Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories

Lord Collins of Highbury Excerpts

Thursday 22nd May 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Purvis of Tweed (LD)]

My Lords, it would be utterly inconceivable for us to even imagine walking out of this Parliament building and witnessing every child in London being forcibly walked with their mother to Slough and back again three times, on foot, and offered no shelter or medicine, or sanitary products, if they are a girl, and now, with no food, literally facing dying of starvation. This apocalyptic view would be utterly inconceivable to us, but it is the reality in Gaza.

Now we see, as a result of choices being made at a political level by the political Administration in Israel, a secretive foundation set up as a Swiss Stiftung to finance profiteering mercenaries to weaponise food and medicine to children in an illegally occupied land, which plumbs new depths of moral bankruptcy in the provision of that assistance. Can the Minister first of all guarantee that not a penny of British money will be channelled through this route?

Among this utter horror, hostage families are still going through torture. Indeed, for those families I have seen and spoken to, speaking out against the Netanyahu Administration is extremely moving, because they are still in a situation where their loved ones are not home and they do not even know if many are alive.

I welcome the Government’s Statement and their intent, but I wish to press the Minister that it is time for the Government to go even further. Since the Statement in the Commons earlier this week, now even a British official, carrying out their diplomatic role in a territory that they have an absolute right under international law to access, has been under fire as a result of a so-called warning shot—which is euphemistic—in streets that I have literally walked and where British officials carry out their business. What action have the UK Government taken as a result of this shocking incident?

Since the Statement, Benjamin Netanyahu has confirmed what other extremist Ministers have said, which is that his Government’s policy is now to illegally annex territory, which they have no international legal right to do. Given that this is now his Government's clear policy, it needs to be the UK Government’s policy to move on the recognition of Palestine as a state with urgency. I therefore urge the Minister to take up my noble friend Lady Northover’s Bill in this House and move ahead with the clearest possible intent to prevent illegal annexation and subjugation.

These Benches have regretted that there has been a lack of action since last February, when we called for the wider and expanded sanctioning of those Ministers in the Netanyahu Administration who had sought repression in the West Bank and had activated illegal outposts and settler violence. That, combined with what we now see—the collective punishment of civilians within Gaza—means that those responsible need to be sanctioned by the UK, and there should be no impunity for the tragedy that is being inflicted on civilians there. This means that our Government and our partners need to act.

On the security of the aid being provided, there is of course justification with regard to concerns that Hamas has sought to loot aid, to commercialise aid and to prevent it at the source. However, the time when we have seen the most effective delivery of aid has been when UNRWA has been provided with the ability to do so, with a Palestinian Authority police force, supported by British assistance, able to provide security and get the aid through. Will the Government offer urgent assistance to the Palestinian Authority police forces to ensure that aid, once over the border, can be provided securely?

I remind the House that there is over 100,000 tonnes of aid waiting to get into Gaza and it is being blocked unjustifiably. Will the Government make a clear statement that, until this is allowed through, Prime Minister Netanyahu and other Ministers are not welcome in the United Kingdom, as this would be not conducive to our public good?

Finally, can the Government press the International Court of Justice to accelerate its work to ensure that there is, as we all wish to see, an international standard that international humanitarian law is adhered to and those responsible for its breach are held to account?

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Collins of Highbury) (Lab)]

I thank both noble Lords for their questions and contributions.

I say to the noble Lord, Lord Callanan, that the United Kingdom has played an active role in co-ordination with our international partners since the beginning of the conflict. The Foreign Secretary has visited Israel and the Occupied Territories three times since taking office, and we have pressed for a resolution to secure a ceasefire and to see the return of all hostages. That is absolutely the first ask of this Government: ceasefire and the return of the hostages.

I want to reflect on a point that the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, made. We are absolutely committed to upholding our responsibilities under domestic and international law. By the way, the independence of the ICJ is something that we value. We are not going to put pressure on the court; it knows its job and we will facilitate that, but it is independent and we respect its independence as an international court. We have been absolutely consistent in ensuring that we act in a manner consistent with our legal obligations under international law.

