Global Anti-Corruption Sanctions Regulations 2021

Debate between James Duddridge and Catherine West

Tuesday 25th May 2021 General Committees

[James Duddridge]

I thank the hon. Lady for her support for the regulations and her detailed querying. I do not think there will be any need for me to write back: while her questions are probing, they will be relatively simple for me to deal with today.

The hon. Lady started by thanking the FCDO officials working on sanctions. I will pass on those thanks when I head back to the office; this is a very complex arena. However, I must disagree with her on some of the underlying themes. Global transparency has got better in the UK, not worse. To put a number on that, in 2010 we were 20th out of 108 countries on Transparency International’s corruption perceptions index. The 2020 figure, the one most recently available, puts us at 11th.

The idea that anyone can turn up and buy a house with a suitcase of cash is just not true. If the hon. Lady has any evidence for that whatsoever, she should bring it forward. If anyone were to do that, estate agents would be bound by money-laundering and KYC—know your customer—regulations to declare it. In fact, I think they would even have to declare if that was offered, without it actually happening.

I welcome the hon. Lady’s praise of the late Magnitsky and of Bill Browder, who holds our feet to the fire. I note her points about the NCA, the Home Office and resource. I will certainly pass those on to the Home Secretary when I meet tomorrow, but I see that work very clearly in the African continent. I have not had the privilege to travel to Colombia to see the NCA’s work, but it is internationally as well renowned.

We will work closely with our US and Canadian colleagues. In fact, the legislation was drafted to enable us to do that, and some of the announcements on 26 April were made in co-ordination with our US counterparts. We will also be able to complement the EU’s sanctions, so that we can move at the same pace as another nation, or collection of nations, on our own, or in any other form of consortium we so chose.

On the anti-corruption tsar, I was indeed a Minister under David Cameron, and I work closely with my hon. Friend the Member for Weston-super-Mare (John Penrose) and speak to him frequently about these issues, so we are very joined up at both ministerial and non-ministerial level.

[Catherine West]

Does the Minister agree that the anti-corruption tsar is not as high profile as before and that there is no formal reporting mechanism? Perhaps that is something the Minister could take back to think through. If we are to have an anti-corruption tsar, surely that individual should have a reporting function, an opportunity for parliamentary debate or some kind of profile within Parliament.

[James Duddridge]

I totally disagree with the hon. Lady in one part and agree with her in another. The anti-corruption tsar has immense influence and an immense voice. He is very loudly heard, and in many ways is uncomfortably loudly heard for a Government with other priorities. She makes a broader point about the role within Parliament. As a member of the Executive primarily, rather than as a parliamentarian principally, I will not comment on that, but she can no doubt raise the issue with him.

The hon. Lady referred to the Foreign Affairs Committee—or the equivalent in the US. We want to engage more with Parliament. There will be regular reporting on people who have been designated. In my experience, Parliament does not tend to have a problem with anyone we designate; the issue is with additional people. The mechanism for that is not fully formalised. It could be via the Foreign Affairs Committee—the Chair and his Committee have never been shy in coming forward with ideas—but it could equally be done more privately, because as she also alluded to, sometimes these things are best done privately. We do not want to give people notice that they might be sanctioned, because then they can move assets overseas.

The hon. Lady asserted that I perhaps wrote my speech before the situation in Belarus applied. She is absolutely right, but I can assure her that we are used to sanctioning Belarus. Following the rigged elections, 99 people were sanctioned. When we left the European Union we carried forward sanctions related to Belarus, and we already have an arms embargo in place on Belarus for anything that could be used to suppress the people of Belarus.

The hon. Lady mentioned the hon. Member for Wigan, who wrote to the Foreign Secretary this morning. Very rudely, he did not copy me in, so I am not aware of the details of that letter, but I note that the hon. Lady referenced an individual. She will appreciate why, even if I was fully aware of that individual, I would not be able to comment, because of the issue of assets moving elsewhere out of the country.

