National Insurance Contributions (Employer Pensions Contributions) Bill

Lord Livermore Excerpts

2nd reading
Wednesday 4th February 2026 Lords Chamber

Moved by

[Lord Livermore]

That the Bill be now read a second time.

[The Financial Secretary to the Treasury (Lord Livermore) (Lab)]

My Lords, it is a pleasure to open this Second Reading debate on the Bill. It legislates for reforms announced in the Budget in November. That was a Budget to build a stronger, more secure economy that had at its heart three deliberate pro-growth choices. First, by choosing to maintain economic stability, getting inflation and interest rates down, we helped to give businesses the confidence to invest and our economy the room to grow. Secondly, by choosing to reject austerity, we protected £120 billion of additional investment in growth-driving infrastructure. Thirdly, by choosing to back the fast-growing companies of the future, we supported the investment, innovation and economic dynamism that will increase growth in the next decade and beyond.

But these are choices that need to be paid for. That is why the Budget contained a series of reforms to the tax system to ensure that it keeps pace with a fast-changing economy. Those reforms include changes to pension salary sacrifice, contained in the Bill we are debating today. The Government spend over £500 billion each year on various reliefs within the tax system. That is more than double the entire annual NHS budget and nearly five times the annual budget for education. The size of this spend means the Government must always keep the effectiveness and value for money of tax reliefs under review. This Bill addresses just one of these reliefs: pension salary sacrifice, the cost of which was set to treble to £8 billion a year by the end of this decade.

That increase has been driven most by higher earners, with additional-rate taxpayers tripling their salary sacrifice contributions since 2017. This includes individuals sacrificing their bonuses without paying any income tax and national insurance contributions on them. But while those on the highest salaries are most likely to take part in salary sacrifice, others are completely excluded. For example, the majority of employers do not offer salary sacrifice, including many small businesses. Groups who are most likely to be undersaving for retirement, such as those on the national minimum wage and the UK’s 4.4 million self-employed workers, are also completely excluded from using salary sacrifice.

The status quo is neither fair nor fiscally sustainable. We cannot afford to allow the cost of pension salary sacrifice to balloon, benefiting predominantly higher earners. In this, we agree with the approach taken by the previous Government. In their 2015 Summer Budget, the then Government said:

“Salary sacrifice arrangements … are becoming increasingly popular and the cost to the taxpayer is rising”.


Two years later, the previous Government introduced reforms to salary sacrifice. The Finance Act 2017 removed the tax advantages of salary sacrifice for the majority of benefits in kind—for example, living accommodation or private medical insurance. The noble Lord, Lord Hammond of Runnymede, told the other place:

“The majority of employees pay tax on a cash salary, but some are able to sacrifice salary … and pay much lower tax … That is unfair”.—[Official Report, Commons, 23/11/16; col. 907.]


The previous Government commissioned research in 2023, which included a proposal to cap pensions salary sacrifice at £2,000. This Government are now taking forward that reform to ensure that the tax system is kept on a sustainable footing.

Although some tax experts have called for pension salary sacrifice to be abolished entirely, the Government are taking a more measured and pragmatic approach. The Bill contains two main elements. First, it introduces a cap of £2,000 under which no employer and employee national insurance contributions will be charged on any pension contributions. The cap protects ordinary workers using salary sacrifice and limits the impact on employers while ensuring that the system remains fiscally sustainable. The majority of those currently using salary sacrifice will be unaffected. Indeed, 95% of those earning £30,000 or less who currently make pension contributions through salary sacrifice will be entirely unaffected. It is forecast that 87% of salary sacrifice contributions above the cap will be made by higher rate and additional rate taxpayers. Individuals can also continue to save as much as they wish into their pensions, either through salary sacrifice or outside of it, both of which will be fully relievable of income tax.

Secondly, we are introducing this change with a long implementation period so that it will come into effect in 2029-30. This gives employers and employees over three years to prepare and to adjust. I am pleased that business and industry bodies have already welcomed this lengthy implementation period. HMRC is also engaging with industry stakeholders to ensure this change operates in the most effective way. That will continue as we approach implementation.

Saving into a pension, including via salary sacrifice, will remain hugely tax advantageous under these changes. The Government currently provide over £70 billion of income tax and national insurance contributions relief on pension contributions each year. That spend will be entirely unaffected by these changes. Employees’ pension contributions, including those made via salary sacrifice, will continue to be fully relievable from income tax at the employee’s marginal rate. For example, if a basic rate taxpayer were to put £100 into their pension, it would cost them just £80 of their take-home pay, with the Government providing the remaining £20 in tax relief. For a higher rate taxpayer, that same £100 pension contribution can cost them as little as £60 because they also receive relief at their marginal rate of tax.

For employers, all pension contributions they make for their employees outside of salary sacrifice will remain exempt from both income tax and national insurance contributions. This makes pensions one of the most tax-efficient ways to invest in their workforce. For example, if an employer contributes £1,000 to an employee’s pension, this is worth £150 in forgone employer national insurance contributions.

Since the Budget in November, it has been suggested by some that these changes will negatively impact the overall level of pension saving. We do not believe this to be the case. Salary sacrifice existed in the 2000s and early 2010s, yet there were significant falls in private sector pension saving during this period. In 2012, only one in three private sector workers saved into a pension.

The key factor that has led to an increase in saving in recent years is not the complicated national insurance reliefs available to some employees, but rather automatic enrolment, introduced in 2012, which has reversed the collapse in workplace pension saving. As a result of automatic enrolment, over 22 million workers across the UK are now saving each month.

Evidence also shows that pension contributions have risen in line with regulatory requirements, not with the growth of salary sacrifice. The majority of employers reducing their tax bill by offering pension salary sacrifice did not use the savings to increase pension contributions. Overall, the Office for Budget Responsibility has made it clear in its economic and fiscal outlook that it does not expect a material impact on savings behaviour as a result of the tax changes made in the Budget.

These are fair and balanced reforms. They protect lower and middle earners, give employers many years to prepare, preserve the incentives that underpin workplace pension saving, and ensure that the tax system is kept on a sustainable footing. The Bill builds on reforms by the previous Government to the salary sacrifice system and legislates for proposals first put forward in 2023. It also forms part of a wider package of reforms to ensure that the tax system keeps pace with our fast-changing economy. As a result of these and other reforms, the Government were able to take a series of pro-growth choices at the Budget last year to maintain economic stability, to reject austerity, to protect investment and to back the fast-growing companies of the future. These are the right and responsible choices to strengthen our economy for the long term. I beg to move.

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

My Lords, it is a pleasure to close this Second Reading debate. I am grateful to all noble Lords for their expertise, their contributions and questions, particularly at this late hour.

The Bill before your Lordships’ House legislates for reforms announced in the Budget last November. It was a Budget to build a stronger, more secure economy that had at its heart three deliberate pro-growth choices: to maintain economic stability, to protect £120 billion of additional investment in growth-driving infrastructure, and to back the fast-growing companies of the future, but, as I have said previously, these choices need to be paid for. That is why the Budget contained a series of reforms to the tax system to ensure it keeps pace with a fast-changing economy. Those reforms include the changes that we are debating today.

As several noble Lords mentioned this evening, the Government spend over £500 billion each year on tax relief. The size of this spend means they must always keep the effectiveness and value for money of tax reliefs under review. This Bill addresses just one of these reliefs, pension salary sacrifice. The cost of that was set to treble to £8 billion a year between 2017 and the end of this decade. That growth has been fastest among higher earners, with additional rate taxpayers tripling their salary sacrifice contributions since 2017. But while those on the higher salaries are most likely to take part in salary sacrifice, others are completely excluded. For example, the majority of employers do not offer salary sacrifice, including many small businesses. Groups who are most likely to be undersaving for retirement, such as those on the national minimum wage and the UK’s 4.4 million self-employed workers, are also completely excluded from using salary sacrifice. The status quo is therefore neither fair nor fiscally sustainable. We simply cannot afford to allow the cost of pension salary sacrifice to balloon, benefiting predominantly higher earners.