As the noble Lord, Lord Purvis said, humanitarian aid must never be used as a political tool or military tactic. The UK will not support any aid mechanism that seeks to deliver political or military objectives and puts vulnerable civilians at risk. That is the answer to the noble Lord, Lord Callanan. That is why this Government and the previous Government have been committed to supporting the best possible means of getting aid into Gaza, which remains UNRWA. We are absolutely committed to that.

We should see that the blocking of aid and its disastrous consequences do not put Israel’s case. The people of Israel, who want and deserve security, particularly after the atrocities of 7 October, are absolutely not supporting the rhetoric of Netanyahu and some of his Cabinet members, or the means by which it is expressed. We are absolutely determined that we should be very clear about our position. My noble friend Lady Chapman, the Minister for International Development, has been in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories this week. We have made our position on our diplomatic workers very clear to the Israeli Government and will continue to do so. I have visited the Occupied Territories and seen some of the actions of what I would call independent settler outposts, which have behaved really appallingly. Now, with the IDF more focused in Gaza, those very people—the outpost settlers—are taking on the duties of the IDF. I think that that is the cause of some of the problems.

During her visit this week, the Minister announced £4 million in new support to organisations on the ground in Gaza, which we will continue to support. This will cover essential medicines and medical supplies for up to 32,000 people, safe drinking water for up to 60,000 people and food parcels for up to 14,000 people. That is what we are talking about: basic, fundamental issues that need to be addressed. So far, since 7 October, we have provided 405,000 patient consultations across Gaza, food aid to at least 647,000 people, and improved water, sanitation, and hygiene services. We know that the situation is absolutely desperate, which is why we took the action we did. We are, together with our partners, strongly opposed to the expansion of Israel’s military operations in Gaza. We have reaffirmed our calls for the Israeli Government to stop its military operations and immediately allow humanitarian aid to enter Gaza.

Yesterday, the Foreign Secretary announced new sanctions to target those supporting violence against Palestinian communities in the West Bank, following extremely concerning surges in this type of violence. Of course, we announced as part of the Statement the formal pause in free trade agreement negotiations with Israel, effective immediately. This is because it is not possible to advance discussions on deeper trading relationships with a Netanyahu Government who are pursuing policies that are absolutely damaging to the UK, the wider region and, most importantly, Israeli citizens themselves. This is the really important thing: we are committed to a two-state solution and to a political solution. We are doing everything we possibly can to achieve that, and we are committed to supporting the Palestinian Authority and their reforms. I am not going to say how far they have reached, but it is essential we do that, because it will form part of the process for a longer-term solution. We are absolutely committed to ensuring not only that the people of Palestine, Gaza and the Occupied Territories can live in peace and security but that that applies to the State of Israel.

[The Deputy Speaker (Baroness Fookes) (Con)]

My Lords, the noble Lord, Lord Campbell-Savours wishes to take part remotely, and I now invite him to speak.

[Lord Campbell-Savours (Lab) [V]]

My Lords, as a lifelong supporter of the State of Israel, I ask why we cannot, with others and with or without the United Nations, create a safe haven enclave within a part of Gaza, as I successfully argued for in April 1991 in the case of Iraq, to supply hospitals, food security and aid, while requiring a total Israeli military withdrawal from the enclave. The trickle feed of aid is unacceptable. Israel will back off only when it is confronted by real intervention, backed up by the threat of occupying forces within the Gaza enclave from the international community. All we need is the guts to challenge the bullying behaviour of a minority in Likud. Confronted by worldwide anger and intervention, they will back off.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I understand my noble friend’s frustrations, but our efforts have been absolutely focused on building a strong international alliance and working with allies within the region to ensure that there is a longer-term political process that leads to a two-state solution. The immediate situation requires Israel to stop blocking aid into Gaza and to ensure that we can reach a situation where the political dialogue my noble friend referred to can take place. We are absolutely committed to that. Fundamentally, we urgently need a ceasefire now, we need application of that agreement and the release of hostages, but we also need that aid into Gaza.

