the letter requesting an extension, not least because if he fails to do so he will be in contempt of court, given the proceedings in the Court of Session?

[Graham Stuart]

As well as birthday congratulations to the hon. Gentleman, I have other good news: we are taking steps to support businesses in all scenarios and to ensure that, with or without a deal, we minimise any negative disruption. But as my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State just said—this is an appeal to Members right across this House—we will have the opportunity to vote for a Saturday sitting, and we will have the opportunity, I hope, to see a deal put through that will mean that we can move forward. I hope that the hon. Gentleman, finally, will support and respect the decision of the British people in 2016.

Enterprise and Regulatory Reform Bill

Debate between Graham Stuart and Chuka Umunna

Wednesday 17th October 2012 Commons Chamber

[Mr Umunna]

Let me say first, meaning no disrespect to the Minister, with whom I have enjoyed debating during the Bill’s passage, that I find it quite extraordinary that for this—the Department’s flagship Bill—the Secretary of State is not present.

On Second Reading, the Opposition tabled a reasoned amendment stating that the Bill was a missed opportunity to provide a strategy for economic growth and that it contained inadequate measures to improve business confidence, investment and competiveness. That remains our view on Third Reading. In Committee, as a constructive Opposition, we tabled amendments designed to support business, including measures to ensure that the green investment bank can be a strong and transparent catalyst for green growth; to improve the competition framework; and better to empower shareholders in relation to directors’ remuneration. Throughout that process, we drew on our discussions with business organisations and other stakeholders, as well as the evidence given by witnesses during the evidence sessions.

At this point, I add my thanks to my hon. Friends the Members for Hartlepool (Mr Wright), for Newcastle upon Tyne Central (Chi Onwurah), and for Edinburgh South (Ian Murray) and all the Opposition Members who served on the Bill Committee for their hard work. The Committee stage was something of a marathon, given the rag-bag of often very different measures contained in the Bill, but although we have not always agreed with the Government, it was good to hear the Minister agree that Opposition Members have thoroughly scrutinised the Bill and done so in good spirit and with some humour, too—I understand that “Fifty Shades of Grey”, One Direction and the Stone Roses have all been mentioned during consideration. Despite all the good work, however, Ministers did not accept any of our amendments in Committee, or pledge to return on Report with acceptable alternatives.

In the hope that we might be able to reach agreement on Report, I wrote to the Secretary of State at the end of last month setting out our position, highlighting the parts of the Bill we agree with and those we disagree with. The Secretary of State—I shall quote, as he is not here—replied saying:

“I believe that we support the same goals of promoting growth and reducing unnecessary burdens on business and I note that you are supportive in principle of a number of measures in the Bill.”

Indeed, it is true. We support in principle a number of measures in the Bill, such as those relating to the green investment bank, improving the competition regime and extending the primary authority scheme that we established in Government. There is no doubt about that.

The Secretary of State also referred in his letter to the changes that he has since made to his original proposals contained in the Bill on copyright. I am pleased that he has listened to what we had to say on that and that in some respects he has U-turned, although I understand that several stakeholders remain concerned.

Although we think the Government should go further in their reforms relating to directors’ remuneration, in principle we do not object to what they have done so far. However, despite our best efforts, we have not been able to reach agreement on the other aspects of the Bill to which we strongly object and which the Government refuse to remove from it.

There are certain red lines that the Bill crosses that the Labour party is not prepared to cross. We want to see enterprise flourish, but in a society where people’s rights are respected. We want to see our economy grow, and I hope and expect the next quarter’s GDP figure, which will be released next week, to be a positive number after three quarters of contraction, but growth cannot be at the expense of the basic protections that people enjoy in this country. In the name of growth, part 2 of the Bill will drastically reduce people’s rights at work and part 5, along with other Government measures, takes us along the slippery slope to the abolition of the Equality and Human Rights Commission. This is wrong.