The Bill therefore contains two main elements: first, to introduce a cap of £2,000 under which no employer and employee national insurance contributions will be charged on any pension contributions. Some 95% of those currently making pension contributions to salary sacrifice earning £30,000 or less will be entirely unaffected. Secondly, we are introducing this change with a long implementation period so that it comes into effect only in 2029-30. This gives employers and employees over three years to prepare and adjust.

The noble Lord, Lord Leigh of Hurley, asked about the Government’s commitment not to increase taxes on working people. As he knows, the Budget in November kept our manifesto promise not to increase income tax, national insurance or VAT. It contained a series of reforms to the tax system to ensure it keeps pace with our fast-changing economy. The cost of pension salary sacrifice was set nearly to triple to £8 billion between 2017 and the end of the decade—as I said before, benefiting mainly higher earners.

The noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe, spoke extensively about the impact on employers. The Government are taking a pragmatic, balanced approach by introducing a cap which protects ordinary workers and limits the impact on employers while ensuring that the system remains fiscally sustainable. The majority of employers—some 61%—do not offer this kind of salary sacrifice arrangement. Of the employers which do, most sectors, including retail, hospitality and leisure, have salary sacrifice contributions well below the £2,000 cap and are largely protected. Everyone using salary sacrifice will still benefit from the tax advantages available up to the £2,000 cap, this includes employers, which can make up to £300 of employer national insurance contribution savings through salary sacrifice per employee. These changes will not be implemented for over three years. In comparison, the previous Government gave just one year’s notice from announcing their changes to salary sacrifice in 2016 to implementing them from 2017.

The noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe, also spoke about employers potentially stopping offering salary sacrifice schemes. The Government do not expect significant numbers of employers to stop offering salary sacrifice arrangements. Everyone using salary sacrifice will still benefit from the tax advantages available up to the £2,000 cap.

The noble Baroness, Lady Altmann, asked about the cost to employers. The majority of employers do not offer salary sacrifice arrangements, and most sectors, including retail, hospitality and leisure, have salary sacrifice arrangements well below the cap. Everyone using salary sacrifice can still benefit from up to £300 employer national insurance contribution relief under the cap, and the full national insurance contributions relief is available on employer pension contributions outside of salary sacrifice. The Government are working closely with employers and the payroll industry to operationalise the change in the most effective way.

The noble Baronesses, Lady Neville-Rolfe and Lady Kramer, and the noble Lord, Lord de Clifford, spoke about the impact on small businesses. Small businesses are far less likely than larger businesses to offer pension salary sacrifice. Only 10% of employees in SMEs have pension contributions through salary sacrifice exceeding the cap, compared with 18% of employees in larger firms. The noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe, also spoke about the impact on retail, hospitality and leisure businesses. As I have said already, most firms in this sector have salary sacrifice contributions well below the £2,000 cap and are therefore largely protected.

The noble Lords, Lord Londesborough and Lord de Clifford, spoke about the impact on low earners. Higher earners are most likely to be using salary sacrifice and the majority of those currently using salary sacrifice will be unaffected by the changes. The Bill impacts only employees who use salary sacrifice to make pension contributions, which is around 35% of employees. Those earning at or near the national living wage cannot use salary sacrifice at all. The noble Lord, Lord Londesborough, also asked about basic rate taxpayers. The £2,000 cap is worth up to £160 a year for basic rate taxpayers. Those earning below £30,000 making pension contributions through salary sacrifice are overwhelmingly protected, with only 5% making pension contributions above the cap.

The noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe, asked about individuals earning around the £50,000 mark. The Government are taking a pragmatic, balanced approach by introducing a cap which protects ordinary workers and limits the impact on employers, while ensuring that the system remains fiscally sustainable. Everyone can still save up to £2,000 via salary sacrifice free of national insurance contributions. Amounts sacrificed above £2,000 will continue to be fully relievable from income tax, but we must continue to ensure that the £500 billion of tax reliefs provided each year are effective and provide value for money.

The noble Lord, Lord Leigh of Hurley, asked about the profile of the costings, also mentioned by the noble Lord, Lord Ashcombe. The costings reflect independent OBR scrutiny and use the best available data on current salary sacrifice and bonus sacrifice behaviour. Employees will respond to the changes in a number of ways. One way is that many employees will switch to making ordinary pension contributions, some of which will be to relief at source schemes. Where an employee contributes to a relief at source scheme, they will initially pay higher rate and additional rate income tax on their pension contributions and then reclaim this through their self-assessment tax return in the next year. This creates a temporary timing effect. Beyond the forecast period, this effect becomes very small.

The noble Baroness, Lady Maclean of Redditch, asked about indexing the £2,000 cap. The Government have no plans to index the cap, but we will keep the £2,000 level under review to ensure that it continues to meet its objectives and remains fair across the labour market. This is consistent with the approach to other pension tax reliefs, including the annual allowance.

The noble Baroness, Lady Altmann, and the noble Lord, Lord Londesborough, asked about the costings of this policy and about the savings generated from this change. The costings for this policy have been scrutinised and certified by the Office for Budget Responsibility in its economic and fiscal outlook. They already account for changes in employer behaviour, including employers providing higher employer pension contributions to replicate the national insurance contribution benefits of salary sacrifice. We remain confident of these costings.

The noble Baronesses, Lady Neville-Rolfe and Lady Kramer, and the noble Lord, Lord Leigh of Hurley, suggested that this was designed only to meet the fiscal rules in 2029-30. The reality is that the Government are giving employers sufficient time to prepare and adjust their systems by implementing the changes from April 2029. That is over three years’ notice before the changes take effect. We are also engaging with employers, payroll administrators and other stakeholders on the administration of the cap to provide certainty ahead of implementation.

On that specific point, also raised by the noble Baronesses, Lady Neville-Rolfe and Lady Altmann, and the noble Lords, Lord Leigh of Hurley and Lord Fuller, about the administration of this policy, HMRC is engaging with a wide range of stakeholders in the payroll, employer and software developer industries to work through exactly how the cap will be implemented. This will be vital to ensuring it is implemented in the least burdensome way possible for employers. Engagement will also help inform the secondary legislation, in which the detail of the operability will be set out and further consulted on.

My noble friend Lord Davies of Brixton spoke about how salary sacrifice is just one part of the pension landscape, and I say that to the noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe, who did not mention during her contribution that saving into a pension, including via salary sacrifice, will remain hugely tax advantageous even under these changes. The Government currently provide over £70 billion of income tax and national insurance contribution relief on pension contributions each year. That spend will be entirely unaffected by these changes. Employees’ pension contributions, including those made via salary sacrifice, will continue to be fully relievable from income tax at the employee’s marginal rate. For employers, all pension contributions remain exempt from both income tax and national insurance contributions. This makes pensions one of the most tax-efficient ways to invest in their workforce.

The noble Baronesses, Lady Neville-Rolfe, Lady Altmann and Lady Kramer, spoke about the impact on pension savings. The Government do not believe that these changes will negatively impact the overall level of pension saving. Salary sacrifice existed in the 2000s and early 2010s, yet there were significant falls in private sector pension savings during this period. In 2012, only one in three private sector workers saved into a pension.

As I said in my opening, the key factor that led to an increase in saving in recent years is not the complicated national insurance reliefs available to some employees but rather automatic enrolment, which the noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe, spoke about, and which has reversed the collapse in workplace pension savings. As a result of automatic enrolment, over 22 million workers across the UK are now saving each month. The Office for Budget Responsibility has also made it clear in its economic and fiscal outlook that it does not expect a material impact on savings behaviour as a result of the tax changes made in the Budget.