[Lord Polak (Con)]

My Lords, I refer the House to my interests in the register. Truth matters. In the other place when the Statement was made, the following MPs repeated the lie that 14,000 babies would die within two days, and I hope that they will put that record straight: Joe Powell; Adnan Hussain; Debbie Abrahams; Ben Lake; Olivia Blake; Tahir Ali; Vikki Slade; Danny Chambers; Imran Hussain; Monica Harding; Carla Denyer; Yasmin Qureshi; and Josh Fenton-Glynn. Words have consequences. Yaron and Sarah, two young representatives of the State of Israel, were murdered in cold blood in DC. These were two beautiful souls gunned down as a direct result of toxic, antisemitic incitement against Israel and Jews around the world, and I register an interest as a Jew, a proud Jew. Yehi zichram Baruch: let their souls be for a blessing.

We are concerned about the situation in Gaza, which was, I remind the House, caused by Hamas. The USA and Israel have been working on an alternative delivery agency to address legitimate concerns about aid diversion, confiscation and abuse by Hamas, so can the noble Lord confirm whether the UK has been involved in developing this scheme, or have the UK Government refused to take part?

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

We have been absolutely clear that the proposals by the Israeli Government will not meet the humanitarian aid situation, which is so desperate. It is really important to acknowledge that, of course, words hurt. Of course it is wrong to quote numbers without verification, whether they contribute to the situation or not, but what are we talking about: 14,000, 7,000, or 1,000 babies? What number is acceptable? I heard Tom Fletcher on Radio 4. He was obviously a dedicated civil servant, he was a diplomat, and I was moved by his comments. He is a man who is absolutely committed to his job. I am not going to respond to the numbers he quoted, but I will respond to what he made very clear: that the situation is so desperate that we need action within 48 hours. That is what this Government are demanding, and that is why we have imposed these restrictions on the Israeli Government. The noble Lord knows my views about the security of the State of Israel, and I just think that the Netanyahu Government are doing nothing to ensure the security of Israel.

[Lord Walney (CB)]

My Lords, I consider Tom Fletcher a friend and former colleague. On a personal level I also consider the Minister a friend, but will he reflect on what he has just said? I do not doubt that Tom Fletcher hears this and feels very sincerely, but the claim that 14,000 babies would die in 48 hours was a grotesque inaccuracy. As the Minister has said, in the early hours of this morning two Israeli embassy officials—Sarah Milgrim and Yaron Lischinsky—were gunned down on the streets of the American capital by a gunman who shouted: “Free Palestine”. I am deeply troubled by and oppose what is happening with aid in Israel and Gaza right now, but these words matter. We have a growing level of extremism and hate and a risk to British Jewish citizens here that may well result, I am afraid to say, in similar action being taken on the streets of London. We have to do more to stand up against the demonisation of Israel while this conflict is going on.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I will not tolerate any demonisation of Israel or its people. It is people who I am most concerned about. I have very good friends in Israel and have been a supporter of Israel’s security for many years, so I will not take lessons about this. I am not interested in the figures that Tom Fletcher cited; I think he was trying to convey the urgency of the situation, which requires Israel to stop blocking aid getting into Gaza. That is the issue. Aid must never be used as a political or military tool, and that is what is happening. We are absolutely concerned to take those actions.

I say to my friend, the noble Lord, Lord Walney, that we should all be concerned about the impact on communities and community violence, particularly antisemitism. We should not tolerate antisemitism in any form whatever. I will not tolerate any trope that leads to that sort of language, but I will not stop being extremely concerned about the humanitarian situation in Gaza. It should concern us all that so many people are suffering—that food and water are not getting in. It absolutely needs to be addressed now.