Many of the measures in part 2 find their inspiration in the report of the Prime Minister’s employment law adviser, Adrian Beecroft. By his own admission in the public evidence sessions on the Bill, Mr Beecroft said that his findings were based on conversations and not on a statistically valid sample of people. Of course, the Government are implementing many of his measures. For example, having already increased the service requirement to claim for unfair dismissal in the employment tribunal, by reducing compensatory awards for unfair dismissal the Government seek in the Bill to water down further the rights of all employees in this country, as we heard today, most of whom are not members of a trade union.

As I said on Second Reading, reducing compensatory awards for unfair dismissal in particular will impact on those in middle income occupations. They, like others in lower income occupations, are already facing the biggest squeeze on their living standards in a generation under this Government, and weakening their rights at work will only add to the worry and stress that working people are under. Mr Beecroft, I read, suggested that the Secretary of State, who is not here, is a socialist. Well, I can tell him that the Secretary of State has done his best to prove otherwise in the Bill.

[Mr Graham Stuart]

I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman, who is being most generous. Does he feel that the compensation currently available is exactly right or does he think it should be increased further? He must recognise that there is a balance to be struck between looking after the interests of employees and not causing employers to avoid taking people on for fear of the costs. That balance must be struck and the hon. Gentleman obviously thinks the figure should be at the upper end. Does he want to increase the current levels?

[Mr Umunna]

With respect, I observe for the record that the hon. Gentleman has not been present for most of the debate on the Bill today, yesterday or at any time. If he had been here earlier, he would have heard me make much the same observation as he has just made—that there is a balance to be struck. We disagree with changing the current regime in relation to the compensatory award. I would not say that any system is perfect. For example, in relation to the unfair dismissal regime and the way that it interacts with the tribunals, yes, we have entertained the Government’s Underhill review because we understand that there are some issues. I am not sure that any system would be perfect, but we disagree with what is proposed in the Bill and the way in which it will change the balance. There is obviously a disagreement on that.

With regard to part 5, which relates to the Equality and Human Rights Commission, and the new clauses relating to the Equality Act 2010, the Secretary of State on Second Reading referred to the measures relating to the commission as “legislative tidying-up.” They are nothing of the sort, as I think he knows. He likes to pose as the opposition within on so many matters but waves through the more extreme impulses of his coalition partners.

To compound matters, last week the Government tabled an amendment to the Bill providing for the repeal of the provisions in the 2010 Act relating to liability for third-party harassment of employees, which was one of Adrian Beecroft’s proposals. It was a classic example of the Secretary of State trying to face both ways at once. When questioned on Second Reading about the Government’s intentions by my hon. Friend the Member for Stretford and Urmston (Kate Green), he assured the House that he had no intention of implementing that Beecroft proposal. Then, out of the blue and at the last minute, he presents us with a new clause seeking to do just that.

Samantha Mangwana, a senior employment lawyer at the respected law firm Russell, Jones and Walker Solicitors, asked in today’s Financial Times what signal that sends out. She said

“this is not some meaningless bureaucratic red tape, but the very protections that are in place to protect staff from predatory sexual advances by third parties.”

In conclusion, the unemployment figures released today are very welcome, but more than 2.5 million people are still out of work. In my constituency more than 11 people are chasing every Jobcentre Plus vacancy. Long-term unemployment has risen and the number of young people out of work and claiming benefits for more than a year has gone up yet again, and we are still in a double-dip recession, one of only two G20 countries in that position. That situation will not be resolved by taking away people’s fundamental rights; it will be resolved by getting demand back into the economy. That is what creates jobs, and that should have been the sole focus of an enterprise Bill. It is a shame that that is not the case with this Bill. Instead, we have seen today not the focus on kick-starting the recovery and laying a platform for long-term and sustainable growth, but the final nail in the coffin of any claim the Government could make to marrying competence with compassion. That is why we will vote against the Bill tonight.