The noble Baronesses, Lady Altmann and Lady Kramer, spoke about the impact on individuals who are currently undersaving. The groups that we know are undersaving for their pension, including low earners, women and the self-employed, are the least likely to use salary sacrifice. Workers on the national living wage are excluded entirely from salary sacrifice, and so are the 4.4 million self-employed people across the UK. By contrast, these changes overwhelmingly affect higher and additional rate taxpayers. In 2030, 87% of affected salary sacrifice pension contributions made from earnings will be from higher and additional rate taxpayers.

The noble Baroness, Lady Altmann, also mentioned the Pensions Commission. There is cross-party agreement on the importance of the work of the Pensions Commission as it examines questions of adequacy and fairness. The Government will not prejudge the commission’s work.

The Budget in November contained pro-growth choices to maintain economic stability, reject austerity, protect investment and back the fast-growing companies of the future, but these are choices which need to be paid for. That is why this Bill reforms pension salary sacrifice to ensure that our tax system is kept on a sustainable footing. The Bill protects lower and middle earners, gives employers many years to prepare, and preserves the incentives that underpin workplace saving. These are fair and balanced reforms. They build on the steps already taken by the previous Government to reform salary sacrifice and strengthen our economy for the long term. I beg to move.

Bill read a second time and committed to a Grand Committee.

National Insurance Contributions (Employer Pensions Contributions) Bill

Lord Livermore Excerpts

Committee stage
Tuesday 24th February 2026 Grand Committee

[Lord Leigh of Hurley (Con)]

My Lords, prompted as I am by my noble friend Lord Mackinlay, may I just take a moment to remind the Committee that I am a member by qualification of the Chartered Institute of Taxation and have received very helpful briefings from it?

[The Financial Secretary to the Treasury (Lord Livermore) (Lab)]

My Lords, it is a great pleasure to respond to the debate on this first group of amendments. I thank all noble Lords who have contributed.

This first set of amendments, in the names of the noble Baronesses, Lady Neville-Rolfe and Lady Altmann, and the noble Lord, Lord Altrincham, seeks to exempt basic rate taxpayers from the Bill. I have listened closely to the points raised and the concerns expressed during this debate. The Government have ensured that the measures in the Bill do not affect the majority of basic rate taxpayers. Around 74% of basic rate taxpayers currently using salary sacrifice will be protected by the £2,000 cap, and almost all—95%—of those earning £30,000 or less will be protected. The small number of basic rate taxpayers with contributions above £2,000 will continue to benefit from employee national insurance relief, worth £160 a year, in addition to the full income tax relief that they receive on their pension contributions. Of the small number basic rate taxpayers who are impacted, half will face an annual additional national insurance contributions liability of less than £50.

While we recognise the intention behind the amendments laid by the noble Baronesses, Lady Neville-Rolfe and Lady Altmann, and the noble Lord, Lord Altrincham, exempting basic rate taxpayers would, in practice, be operationally challenging and add significant further complexity to the tax system. That is because the tax system can confirm which band an individual is in only at the end of a tax year, when reconciliation of their income tax liabilities has taken place. Adding complexity to the system would also likely lead to an increase in costs for employers, as they would be required to bear the burden of identifying the full extent of their employees’ potentially multiple sources of income.

This leads me to the amendments in the names of the noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe, and the noble Lord, Lord Altrincham, which seek clarity on the basis on which the Government consider certain employed earners to be “higher earners” for the purposes of the national insurance charge, as well as how the contributions limit reflects that assessment. The Explanatory Notes set out that the policy rationale is to limit

“the NICs relief available to higher earners on employer pension contributions made through salary sacrifice arrangements whilst protecting lower earning pension savers by introducing a £2,000 threshold. Most employees and their employers who make typical pensions contributions via salary sacrifice will be unaffected”.

This is indeed the effect of the Bill. Some 87% of pension contributions made via salary sacrifice above £2,000 are forecast to come from higher and additional rate taxpayers. Some 74% of basic rate taxpayers using salary sacrifice will be protected by the £2,000 cap, and almost all—95%—of those earning £30,000 or less will be protected.

Let me turn lastly to the amendments in this grouping tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Leigh of Hurley, and the noble Baroness, Lady Altmann. They seek to exempt salary sacrificed pension contributions over the limit from being included in student loan repayments definitions to employees making student loan repayments. The salary sacrifice changes made through the Bill equalise the national insurance contributions treatment of salary sacrifice above the cap with other types of employee pension contribution, which are counted as earnings when calculating student loan repayments.

There may or may not be good arguments for or against that, but we do not consider this Bill an appropriate vehicle through which to amend the basis of student loan repayments. The basis of calculating income from student loan repayments is set out in separate regulations, and we do not believe that this Bill should seek to vary that. It is also the case that, of employees making contributions via salary sacrifice, younger people are much more likely to be fully protected by the £2,000 cap than those over the age of 30. Some 76% of those in their 20s who use salary sacrifice are protected by the cap, compared to half of those aged 30 and above.

In the light of the points I have made, I respectfully ask noble Lords to withdraw or not press their amendments.

[Baroness Neville-Rolfe (Con)]

My Lords, I am pleased that we have begun Committee by addressing this issue and grateful to all noble Lords who have spoken. I am grateful to my noble friend Lord Leigh of Hurley, who seemed to be saying—I think with support from outside bodies—that the Treasury’s financial estimates were over-optimistic. That may, of course, be true of the figures that the noble Lord, Lord Livermore, has kindly given us, which we will obviously need to have a look at, on the effect of the change.

The difficulty as I see it is that the policy remains vague. Its impacts are largely unknown and the income group it is intended to capture is undefined. The Treasury’s assessment of how it will operate in practice has been inadequate. It is a complex mechanism by which to raise a relatively modest amount of revenue and does not take effect until 2029. It is a tool, if not a very sensible one, designed to make the Chancellor’s sums add up, rather than a longer-term policy. Even if the Government succeed in raising anything like the figure set out in the Treasury note, the projected yield declines sharply within just a few years of implementation.

There is also an issue of definition. I think the potential cost is greater. As the noble Baroness, Lady Kramer, said, there is a risk that middle and lower-income workers, and those paying basic rates of tax, will be drawn into scope. After all, this is a dynamic situation—we will come on to discuss whether there are ways of tackling that—but it could have serious consequences, and we would need to come back to the point about pension saving, long-term adequacy and, ultimately, future liabilities for the state. There is also an issue about irregular payments—“bonuses” was the word used by the noble Lord, Lord Londesborough. The majority of bonuses, in my experience, are small, as I know from my time at Tesco, but they can be used usefully to invest in pensions.

The absence of any safeguard in the Bill to prevent basic rate taxpayers being captured is a significant omission. If the Government are confident that such individuals will be protected, they should be willing to put that protection in the Bill. The noble Lord, Lord Ashcombe, rightly supported the need for transparency, and of course Amendment 2, which requires Ministers to define “higher earners”, would achieve just that. Even the noble Lord, Lord Davies of Brixton, agreed that there was a “kink in the line”.

Her Majesty’s Opposition are very concerned about the unfair impact on those struggling to pay their student loans at a rate of interest which is impossible to justify. The Government must look seriously at how to mitigate this, as my noble friend Lord Leigh of Hurley explained with his customary vim, and to do this in the Bill—not promise to do something elsewhere. This is a big issue that has been raised and it has to be solved. We are very sympathetic to those with big debts, which they will have to pay off under the loans scheme, so a way needs to be found to help them.

There is an ambiguity, as my noble friend Lord Mackinlay of Richborough said from his position as a tax expert, and we need to listen to him. He also warned of its damaging implications, on top of those already introduced for IHT on pensions. This is part of a wider attack on pensions which it is important to do something about if we are to tackle the problems of long-term pension sustainability.

I beg leave to withdraw my amendment, but I may need to come back to this on Report, as it is at the heart of the acceptability of this Bill.

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[Baroness Neville-Rolfe (Con)]

My Lords, I shall speak first to the amendments in this group that stand in my name and then to those tabled by my noble friends. The noble Baroness, Lady Altmann, helpfully outlined a list of banana skins or uncertainties from her experience, such as the cost of changes in employment contracts and payroll software and of dealing with employees concerned about the change. She was right to ask whether we need to legislate so rapidly given the complexities that seem to be thrown up by today’s useful debate.