[Lord Palmer of Childs Hill (LD)]

My Lords, can the Minister elaborate on how we can support the people of Gaza? In all the comments about support, no one has spoken about the dissent by the people of Gaza against the regime of Hamas, which threatens, kills or kneecaps the people of Gaza if they dissent. What journalists exist in Gaza are threatened if they criticise Hamas in any way. What are we doing to support the people of Gaza against Hamas?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The answer is supporting the Palestinian Authority on their road back to reform to become much more legitimate. That is the pathway to a two-state solution. There is no role for Hamas in the future. It is a terrorist organisation that has committed heinous crimes. We should never forget those crimes. The noble Lord is absolutely right that it is repressive and resisting any form of scrutiny, but the Israeli Government have not allowed journalists into Gaza as well. We should be very clear: we want a road map to peace and a solution, but that will be achieved only if we can ensure that the Palestinian Authority can reform, be supported and be the legitimate voice of the Palestinian people. Palestine is not just the Gaza Strip; it is also the Occupied Territories. We need to ensure that all the people of Palestine, represented by the Palestinian Authority, can have the voice they deserve.

[Lord Mann (Lab)]

My Lords, I had the unfortunate need this morning to privately message my long-standing friend Ted Deutch, the leader of the American Jewish Committee, whose event on peacebuilding was ended with the murder of two Jewish people. When Jewish people cannot walk the streets of Washington safely, that shows how dangerous a world we live in.

From my capacity as government adviser on antisemitism for the last six years, I know that every time there is such an incident, the Government in this country immediately renew and relook at the security of the British Jewish community. It does no damage to ask the Minister to ensure that, as that is happening, our citizens—particularly those in sensitive areas or international organisations, and our diplomats abroad—are fully incorporated into such reviews. Jewish people in particular, wherever they are at the moment, are in danger from terrorists. Will the Minister take back the strong message that, whatever important decisions the Government make on our position on Israel and Gaza or on freeing the hostages, they need at all times to demonstrate to the British Jewish community that they are reinforcing their priority of tackling antisemitism in this country and abroad?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

My noble friend is absolutely right. I heard on the “Today” programme this morning a discussion on precisely these issues. It is really important that we challenge antisemitism. I hope I have conveyed today the very clear distinction I make between the Government of Israel and its people. The people of Israel deserve all our support and protection, particularly from malign states such as Iran that are trying to undermine it and committing state terrorism across the globe. He is absolutely right to draw attention to the need to protect our communities. I am determined that everyone should be able to express an opinion and walk safely through our streets. Sometimes walking that path can be extremely difficult; I am criticised on the one hand for saying that I support the State of Israel and on the other for saying that what is happening in Gaza is unacceptable. I think everyone in the House feels the same and wants a two-state solution that provides security for both communities. We will continue to work towards that.

[Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon (Con)]

My Lords, I draw attention to my entry in the register. I think the final sentiments just expressed by the Minister reflect where we are across the House on this emotive and human issue. There are practical steps that the United Kingdom Government can take. First, since last September I have alluded to out-of-the-box thinking on the delivery of humanitarian aid; we must work with Jordan and Egypt. It is not perfect and land solutions must be provided, but out-of-the-box thinking, including air deliveries, would provide some respite.

Secondly, diplomacy matters. When Ashdod port was not being opened, I remember calling the Moroccan Foreign Minister because Eli Cohen, the Israeli Foreign Minister at the time, was of Moroccan heritage. Relationships and being on the ground matter. I welcome the Development Minister being there. We should invest in those relationships. It is not always about public statements. It is about private diplomacy and building relationships with voices within Israel who want to see an end to this, including the hostages’ families.

