Actions of Iranian Regime: UK Response Debate
Full Debate: Read Full DebateLord Collins of Highbury
Main Page: Lord Collins of Highbury (Labour - Life peer)Department Debates - View all Lord Collins of Highbury's debates with the Leader of the House
(1 day, 21 hours ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, we are in agreement with the Government that Iran must never have a nuclear bomb, so will the Minister finally get off the fence and accept that the US strikes on Iran’s nuclear development facilities were absolutely necessary and justified? Iran’s destabilising influence is already prevalent in the UK, as was made clear by the director-general of MI5, who pointed to 20 Iran-backed operations being foiled by the security services in their excellent work. Will he also update the House on the steps that Ministers are taking to tackle Iran-sponsored hostile activity here in the UK and against UK interests overseas? Does he accept that, given the threat it represents, it is now time to proscribe the IRGC, and that, because of the threat they represent to UK maritime activity, it is time also to proscribe the Houthis?
As the Prime Minister has said alongside our allies and partners, Iran must never develop a nuclear weapon. Iran must urgently resume co-operation with the IAEA to enable it to verify its nuclear material. As I have repeatedly said to this House, ultimately only a diplomatic solution—that President Trump has highlighted—can address the nuclear issue for the long term. Iran must urgently come back to the table and negotiate. Alongside France and Germany, we will continue to work with the US and Iran towards an agreement that ensures that Iran will never develop a nuclear weapon.
I am absolutely clear on state threats: we will not tolerate any Iran-backed threats on UK soil. Iran continues to pose an unacceptable threat to our domestic security, which cannot continue. It poses a threat to dissidents, journalists and our Jewish community in the United Kingdom. Since 2022, over 20 threats to the UK have been foiled. The Home Secretary announced on 19 May that Jonathan Hall’s review delivered recommendations to tackle state threats. We are committed to taking those forward, including through the creation of a new state threats proscription-like tool.
My Lords, hundreds of both Iranian and Israeli citizens were very regrettably injured and killed as a result of the strikes. We were told by our American friends that the Iranian nuclear programme had been obliterated. We now know that it has not; it may be delayed by just a matter of months. We were also told that, as a result of those strikes, the Red Sea threat would be removed. As of yesterday, we have seen that that is not the case. So we know that military action will not be the means by which we have long-term change in practice by the Iranian regime or safety in the Red Sea. What diplomatic actions will the UK take as part of our E3 network? What practical steps are we taking to ensure that Tehran is part of the negotiating table? We know that military strikes have not worked, so what are we doing to ensure that diplomatic efforts will?
I am not going to speculate on what we may or may not know about the outcome of those strikes, but what I do know and have repeatedly said—and the noble Lord is right on this point—is that ultimately only a diplomatic solution will deliver a sustainable, long-term solution. The Foreign Secretary has been in touch with Secretary Rubio, Foreign Minister Sa’ar, Foreign Minister Araghchi, our E3 counterparts, the EU high representative and our G7 allies. We have also spoken to all our allies in the region to ensure that we can put the maximum pressure to ensure a negotiated solution. We will use all diplomatic tools to support those negotiations, including, as I have previously said, the snapback facility.
My Lords, while I welcome the Government’s efforts in recent months a great deal, will the Minister accept that those who are calling for Iran’s current situation to be seen as a weakness may be gambling a little, because Iran has frequently demonstrated that when it is cornered it turns more belligerent? Is it not now time, on the back of Mr Witkoff’s success in reviving some kind of JCPOA, to concentrate on that part of the diplomatic story as well?
I repeat that the Prime Minister, the Foreign Secretary and the Minister responsible have been absolutely focused on diplomatic efforts. I also repeat that President Trump has made it clear that negotiations are the only sustainable, long-term solution to the nuclear threat that Iran poses. That is what we are working towards. I am absolutely confident that President Trump will be able to deliver that negotiated settlement, because it is in everyone’s interest.
My Lords, is it not about time that we got around to proscribing fully the IRGC? We are talking about a latter-day combination of the Blackshirts, the SA and various other fascistic organisations. They do the bidding of a death cult that is dominated by clerical fascists. It is about time we got around to banning it.
I repeat that we have Jonathan Hall’s review, which delivered a number of recommendations, all of which the Home Secretary has accepted, including the creation of a new state threats proscription tool. I also point out that we have a large number of sanctions against Iranian individuals and organisations, including the whole of the IRGC.
My Lords, in assessing malign actions, may I suggest that the ordinary criminal law should be used whenever possible and that proscription should be the instrument of last resort, because otherwise we are in danger of trivialising the concept of terrorism?
As I said, Iran poses a serious state threat, and we have already foiled more than 20 plots in the UK. Those plots have been focused on all our citizens, but particularly communities, including the Jewish community. I do not underestimate the threat that Iran poses, and I think all possible action needs to be considered to secure our people and make sure that they can walk our streets safely. We have seen what Iran can do, and it is very serious. We need to respond. We do not think that proscription of the IRGC is appropriate at the moment. I am not going to predict our actions, but we have been clear that we will take Jonathan Hall’s review recommendations seriously, and we will implement them all.
My Lords, the reality is that Iran represents not simply a nuclear threat but a much wider threat. Given that the IRGC and military intelligence have been summoning the relatives of political activists who live abroad and telling them that unless those political activists stop their activity anything could happen to their relatives at home, and given that more than 700 people have been arrested in the past few weeks and that more than 150 people have been executed in the past month, is it not time to move on from the mantra that it is not yet time to proscribe the IRGC? Will the Minister tell us what the state threats prosecution tool would do that proscription would not do?
I am not going to predict exactly what form that will take, but I agree with the noble Baroness that Iran and all its state organisations pose a threat and we need a holistic approach. That is why we asked Jonathan Hall to conduct a review and why he has come up with some very serious recommendations. Those include a new state threats proscription-like tool. How that will eventually work I cannot determine. It is important to stress that not only is Iran a serious threat to our citizens here but its human rights record is appalling. It also poses a threat to the families of our BBC Persian service people. We have to act seriously on all aspects of that threat.