My amendments, Amendments 5 and 18, helpfully supported by the noble Baroness, Lady Altmann, chiefly concern the principle of parliamentary oversight. Nothing is more central to our work. Under Clauses 1 and 2, the Bill quite properly provides that regulations reducing the £2,000 contributions limit must be subject to the affirmative resolution procedure. That is right. If the Treasury lowers the cap, Parliament must be given the final say. What the Bill does not provide is affirmative scrutiny where the Treasury alters the methodology by which the cap is calculated or applied. That omission is significant because new subsections (6C) and (6D) do not deal with minor technical points but determine how the policy will operate in practice for thousands of earners whose pay patterns do not fit a neat monthly model.

Let us look at new subsection (6C). It permits regulations to prescribe an equivalent contributions limit for those paid weekly or at other intervals. That phrase “other intervals” is remarkably broad. It covers shift workers, contractors, seasonal workers, gig economy participants, those on irregular pay cycles and those with multiple employments. People in these forms of employment make up a large and growing segment of the modern labour market, yet the detail of how the limit will be translated for those individuals is not in the Bill. It is left entirely to regulations and consultation, as the noble Baroness, Lady Kramer, said. The annual cap is scrutinised in primary legislation, but, inconsistently, the translation of that cap into weekly, irregular or non-standard pay structures, the arrangements when an employee moves and other detail of importance to both workers and those operating payrolls, are to be set out later in regulations without the same degree of parliamentary approval. These points can be material in terms of compliance costs and fairness. In other words, those whose circumstances fit most neatly within the annual framework benefit from full parliamentary scrutiny, while those whose pay patterns are more complex do not. We submit that if the methodology by which the cap is applied to those workers is altered in a way that materially changes who pays and how much, that is a policy decision and one which requires greater scrutiny from your Lordships’ House and the other place.

The same concerns arise under new subsection (6D). There, the Treasury is given powers to determine by regulation when amounts treated as remuneration are deemed to be paid, in prescribed cases to treat a figure other than the amount foregone as remuneration and to calculate that alternative figure in such manner and on such basis as may be prescribed. These are extremely broad powers. They allow the Treasury not merely to administer the cap but to redefine how remuneration is attributed and calculated for NICs purposes. If such methodological changes can be made without returning to Parliament for affirmative approval, the House will have ceded oversight of important mechanisms that determine the real-world effect of this new policy.

My amendments simply make the point that where the method by which the contributions limit is calculated or applied is altered, Parliament should have the opportunity to approve the change. The Committee is currently scrutinising the Bill line by line. We are examining the consequences. It would be inconsistent if, once enacted, substantial changes could be introduced through regulations subject only to the negative procedure. If the Government are confident that any such changes would be technical and uncontroversial, they should have no objection to subjecting them to affirmative scrutiny.

These provisions will affect real employers and real employees. They will determine compliance burdens, payroll calculations and the effective tax treatment of pension saving. They are not trivial matters. In short, where the substance of the policy shifts, Parliament should be asked to approve that shift. I hope the Minister will recognise that this is a sound and serious constitutional point and give it proper consideration.

Amendments 4 and 17, tabled by my noble friend Lord Leigh of Hurley, make an interesting case. The Government’s policy intent, as set out in the Explanatory Notes, is to apply a national insurance change where pension contributions are made pursuant to optional remuneration arrangements—in other words, where an employee has chosen to forgo cash pay in return for an employer pension contribution. However, there are some workplace pension arrangements where no such option exists: the employee is not offered a cash alternative, there is no choice between salary and pension, and the employer contribution is simply part of the structured remuneration package.

In these circumstances, it is difficult to see how the arrangements can properly be described as optional. There is no alternative compensation available and there is no optionality. The amendment therefore makes clear that where no cash alternative is offered, the arrangement should not be treated as an optional remuneration arrangement for the purposes of the new NICs charges. I would therefore be grateful if the Minister could clarify whether arrangements with no genuine cash alternative are intended to fall within the scope of the Bill. If not, I hope he might look favourably on this clarification.

My noble friend Lord Leigh’s Amendment 33 makes a further important point that the Bill should not come into force until the Treasury has published clear guidance setting out how the contributions limit will apply in cases of multiple concurrent employments. This is a matter of basic administrative clarity and fairness. The question about two caps for two jobs came from my noble friend himself, and it would be interesting to know the answer.

My noble friend Lord Mackinlay doubts whether guidance is the right route, and wants to know what the arrangements will be today, with amendments to the Bill if we believe—in the light of the answers—that that is needed. We certainly need clarity, a change to the scrutiny of regulations to the affirmative, and perhaps guidance when we have the answers.

Finally, I turn to Amendment 4A in the name of my noble friend Lord Fuller. As drafted, the Bill introduces a flat £2,000 annual limit, above which salary sacrifice to employer pensions will attract national insurance. It is a hard cap. But real earnings do not operate in neat annual instalments; for many people, remuneration fluctuates significantly from year to year. Without any carry-forward mechanism of the kind well articulated by my noble friend Lord Mackinlay, which is apparently not very costly, the Bill creates a cliff edge. An individual who sacrifices modestly for several years but has a single high-earning year will be treated as if that year existed in isolation. That is not how pension saving works elsewhere in the tax system.

The pensions annual allowance regime already provides a three-year forward framework. Amendments 4B and 17B would align the national insurance treatment with that established precedent. The alternative amendments, Amendments 4A and 17A, simply provide the Treasury with a permissive power to introduce such a mechanism. They offer flexibility should Ministers be concerned about immediate fiscal implications.

Amendment 29A would require an independent review within 18 months of implementation. The Bill introduces a new compliance framework affecting payroll systems, remuneration design and pension planning. Therefore, it is entirely reasonable that Parliament should require evidence of its real-world impact, particularly on fluctuating earners and on employer administrative burdens. I do not agree with the noble Lord, Lord Davies of Brixton, that the extra burden of complexity on employers can be dismissed, particularly now we have heard that currently there is so little interaction between second and third employers. We want fewer burdens, not more. Enough is enough, and I look forward to a proper and detailed response on these very important technical points.

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

My Lords, I am grateful to all noble Lords who have spoken in this debate. I begin by addressing Amendments 4 and 17, tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Leigh of Hurley, and the noble Baroness, Lady Altmann. These amendments relate to the technical and operational detail of the legislation, including the definition of “optional remuneration arrangements” and procedure. I fully understand the concern underlying them, which is to ensure that the Bill operates in a targeted, proportionate way and does not inadvertently affect ordinary employer pension contributions. The Government share this objective and I am grateful for this opportunity to clarify our intent.

The Bill before the Committee already relies on the established definition of “optional remuneration arrangements” set out in the Income Tax (Earnings and Pensions) Act 2003; this is the same framework that has applied since the optional remuneration arrangement rules were introduced in 2017. Under that definition, the rules apply only where an employee is given a choice—for example, a choice between receiving earnings or receiving employer pension contributions instead. This includes salary sacrifice arrangements, where an employee agrees to a lower cash salary in exchange for a pension contribution, or situations where an employee chooses pension contributions in place of a cash allowance.

Importantly, the Bill does not affect employer pension contributions where no such choice exists. Where an employer makes pension contributions as a standard part of the remuneration package and there is no alternative of cash or earnings available to the employee, those arrangements do not fall within the definition of “optional remuneration arrangements” and are, therefore, outside the scope of the Bill. In those cases, standard employer pension contributions will continue to be fully exempt from national insurance contributions, exactly as they are now. Nothing in this legislation changes that position.