Finally, on sanctions and the egregious abuse of human rights, in 2019 the previous Government set up the regime that has been exercised, but the Minister will be aware that, unfortunately and regrettably, there are those in the democratic Government of Israel who are touting things that the Israelis reject. I refer to Ministers Smotrich and Ben-Gvir. Sanctions were worked up on them that the previous Government were considering. The Minister may not be able to comment on timing, but it is important that the levers of diplomacy are exercised in a way that reflects the true standing of the British Government as a friend to Israel and a friend to Palestine.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I am grateful to the noble Lord. He and I have worked very closely over the years on precisely the issues he refers to, and I totally agree with him on the diplomatic effort. Sometimes the most effective diplomatic effort is the one you do not see. Shouting is not always the way to achieve the change we want, which is why we are heavily engaged in this, as he acknowledged. My noble friend Lady Chapman is visiting Israel and the Occupied Territories this week, but she has also been to Jordan, and Minister Falconer regularly speaks to neighbouring countries. The noble Lord is right: we are not ruling out anything in terms of aid, and he repeatedly reminded me that air drops and sea routes could way be a way of alleviating the desperate situation. However, blocking aid on the road routes has had a disastrous effect, and we are committed to tackling that.

The noble Lord is right to point out that there are voices in Israel that are extremely concerned. He knows I cannot comment on future sanctions, but we have taken new UK sanctions to target three individuals, including prominent settler leader Daniella Weiss, as well as two illegal outposts and two organisations that have supported, incited and promoted violence against Palestinian communities in the West Bank. Along with Daniella Weiss, the individuals and entities sanctioned are Harel Libi, Zohar Sabah, Coco’s Farm, and Libi Construction and Infrastructure. We are committed to focusing on these actions. The noble Lord knows we are actively considering future designations, but I cannot comment on when, or who they will be.

[Baroness Gohir (CB)]

My Lords, the Palestinians who survived bombing are being starved to death. We have heard about the accuracy of the statistics—14,000 babies dying in 48 hours. Okay, it might not be 48 hours, but it might be a long, slow death of days, weeks or months if this carries on. I welcome the Foreign Secretary’s condemnation of what is taking place and of the extremist statements made by Ben-Gvir and Smotrich. When asked about Palestinian statehood, the Foreign Secretary talked about timing; surely the time is right now. Can the Minister give more details? Does he mean days, weeks or months? Do the Government support a peacekeeping force, and would the UK be involved in that?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

We have covered the urgent humanitarian situation, but as the noble Baroness and the House know, this Government—and the previous Government—are committed to a two-state solution, and support for that is unwavering. We are committed to recognising a Palestinian state at a time that has most impact in achieving this reality and is most conducive to long-term prospects for peace. We are clear that this does not need to be at the end of the process. We are in constant dialogue with all partners on how we can best use the international conference for the implementation of the two-state solution in June to advance Palestinian statehood. There are key points on which we can move this agenda, and, with the French and Saudi leadership, we are committed to the two-state solution conference in New York. It comes at a crucial time to ensure that a Palestine state remains viable.

[Lord Mohammed of Tinsley (LD)]

My Lords, I am not going to get into the issue of the numbers, but the fact is that it is 10 weeks since aid was allowed into Gaza. We cannot but be moved, not only this House but this nation, by the pictures of young children, some of whom were born after 7 October. Given the dire situation, particularly with baby food, will the Minister consider emergency air drops of baby products within the next 72 hours?

I raise also the issue of access to sanitary products for women and girls. From reports I have seen, there is a dire shortage, and women and girls are often going without them, so will the Minister also consider emergency air drops of sanitary products?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I appreciate the noble Lord’s concern; I think everyone in this House is concerned about how we can get aid in. I recall the noble Lord, Lord Ahmad, reminding me, when I made such calls, that it is not simply a matter of sending a plane over a piece of land and dropping material. The most important area we have discussed is how we distribute the aid. How do we get that aid specifically to the people who most need it? UNRWA and the road routes are so important because they can deliver the amount of aid that is needed in a short period. However, I am not ruling out anything we could do to alleviate this situation. But we must be clear that blocking aid into Gaza has been the responsibility of the Government of Israel, and that should be where our focus is.