I thank the hon. Lady for this debate. I think I have answered all questions; I therefore commend the regulations to the Committee.

Question put and agreed to.

Refugee Communities: Covid-19

Debate between James Duddridge and Catherine West

Thursday 12th November 2020 Commons Chamber

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs (James Duddridge)]

It is good to be back at the Dispatch Box. We all worry about our own personal health and that of other families around us, so it is good to come together to discuss the health and fragility of people and refugees from around the world, most of whom, as the hon. Member for Bradford West (Naz Shah) said, are outside this country, although the ones with whom we are more familiar as constituency MPs are within this country.

I thank the hon. Member for Bethnal Green and Bow (Rushanara Ali) for securing this debate. Her regular parliamentary questions come from her travel throughout the area and from her advocacy. I recommend to the House her article in “Politics Home” entitled “Poor conditions in refugee camps make them a ticking time bomb for Covid”. Although a small contribution by volume, it covers all of the major points.

Although, party politically, we always go backwards and forwards on these issues, I genuinely believe that we have more in common here than we disagree on. That is not to say that we should not debate the periphery rigorously, but the broad thrust of what we want to do is the same. I always like to distil things down into a few words, but the hon. Member for Oldham East and Saddleworth (Debbie Abrahams) distilled this issue down into two words: people first. It is very easy to talk about internally displaced people, refugees, acronyms and numbers of 80 million, but this all boils down to one person, one family. As the hon. Member for Canterbury (Rosie Duffield) said, we get up off the sofa to do ridiculous things by way of sport or endurance, but we are talking here about the lives of people who do not have any homes to go back to. Covid has made that situation a lot more complex.

Since the outbreak of the pandemic, we have been deeply concerned about the impact specifically on refugees and forcibly displaced populations, and so it is hugely welcome to discuss this as an issue. The latest figure quoted is 80 million and that includes internally and externally displaced people and refugees—people who have been forced to flee their homes as a result of persecution, conflict, violence and human rights violations. As many Members have said in different ways, one does not leave one’s home or flee across the border unless things are pretty dire. More people are internally displaced within their own countries. That is often less talked about. In fact, just to put a different number on it, one person is forcibly displaced every two seconds around the world, and that has happened for many, many years, rather than it being a temporary matter. In total, more than 1% of the world’s population at any given time is forcibly displaced, which is clearly shocking and serves as a stark reminder of the derailment of normal humanitarian hopes and aspirations, and that is further magnified by covid.

Mention was made of the promises of money. We have diverted £1.3 billion of aid to covid-specific issues, a proportion of which is specifically to assist those in the most vulnerable areas. We should be proud as a House and as a country to be spending 0.7% of GNI on international aid. The good news that GDP has come up a bit faster domestically will have an impact on what we are able to spend in the international community going forwards. That is good news not just for the UK economy, but for what we can do in terms of international development.

The impact of covid is massively amplified for vulnerable and marginalised groups such as refugees and other displaced people.  There are currently 28,000 reported cases of covid across 100 countries that UN refugee agencies have as people of concern. That gives a broad number, and I hope to put a little bit of context around that as I continue.

Many find themselves living in close quarters without access to healthcare or shelter. They are in crowded camps in urban settings, where social distancing and basic handwashing are a challenge, as is isolation, and the idea of shielding is just for the birds; it is unrealistic. Even the aspiration we have in terms of density is three times greater than the density in Sao Paolo, which is one of the most populated towns in the world. Even if we get the density we aspire to in camps, it is still very close quarters.

Refugees also have the problem of not being able to access essential services, whether those are linguistic or legal, or to have basic information. We are all concerned about the secondary impacts of covid around the world, and those are just as important for refugees, and potentially more important relative to the impacts on the UK. There is less opportunity to learn, earn a living, save money and access basic assistance, and they are much more likely to face eviction and school closures. They are much more likely to be blamed for covid. There is rising xenophobia, to paraphrase the hon. Member for Strangford (Jim Shannon), and other risks. That can lead to all sorts of additional problems.