[Baroness Altmann (Non-Afl)]

May I ask for some clarification? The Government’s intention is to try to encourage higher pension contributions. If an employer decides to increase their pension contributions, how would one know that that had not been at the expense of some salary they might otherwise have paid? Would it just never be caught? Can we safely assume that increased employer pension contributions will not be caught unless there is some official paper that says, “This was instead of salary”?

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

I suppose I would ask the noble Baroness: who does she mean when she asks, “How would one know”? Who is “one” in that instance? HMRC? That would be reported to HMRC, would it not?

[Lord Mackinlay of Richborough (Con)]

HMRC.

[Baroness Altmann (Non-Afl)]

As what? It would just be an increase in pension contributions because the employer has decided to increase the amount they will provide for their staff from, say, 6% to 8%. It is nothing to do with what they are paying the staff; it is not the result of negotiation. Their standard contribution was 6% and is, perhaps, going to 8%. Some people might be concerned that that would be considered by HMRC as an optional arrangement because the pensioning contribution has gone up, although that may not have been intended. The Government’s intention is, I hope, to get employer contributions to increase.

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

The example given by the noble Baroness is not a salary-sacrificed pension contribution. What she is describing is exactly what you would want to happen. Surely you want the pension contribution to go from 6% to 8%.

[Baroness Altmann (Non-Afl)]

Yes, absolutely.

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

I do not understand where the problem is, because that is a good thing.

[Baroness Altmann (Non-Afl)]

The issue is that there seems to be a risk. Can we somehow—I am not quite clear how—clarify in the Bill in case HMRC might decide that that is caught by the Bill?

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

I am happy to take this away and look at it, but I cannot see any way in which that would be the situation. Employers presumably increase their pension contributions all the time. That is a good public policy outcome. There is no way in which that would be caught by these regulations. I have made that extremely clear in what I am saying.

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[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

It is a perfectly good outcome if the employer increases their contribution into an employee’s pension. That is something we want to achieve. On specifically how HMRC would view that, I am very happy to take that away, but I do not believe in any way, in what I am saying, that that is the intention of what we are doing.

I will finish what I was saying. In those cases, standard employer pension contributions will continue to be fully exempt from national insurance contributions, exactly as they are now. Nothing in this legislation changes that position. For these reasons, the Bill already draws the correct boundary by relying on a well-established and familiar legal definition. It targets only those arrangements where an employee is given a choice between cash and pension provision, and it does not interfere with ordinary, non-optional employer pension contributions.

I turn to Amendments 5 and 18 in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe, and supported by the noble Baroness, Lady Altmann, and the noble Lord, Lord Altrincham. These amendments relate to parliamentary scrutiny and procedure. I agree with noble Lords about the importance of maintaining strong parliamentary scrutiny, particularly where changes could affect individuals’ national insurance liabilities. That is an important principle and one that the Government share. That is why the Bill contains a series of safeguards to protect scrutiny and transparency.

The Bill explicitly provides that, where regulations are used to reduce the generosity of the £2,000 limit—that is, where changes would lower the contribution limit and thereby increase the amount of earnings subject to class 1 national insurance contributions—those regulations would be subject to the affirmative procedure. This ensures that any change which tightens the policy or increases liability is brought before Parliament for full scrutiny and approval.

By contrast, where regulations are made simply to implement the policy, to set out administrative arrangements or to increase the £2,000 limit, thereby resulting in less national insurance being payable, it is standard practice for those regulations to be subject to the negative procedure. That approach reflects the well-established distinction between substantive policy changes and regulations which deal with administration or confer additional relief.

This is not a new or novel approach. It follows the established precedent for regulations made under the existing powers in Section 4(6) and Section 4A of the Social Security Contributions and Benefits Act 1992 and the corresponding Northern Ireland legislation. In those cases, regulations of an administrative or beneficial nature have routinely been subject to the negative procedure.

I also note that the Delegated Powers and Regulatory Reform Committee has carefully scrutinised the powers in the Bill, including the proposed level of parliamentary scrutiny. The Committee has confirmed that there is nothing in the Bill that it wished to draw to the special attention of the House.

Taken together, these provisions ensure an appropriate and proportionate balance: robust parliamentary oversight where the policy is made less generous, and a well-established, efficient procedure for setting out administrative detail and making changes that operate in favour of contributors.

[Baroness Neville-Rolfe (Con)]

Before the Minister moves on, would he consider making an affirmative regulation on the very first occasion? The discussions that we have had this evening show that there is quite a bit of complexity here, and that has compliance costs for employers and employees. It seems odd to take the precedent of the social security Act on something new and difficult. I wonder whether that would be worth considering. Perhaps the Delegated Powers and Regulatory Reform Committee did not have the benefit of the experts here who have explained some of the problems. I am sure the Minister cannot say anything today, but could he at least have a look at whether the first such regulations could be by affirmative resolution, which is a practice that I have encountered with lots of other Bills that we probably worked on together?

[Lord in Waiting/Government Whip (Lord Wilson of Sedgefield) (Lab)]

Can we just let the Minister reply to that?

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

I have set out very clearly which will be approached with the negative procedure and the affirmative procedure, and I do not think it is our intention to deviate from that very clear precedent.

Amendment 33, tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Leigh of Hurley, and the noble Baroness, Lady Altmann, relates to the operability of the contributions limit for those with multiple concurrent jobs. Amendments 4A, 4B, 17A, 17B and 29A, tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Fuller, also relate to operability of the contributions limit, with a focus on those with fluctuating earnings and their employers.

I fully understand the concerns that noble Lords have raised about how this measure will operate in practice, particularly for those with more complex employment arrangements and irregular patterns of remuneration. While the Bill provides the necessary powers, the full operational detail of the £2,000 cap will be set out in regulations that are yet to be published. The purpose of this two-stage process is to ensure that when the cap is introduced, it operates effectively across a wide range of real-world circumstances, including for individuals with multiple jobs, complex payroll arrangements, changing employment or fluctuating remuneration patterns over the course of a year.

[Lord Mackinlay of Richborough (Con)]

Is the Minister’s understanding of the Bill that the £2,000 threshold will be in the entirety of a single employee or across each employment? At the moment, with NI regulations the employee benefits from different thresholds in each employment that is held. That means that with less than £12,570 in each multiple employment no employee national insurance is paid at all. Is the intention for it to be £2,000 in total across any number of employments, or £2,000 per employment?

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

That intention will be set out in the regulations once we have fully consulted relevant employers.

[Lord Fuller (Con)]

There is a transfer of risk, of prejudice, from the individual, who is responsible under the current arrangements, to the employer. That has not been fleshed out at all. If you have a salary sacrifice that is processed by the employer, all of a sudden that employer trespasses on the duty at the end of the tax year for the employee to put in his tax return. There has been a muddying of the water here between the employee and the employer. I know we are going to come back on Report, and I hope we will get it done in a day, but the Government should lay out their approach to this and state where the liability sits and where the penalties may be applied for honest mistakes made in that interface between the employer and the employee. That is not at all clear, and it should be.

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

I am grateful to the noble Lord for his further thoughts. The carryover feature—

[Baroness Kramer (LD)]

I do not want to be problematic here, but I wonder whether the Minister can understand that we are looking at a very different Bill and very different implications if the £2,000 contribution limit is per individual across a range of employments, or per job, and perhaps they have three or four. It is a fundamental difference, and while the details of how things would be done in the future and the operational issues may well have to wait for regulation, guidance and consultation, it seems to me that that core issue defines this Bill, and we should know that before we complete its passage.

[Lord Livermore]

Obviously, I hear what the noble Baroness says.

The carryover feature of the pensions annual allowance, referenced in the justification for the amendments tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Fuller, sets the maximum amount of tax-relieved pension savings an individual can build up in a tax year without triggering a tax charge, which for most people is £60,000. The carryover feature is intended to accommodate one-off irregular spikes in pension saving or defined benefit accrual. The annual allowance carry-forward requires individuals to hold or obtain accurate records to track usage and eligibility and is not intended for day-to-day retirement planning. The Government do not consider it suitable to introduce a similar mechanism in the context of the cap on national insurance contribution-free pension saving in the Bill.

