Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill

Lord Carter of Haslemere Excerpts

Friday 30th January 2026 Lords Chamber

[Lord Frost (Non-Afl)]

I am coming to my conclusion. It is somewhat safer with the two criteria of autonomy plus life expectancy and of unbearable and irremediable suffering. It limits the scope of the moral and legal change, or regression as I would see it, that we are undertaking here. That is why I have tabled Amendment 84 and why I think it is so essential.

[Lord Carter of Haslemere (CB)]

My Lords, I added my name to Amendment 84 since I think the noble Lord, Lord Frost, has struck gold with this amendment. Requiring

“unbearable suffering … which cannot be relieved by treatment”,

raises four critical issues at the epicentre of the Bill. First, his amendment exposes the total unreliability of a six-month prognosis of a terminal illness, as we have heard from numerous noble Lords. Trying to predict life expectancy is a hopeless exercise, especially when medical advances are improving at such a phenomenal rate. As the noble and learned Lord, the sponsor, said in relation to a prediction of six months to live, we are not dealing with certainty. I am with him on that.

Let me give the Committee an illustration from a real case. I know of somebody who was given a 5% chance of living for 10 years because he was suffering from an advanced aggressive cancer. It is not exact, but a 5% chance of living for 10 years approximates broadly to a reasonable expectation of dying within six months. That was 21 years ago and, as far as I know, I am still here—noble Lords will correct me if I have got that wrong. It does sometimes feel slightly otherworldly, listening to these debates.

Secondly, the requirement in Amendment 84 for unbearable suffering that cannot be relieved by treatment would have the obvious merit of bringing the effectiveness of palliative care into play, which is not currently the case as the Bill stands. As we know, the experts say that palliative care relieves pain in most cases and can help people who want to die to want to live. That is why a full assessment by a palliative care specialist is so important, as earlier amendments sensibly proposed. But the noble and learned Lord has said he is

“incredibly opposed to unbearable suffering as the root”

of this Bill. His view is unsurprising since the effectiveness of palliative care would significantly reduce the Bill’s impact.

So the noble and learned Lord falls back on the personal autonomy argument, telling the Select Committee that the essence of the Bill is autonomy—you have a choice, it is autonomy—and it would give people the option of an assisted death if they have simply had enough of life. This is the third issue that would be resolved by Amendment 84. Should the National Health—health—Service really be assisting a person to kill themselves if they have simply had enough of life, whether or not they are in pain and whether or not their feelings relate to their terminal illness? Is that what a health service should be doing? That starts to look very much like assisted suicide.

Fourthly, I respectfully suggest that the noble and learned Lord gets on the Clapham omnibus and asks anyone who supports assisted dying the reasons why they do so. Overwhelmingly, they will say that people should not have to suffer unbearable suffering. Yet, astonishingly, you will not find the words “pain” or “suffering” anywhere in the Bill. I read it word for word last night at great length to check that point. I could not find those words. Without any reference to unbearable suffering, there will be a massive disconnect between the public’s expectation and the Bill’s contents.

Let us be clear: the vast majority of the public are not on the edge of their seats watching our deliberations. Very few indeed will have read the Bill. They will therefore have a view of the Bill based on the common-sense assumption that people seeking an assisted death will be suffering unbearable pain. The compelling amendment from the noble Lord, Lord Frost, injects that common sense into the Bill by providing for that, and I heartily support him and Amendment 84.

[Lord Taylor of Holbeach (Con)]

My Lords, I am reluctant to involve myself in this debate, but I see this whole legislative process as being about practicalities in the end. It is good that we have had an exposition of the articulation of the motivation of the people seeking success for this Bill, but I am very concerned as a citizen because I think this is about palliative care and relief from suffering.

The Bill should have been about those very matters. However, it is not. It is about all the incentives, from government to public authorities. For those people that the legislation actually motivates, it is about promoting the idea that assisting dying—or assisted suicide—is available; whereas the medical profession prefers, and what all the medical colleges have said they want to see, is proper palliative care. We do not want a competition for the funding of one against the other. I can see that in individual and family lives—and the social life we have together, governed by a Government—the pressures are not going to be towards relief of suffering through palliative care but for assisted suicide. I do not agree with that and that is why I oppose the Bill.