We know that around the world there will be greater gender inequality. Girls’ education in particular will be derailed. There is increased domestic violence and the risk of sexual exploitation, abuse and harassment. That again, sadly, is particularly the case for refugees. There will be marginalisation, social exclusion and stigma, which may mean that health services are not prioritised for those most in need.

The areas where people are refugees are predominantly to be found in neighbouring countries, which already have weaker health systems, weaker water systems and weaker sanitation systems. They are already very much under pressure, so our aid budget is aiming to assist on covid overall, but British expertise is also working to stop the spread of covid.

Members mentioned vaccines, which we are delivering through Gavi and the Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations. The Prime Minister was clear earlier this week that world leaders have a moral duty to ensure that vaccines, treatments and tests are truly available to all, and that will be the best defence to enable collective security and reduce the risk of outbreaks. It is in those people’s interests, but also in the national interest.

[Catherine West]

May I briefly press the Minister on the question of the paperwork that needs to be done for certain people trying to reunite with family members in the UK? Given the covid restrictions across various parts of the world, will his Department look at eliminating the need for travelling to those places in person and do those things online, as per the request of the British Red Cross?

[James Duddridge]

We work very closely with the British Red Cross and fund a number of those pieces of work. The issue the hon. Member describes is not simple and is largely one for the Home Office team, but I will discuss it with them. Our ambassadors work closely with the Home Office in post. I recognise the difficulty. The reality is that very few people are travelling at all across the developing world, and that is probably right, because infection rates are higher in some of the countries where they would be going. We should reflect on that in terms of how we provide humanitarian support through local people and local mechanisms, rather than having people getting on planes and potentially spreading the virus.

Mention was made of providing ventilators. Often the most effective aid is very, very basic—providing water and soap, countering communications around covid and providing very basic PPE. We are not talking about full bodysuits, but a basic mask that people can use when they are getting out and about. That tends to be where we are focusing as an international community.

Oral Answers to Questions

Debate between James Duddridge and Catherine West

Tuesday 12th April 2016 Commons Chamber

[James Duddridge]

Perhaps I might outline for the House some of the costs. We estimate that the initial costs would range from £55 million for a 50-person pilot on Diego Garcia to £256 million for a 1,500-person resettlement on Diego Garcia and the outer islands. In addition, operating costs would range from £5 million to £18.5 million a year on a potentially open-ended and escalating basis.

[Catherine West (Hornsey and Wood Green) (Lab)]

Will the Foreign and Commonwealth Office commit that financial resource, which is desperately needed, to recognise the human rights of this group of people who have suffered for so long under many different Governments?

[James Duddridge]

Following the detailed KPMG report and subsequent consultation, Her Majesty’s Government are looking closely at the matter. The hon. Lady will forgive me if I do not come to a conclusion at the Dispatch Box, but go through due process, and I will try to do so as quickly as possible.

Oral Answers to Questions

Debate between James Duddridge and Catherine West

Tuesday 23rd February 2016 Commons Chamber

[James Duddridge]

There will be open registers available for law enforcement agencies to interrogate. There will not be publicly open registers. That is a long-term aspiration, but initially we want there to be access for law enforcement agencies. That will create greater transparency and reduce corruption and terrorist payments.

[Catherine West (Hornsey and Wood Green) (Lab)]

In April 2014, the Prime Minister said:

“I believe that beneficial ownership and public access to a central register is key to improving the transparency of company ownership and vital to meeting the urgent challenges of illicit finance and tax evasion.”

Nearly two years have passed and there still appears to be no timetable for transparency arrangements in respect of the financial centres. Why is that?

[James Duddridge]

There has been much progress, which the hon. Lady dismisses too readily. There are checkpoints. Only last week, I spoke to overseas territory leaders. There are people out there at the moment and we hope to crystallise some of the improvements before the May summit on corruption. That summit was called by the Prime Minister and will be held here in London, which demonstrates the British Government’s commitment to this important issue.