Before the detailed regulations that support the introduction of this change are finalised, HMRC will work closely with employers, payroll providers and software developers to ensure the policy operates smoothly for businesses and individuals. This engagement is not a formality. It is a necessary step to ensure that we collaboratively identify the best and most workable way to apply the £2,000 national insurance contributions-free limit, minimise administrative burdens and avoid unintended consequences, particularly for those whose earnings are spread across more than one employment.

Taking the time to engage properly and test implementation options is the best way to ensure that the policy works as intended from the outset. That is why the Government have committed sufficient time to work with stakeholders, up to and including the preparation of the important guidance for operation that the noble Lord, Lord Fuller, has raised in Amendment 29A.

On Amendment 29A, which proposes a reporting provision on the administrative cost borne by employers, I note that, upon the introduction of the Bill to Parliament, a tax information and impact note was published by the Government, setting out the impact of this policy’s operationalisation on employees and their employers. Supporting those who will implement this change within their organisations is vital, but we do not agree that that support should take the form of additional reporting requirements.

In light of all the points I have made, I respectfully ask noble Lords not to press their amendments.

[Lord Leigh of Hurley (Con)]

My Lords, this debate has been very helpful because it has sort of blown a hole in the Bill. The noble Baroness, Lady Altmann, summed it up rightly: what has happened is that the Government started with the answer and then tried to find the question. In other words, they were desperately looking to find £4 billion from somewhere and came up with this random salary sacrifice idea. Why salary sacrifice? Why not say that NI on pensions does not apply over X amount and limit it that way? I am afraid that the Bill just does not work.

For example, in the case I raised about a new employee where an employer is negotiating over X amount of salary or Y amount of pension, is that a salary sacrifice? The Minister could not answer that. On the £2,000 cap, the Minister could not answer. He could not answer on the collective bargaining point or whether a bonus applies. On how we deal with multiple employments, I do not think that was satisfactorily answered. I also think that the spreading point was not satisfactorily answered.

I take the point that this provision is not scheduled to come in until April 2029. I respectfully make the point that we might all be busy then on other matters but, given that the earliest is April 2029, is it not right now to pause the Bill, work constructively with us and many others who have much greater knowledge, certainly than people on this Bench, and to think through how we might find a constructive way forward? Just hoping that we might get it right in regulation is bypassing democracy. It is the purpose of the House of Lords to examine Bills, make constructive suggestions, identify and highlight holes and issues, and seek to amend them. It is fair enough that this is what the Government want to do, but they have to be clear as to how it works before the Bill goes through.

I suspect the Government will find fierce opposition to the Bill as it is on Report from a large number of people in the House, so one would hope that the Government will pause, reflect, consider and consult—on the Bill, not in regulations—to enable us to get this right. The Minister is very good at putting himself in our shoes and has done so to some extent, and I hope that he will do so again in respect of these amendments. I particularly hope that Amendment 29A comes in, so that a future Chancellor can produce a report. I beg leave to withdraw Amendment 4.

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[Lord Leigh of Hurley (Con)]

My Lords, it is worth reminding ourselves that this legislation was prompted by a document published in May last year with this eye-catching title: Understanding the Attitudes and Behaviours of Employers Towards Salary Sacrifice for Pensions. It concluded:

“All the hypothetical scenarios explored in this research”,


including the £2,000 cap, were “viewed negatively” by those interviewed. It said that the changes would cause confusion, reduce benefits for employees and disincentivise saving for a pension. The report came to the conclusion that, of the three proposed hypothetical options for change, the £2,000 cap was no more than the least bad option.

As has been discussed here, even the OBR has stated that, in the first year in which this measure bites, there will be an estimated revenue of £4.48 billion from the Bill, but it will drop in the next year to £2.6 billion. That is a massive fall in revenue. Should HM Treasury not be worried about this? Should it not be asking itself, “How can we bring in something that leads to a drop in revenue of 50% in year 1?”? The taxpayer wants to know. Could an assessment be done of whether this is likely to be the case in some of the scenarios set out in these amendments—in particular, the £5,000 and the £10,000? I do not know this, because I do not have the resources to do that, but I suspect that, although bringing the cap in at £5,000 and £10,000 would not lead to the £4.48 billion in year 1, it would lead to a much more consistent figure in the subsequent years, for the long-term benefit of the country. As my noble friend Lord Mackinlay said, it will be a bit of a sugar rush and will force people to make most unfortunate changes in their patterns of savings, which the Government cannot be keen to see happen.

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

My Lords, I am grateful to noble Lords who have spoken in this debate.

First, I will address Amendments 6, 10, 11, 13, 19, 22, 23 and 25 in the names of by the noble Baronesses, Lady Neville-Rolfe and Lady Kramer, and the noble Lords, Lord Altrincham and Lord Londesborough. These amendments seek to uprate the cap by the percentage change in the consumer prices index or the retail prices index. The Government agree on the need to keep the level of the cap under review to ensure that it continues to meet its policy objective: keeping the cost of salary sacrifice tax reliefs on a fiscally sustainable footing while protecting ordinary workers. However, we disagree with the approach set out in these amendments because it would be inconsistent with the approach taken in respect of other pension tax reliefs, which are not routinely indexed with inflation.

For example, in 2023, when the previous Government made changes to the annual allowance, they increased it by a set amount rather than indexing it; the annual allowance was otherwise not routinely uprated or index-linked. The Government are taking a pragmatic, balanced approach to ensuring that the cost of tax relief on salary sacrifice pension contributions remains fiscally sustainable. The future level of the cap in the next decade and beyond is for future Budgets in those decades.

This leads me on to Amendments 7 to 9, 20 and 21 in the names of the noble Baronesses, Lady Neville-Rolfe, Lady Kramer and Lady Altmann, and the noble Lords, Lord de Clifford and Lord Londesborough. These amendments seek to increase the cap beyond £2,000. It is important to consider the level of the cap in the wider context of the objectives of this change, which are about keeping the tax system on a sustainable footing while protecting ordinary workers. Without reform, the cost of this tax relief is now set to almost treble in cost, from £2.8 billion to £8 billion, with the vast majority of the benefit going to higher earners because around 62% of salary sacrifice contributions come from the top 20% of earners. Although some tax experts have called for pension salary sacrifice to be abolished entirely, the Government are taking a more measured and pragmatic approach.

As I said earlier this afternoon, the £2,000 cap protects 74% of basic rate taxpayers using salary sacrifice. This means that three-quarters of those earning up to £50,270 a year who use salary sacrifice will be protected by the cap. Almost all—95%—of those earning £30,000 or less who use salary sacrifice will be entirely unaffected by the changes. Some 87% of salary sacrifice contributions above the cap are forecast to be made by higher and additional rate taxpayers. Increasing the level of the cap in the way proposed by these amendments would cost additional money and would undermine the objective of putting this tax relief on a sustainable footing for the future. Such changes should also be considered in the wider context of pension tax relief, which amounts to more than £70 billion each year; that spend will be entirely unaffected by this legislation.

In the light of the points I have made, I respectfully ask noble Lords to withdraw or not press their amendments.

[Lord Altrincham (Con)]

My Lords, as many noble Lords have made clear in their remarks on this group, the policy as currently drafted operates as a rather untargeted tax. Introducing indexation by RPI or CPI—described by the noble Baroness, Lady Kramer, as the goose and gander amendment—would be a straightforward and proportionate step that the Government could take now to mitigate what I can only assume is an unintended consequence. We on these Benches would also support the higher limits proposed by noble Lords and noble Baronesses today to mitigate behavioural changes that may undermine the objectives of this initiative or the Bill entirely.

The Minister has heard a range of constructive proposals this afternoon as to how this issue might be addressed. I very much hope he has listened carefully to the strength of feeling across the Committee and that he will give serious consideration to adopting one of these solutions. I beg to withdraw the amendment.