[Catherine West]

Will the Minister tell the House the exact date by which he expects overseas territory financial centres to ensure that there are proper transparency arrangements, or will we continue to hear more excuses for inaction in the years to come?

[James Duddridge]

This is a matter of direction, rather than an ultimate destination. We will constantly ask the international community to do more to create greater transparency, but it is crucial that the international community, whether it is the Crown dependencies, the overseas territories or other overseas Governments, move together on this, because we want to eliminate the problem of corrupt and untransparent moneys, rather than shift it from territory to territory.

Burma

Debate between James Duddridge and Catherine West

Thursday 5th November 2015 Commons Chamber

[James Duddridge]

I thank my hon. Friend for his long-standing advocacy on this issue. When the Minister of State, my right hon. Friend the Member for East Devon, visited Burma, he went first to Rakhine to look at the situation of the Rohingya people. They are oppressed and, in relation to the election, are being denied a democratic voice. The UK Government are deeply concerned about this issue. We have raised it on a consistent basis with the current Burmese Government and will continue to do so with any future Government. The position of the Rohingya people is unacceptable in the modern democracy Burma aspires to be and which we want to see.

[Catherine West (Hornsey and Wood Green) (Lab)]

I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Walsall South (Valerie Vaz) for her urgent question, which follows on closely from her excellent debate on progress in securing better human rights and better elections in Burma. There is an enormous amount of interest across the Chamber and in the other place on this important question.

The people of Burma have faced decades of brutal oppression. In a few days’ time, they will have their first openly contested election in 50 years. This progress should be widely welcomed. The release of thousands of people, as part of a presidential prisoner amnesty in July, was an important step, too. In the previous prisoner amnesty that took place in October 2014, when thousands were released a few weeks ahead of Burma’s hosting two major international summits, there were reports of an upsurge in arrests and harassment of peaceful activists. Amnesty International states:

“Myanmar’s authorities have a track record of announcing prisoner amnesties...at politically opportune times. The government must prove that this is more than an empty gesture to curry favour ahead of the November elections”.

Will the Minister set out what steps have been taken by the UK and the international community to ensure that this will be a lasting amnesty?

Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has criticised the electoral process, saying it has been less than totally free and fair and that the electoral commission has failed to deal with certain irregularities. Does the Minister share her concerns and has he raised them with the Burmese Government?

The Minister will be aware—it was raised in the urgent question—that the Rohingya and some Christian minorities are experiencing harassment and persecution. The Muslim minority are not classified as citizens and will not have a vote. Does the Minister agree that it is wrong that their voice will not be heard in this election? What efforts are being made to encourage the Burmese authorities not to follow this election, whatever the outcome, with arrests and harassment of peaceful activists who have been campaigning?

On Sunday, it will be for the Burmese people to decide their election. The whole House will be watching, looking on with hope that the election will be fair and free and that there will be a peaceful outcome that works towards greater human rights.

[James Duddridge]

The eyes of the world and this Chamber are certainly on the elections to try to ensure they are free and fair. The hon. Lady’s comments were very balanced, reflecting not only the fears that things might go wrong and the fact that we should flag up any issues with the election, but the optimism that this is arguably the biggest opportunity for free and fair elections in more than 50 years. It has been a brutal, brutal decade. I congratulate all Members, some of whom are in the Chamber today, and organisations such as Amnesty International, which she mentioned in her question, that have worked so tirelessly.

The Rohingya have no voice and cannot be heard. They do not have the vote that we take for granted. I suspect it troubles all hon. Members that so many of our constituents do not vote in elections, but they do have a voice indirectly. The Minister of State, my right hon. Friend the Member for East Devon, visited and spoke to the Rohingya, and we will continue to press, in the strongest possible terms, for their democratic participation. Sadly, it is too late for Sunday, but we can, I hope, build on a strong election this weekend and move towards future elections that include the minority Muslim Rohingya population, so that Burma can proudly say that its election results represent the whole population, not just the vocal majority.