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[Baroness Kramer (LD)]

My Lords, as we discussed at Second Reading, the Federation of Small Businesses has warned that the impact of the Bill could meaningfully disadvantage small businesses. In a way, I look at social enterprises and charities as, essentially, a subset of the SME sector. Big businesses can often devise ways and perks to reward people that are simply not available to SMEs, so they can dampen the impact of the Bill on their workforces and widen that competitive gap.

As a consequence of that, I thank the noble Lord, Lord de Clifford, for signing Amendment 27 in my name, and the noble Lord, Lord Londesborough, for saying that he would have signed it. Frankly, when these noble Lords give warnings on what will happen and what is happening in the small business sector, I really hope that the Government are listening because, unfortunately for our economy, their track record has a real history of being correct, and those warnings need to be taken seriously.

As other noble Lords have said, SMEs are already under pressure. I am not going to repeat the saga of the burdens on them, but we have to recognise that this is a time when we absolutely need small businesses to accelerate their hiring, especially of young people, and make serious investment in productivity and growth. Once again, this is another measure where I can see no alignment between the Bill and the Government’s industrial strategy or growth policy. It seems to pull in completely the wrong direction.

Amendments 12 and 24 would straightforwardly exempt SMEs. Amendment 27 in my name would give the Government a chance to make their case, in a sense, because it would require a detailed review within 12 months of the Act being signed, which is obviously long before the Act will come into force. The review would target the two issues that we have said are so critical—SME recruitment and retention—and would also look at this matter in the context of the cumulative impact, particularly of NICs changes since this is a NICs Bill. It seems wise to encompass a look at these two NICs changes as being linked and entangled in the way they impact on small businesses.

I do not want to take up much more of the Committee’s time, but it is important to stress that this is not the time for uninformed decision-making; that has been echoed through group after group of amendments. I am not rejecting the other amendments but Amendment 27 would be a relatively modest way for the Government at least to do something that begins to put evidence before Ministers and Parliament.

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

My Lords, I am grateful to all noble Lords who have spoken in this debate. First, I will address Amendments 18 and 24 in the names of the noble Baronesses, Lady Neville-Rolfe and Lady Altmann, and the noble Lord, Lord Altrincham, which would exempt small and medium-sized enterprises, charities and social enterprises from the Bill.

The Government agree on the importance of supporting small businesses and ensuring that they are not unduly impacted by these changes. Small and medium-sized enterprises are far less likely to offer pension salary sacrifice than larger businesses. According to Nest Insight, around 33% of small businesses offer pension salary sacrifice to their employees, compared with 83% of large businesses. In addition, employees of small and medium-sized enterprises are far less likely to have contributions exceeding the £2,000 cap; only 10% of employees in SMEs have pension contributions through salary sacrifice exceeding the cap. Exempting small and medium-sized enterprises in the way suggested by the amendment would therefore introduce significant additional complexity into the tax system and would be disproportionate given the limited impact that this policy is expected to have on these businesses. The Government are engaging with employers and other industry stakeholders ahead of these changes coming in.

Similarly, Amendments 26 and 27 in the names of the noble Baronesses, Lady Neville-Rolfe and Lady Kramer, and the noble Lords, Lord Altrincham, Lord Londesborough and Lord de Clifford, would require a review of the impact of the Act on small and medium-sized enterprises. As I have already said, the Government agree about the importance of supporting small businesses. The changes in the Bill will mainly impact larger employers, which are much more likely to use salary sacrifice and to have employees who are contributing above the £2,000 cap.

More widely, the Government are delivering the most comprehensive package of support for small and medium-sized businesses in a generation through the small business strategy, unlocking billions of pounds in finance to support businesses to invest and removing unnecessary red tape. Ahead of the cap coming into operation, the Government will continue to work closely with employers, payroll administrators and other stakeholders to ensure that the changes are implemented in the least burdensome way for businesses of all sizes currently using salary sacrifice.

In the light of the points I have made, I respectfully ask noble Lords to withdraw or not press their amendments.

[Baroness Neville-Rolfe (Con)]

My Lords, if the Government truly wish to support SMEs and charities, they should not press ahead with a measure that those enterprises have told us—I gave a great deal of evidence, and we have heard this from others as well—will damage them, increase their operating costs and complexity and reduce their ability to offer options to their employees. The noble Baroness, Lady Altmann, put the case well.

The noble Lord, Lord Londesborough, with his unique experience of SME businesses, reminded us of the dire situation facing SMEs, with significant numbers closing down, as one can see on almost any high street. My noble friend Lord Ashcombe emphasised the cumulative effect and rightly added energy prices to the problems that SMEs and charities are facing. The Bill will raise employment costs at a time when companies are already stretched to boiling point.

The noble Lord, Lord de Clifford, illustrated the problem with information drawn from the impact of NICs on his business, which I found particularly compelling. He is very keen to have the hope—I think that is the right word—that will arise from the proposed review. My noble friend Lord Mackinlay reminded us of the large number of NEETs who are out of work, as well as of how we now have higher youth unemployment than the EU, generating what he referred to as a tipping point.

My noble friend rightly raised—I hope that the Minister will come back on this—the key unanswered question of whether the £2,000 cap will apply per employee across multiple employments. We must have an answer on that because it will make a great deal of difference, especially to smaller operations. I am impressed by the fact that, for the first time, my noble friend has agreed to support a carve-out for SMEs and charities, on which I have campaigned for the past 11 years.

The Minister and I have often exchanged views on SMEs, but this is an opportunity for him to make a concrete change to the Government’s policy on this matter, do something to show that the Government listen to SMEs and small social enterprises and provide them with a bit of relief from the mountain of complexities piled on them. I urge the Government to think again and make a positive change to the Bill in this area. It would not be expensive, but it would protect jobs and businesses, help our economy and, above all, reduce compliance costs for both this vital sector and the officials who are taxed with policing the changes and gathering revenue.

Lastly, I reiterate my support for the review of SME recruitment and retention proposed by the noble Baroness, Lady Kramer, in the light of the cumulative NICs changes that we have seen over the past 18 months. Like her, I hope that the Government are listening. For now, I beg leave to withdraw the amendment, but we will, I think, want to revert to the position of SMEs and charities when we come back on Report later in the spring.

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[Lord de Clifford (CB)]

My Lords, I added my name to Amendment 29 in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Altmann. She has just summed up a lot of my issues, so I will keep this brief because it is late.

I will come from the perspective of one limited experience: my business. The success of auto-enrolment is fantastic, and the salary sacrifice scheme has really helped. I have 18 and 19 year-olds saving for a pension; it is only small amounts, but it really helps them. The other thing is that those who are slightly better paid find it so easy to increase their pension contributions and then pull them down again when they need their funds. I believe this Bill will be a disincentive to those people who are trying to save a bit more.

Therefore, I support this amendment, which seeks to check that we do not lose the advantages that auto-enrolment has brought to SMEs and has forced employers like me—I think back when we instigated ours—to bring in pension schemes. There is real value to that. The experience of the noble Baroness, Lady Altmann, in pensions is a lot greater than mine, so I welcome a review, especially an independent one. It is so important that we start saving for our pensions. My noble friend Lord Londesborough came up with some statistics earlier and the report from his committee is important.

Those are the reasons why I support this amendment. It is essential that we continue to review how people save for their pensions.

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

My Lords, I am grateful to all noble Lords for their contributions to this debate.

I turn first to Amendment 28, tabled by the noble Baroness, Lady Kramer, which seeks the publication of illustrative projections of lifetime pension saving values before and after this change. The Government do not agree that this amendment is necessary to provide the required information on personal pension saving outcomes. The impacts of the measures in the Bill, including on employees and employers, are already set out in the tax information and impact note published alongside the Bill’s introduction.

Additionally, the Government published a policy costing note, which includes detail on the tax base and static costing as well as a summary of the behavioural responses expected by individuals and employers. The Office for Budget Responsibility has set out impacts in its economic and fiscal outlook, making it clear that it does not expect a material impact on savings behaviour as a result of the tax changes made in the Budget. Similarly, there are already a number of existing tools and services that individuals can use to understand their personal financial position and estimate their potential retirement income.

Amendments 29 and 30, tabled by the noble Baronesses, Lady Altmann and Lady Neville-Rolfe, and the noble Lords, Lord Altrincham and Lord de Clifford, would require the Government to take advice examining the impact of this change on employers, pension adequacy and workers’ pay. They also seek to make commencement of the Act conditional on the publication of an independent review of its effects, including on pension adequacy. The impacts of this measure have already been set out across the range of usual publications for changes to national insurance; these include the published tax information and impact note and policy costings note, as well as the Office for Budget Responsibility’s economic and fiscal outlook.

These amendments raise a wider point about the role of salary sacrifice in the pension salary saving system, particularly in relation to incentivising saving and improving pension adequacy. It is important to place this measure in context. Salary sacrifice existed in the 2000s and early 2010s, yet, during this period, there were falls in private sector pension saving. The key factor that has led to an increase in saving in recent years, as many noble Lords have noted in this debate, is automatic enrolment. As a result of automatic enrolment, more than 22 million workers across the UK are now saving each month.

Although all of us here share a commitment to improving pension adequacy, many groups at higher risk of under-saving—including the self-employed, low earners and women—are not the most likely to benefit from salary sacrifice. Only one in five self-employed people save into a pension, but they are entirely excluded from salary sacrifice. Low earners are most likely not to be saving, but higher earners are more likely to be using salary sacrifice. Many women are under-saving for retirement, but many more men use pension salary sacrifice.

The pensions tax relief system remains hugely generous, and there remain significant incentives to save into a pension. The £70 billion of income tax and national insurance contribution relief that the Government currently provide on pensions each year will be entirely unaffected by these changes.

Given the points I have made, I respectfully ask noble Lords to withdraw or not press their amendments.

[Baroness Kramer (LD)]

I beg leave to withdraw my amendment.

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[Lord Londesborough (CB)]

I will very briefly add one question about the OBR forecast. I think that the noble Baroness, Lady Kramer, said at Second Reading that she found the timing “weird”. I certainly find it extraordinary that we have a five-year forecast of which the first three years are irrelevant—they are zero—and then we have a 48% fall in the second year. This begs the question: where are the forecasts for years three, four and five? If we are following this trend, we have a fireworks display. As the noble Lord, Lord Altrinchan, said, the Government should not be indulging in short-term fiscal levers. Where are the forecasts for those years? These measures do not actually come into effect until the financial year 2030.

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

My Lords, I will first address Amendment 31, tabled by the noble Baronesses, Lady Neville-Rolfe and Lady Altmann, and the noble Lord, Lord Altrincham. I agree on the importance of transparency on the impact of this policy, including on employers. However, an additional publication is not necessary to achieve that objective. A number of documents have already been published in line with the usual practice for national insurance contribution changes, which comprehensively set out the impacts of this measure, including on employers.

The tax information and impact note was published alongside the introduction of the Bill. This sets out the number of employers expected to be impacted by this measure, the one-off costs—including familiarisation with the change, the training of staff and updating of software—and the expected continuing costs, including performing more calculations, and recording and providing additional information to HMRC, where salary sacrifice schemes continue to be used. This equates to a one-off £75 and an ongoing £99 per business per year. The Government also published a policy costing note, which includes detail on the costing of the measures, including the tax base, static costing and a summary of the behavioural responses expected by individuals and employers.

The Office for Budget Responsibility published its economic and fiscal outlook, which provides the OBR’s independent scrutiny of the Government’s policy costing. The OBR also published a supplementary forecast note, which provided additional information that it received in last year’s Budget to further increase the transparency of this measure. Taken together, these publications already provide an appropriate and comprehensive assessment of employer impacts.

On Amendment 32, the OBR’s economic and fiscal outlook and its supplementary forecast—

[Lord Ashcombe (Con)]

I thank the Minister for giving way. He has mentioned up to five different publications where this information may be found. Is it not possible for the Government to bring it into one place, so that we can actually see what the information is?

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

My Lords, as I have already said, it has been published in various places, and I do not see the need to bring that into one place, as the noble Lord asked.

On Amendment 32, the OBR’s economic and fiscal outlook and its supplementary forecast publications set out how behavioural responses have been considered in certifying the costing. Some of these behavioural assumptions were also published in the policy costing note accompanying the Budget. The supplementary forecast information was drawn from analysis and data supplied to the OBR by the Government ahead of Budget 2025, in line with the standard process by which the OBR scrutinises and certifies costings. The Government’s published costings therefore already reflect these behavioural effects, and the OBR has certified these costings in the usual way. Given that the material reference is already publicly available and has been fully reflected in the certified policy costings, it is not necessary to review the OBR’s supplementary forecast.

If the noble Lord, Lord Londesborough, will forgive me, I will write to him with the answer to his specific question. In the meantime, given the points I have made, I respectfully ask noble Lords not to press their amendments.

[Baroness Neville-Rolfe (Con)]

My Lords, I am grateful to all noble Lords who have spoken in this debate—a shorter debate than we probably needed—and I am particularly grateful to the noble Baroness, Lady Kramer, and the noble Lord, Lord de Clifford, for drawing out so clearly the scale of the uncertainty that we are facing here.

The Minister has referred to various costings and has described them as conventional, but the truth is that the tax impact notes that have been published are inadequate, as indeed were parallel information notes published last year when we were discussing the national insurance changes of £25 billion. As a result, the consequences we are now seeing in the economy were not, to my mind, adequately flagged up.

However, where a policy is acknowledged by the OBR to carry medium to high uncertainty, and where almost half of the projected yield depends on a behavioural response that is not known in advance, I think the data that we have is incomplete. It is therefore reasonable to pause and require an independent assessment, and we have time for that. The alternative is that the Government legislate blind and then ignore the impact of the measures they take, as they did last year. In this case, of course, it will be a long time before we know the impact, because the measures will come into play in 2029-30.

In matters of pension saving and employment costs, stability and predictability are essential. If the Government are confident in their policy, they should have nothing to fear from the independent scrutiny that we have proposed. But time is late; we have reached the witching hour, and I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.

National Insurance Contributions (Employer Pensions Contributions) Bill

Lord Livermore Excerpts

Report stage
Thursday 5th March 2026 Lords Chamber

[Lord Londesborough (CB)]

My Lords, I support broadly all the amendments in this group, but specifically Amendments 12 and 26 in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Kramer, to which I added my name. I will be genuinely brief. These amendments, by raising the cap to £5,000 per annum, would address a core problem in the Bill: the limiting or deterring of the so-called moderate earners we have heard about from contributing sufficiently to their pension pots, which, as we already know, are nowhere near sufficient for the vast majority to fund their retirements. We are talking about retirement periods of 25 to 30 years if demographic trends continue. As we have heard, this includes many in the early stages of their working lives who need to get into the habit of contributing to pensions at the formative stages of their careers.

I remind the House of a stat that came out in Committee. On average, our current workforce will outlive their pension savings by eight to nine years, and this funding gap is widening year by year. Clause 1 is, in effect, raiding pensions to keep the Treasury within its fiscal rules in three years’ time. It is another crude example of kicking the can down the road, leaving another generation to sort out another widening deficit.

I was interested to hear the comments from the noble Lords, Lord Leigh and Lord Ashcombe. They raised some pertinent questions over the revenue-raising forecasts. I also fear that the Treasury has wildly underestimated the level of accelerated salary sacrifice over the next three years in the run-up to these measures. I have witnessed a number of business plans in companies that I am involved in; I should, of course, declare my interests as set out in the register.

To conclude, I fully endorse the excellent opening comments from the noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe, and the comments we just heard from the noble Baroness, Lady Kramer. I encourage your Lordships to support their amendments should they decide to test the opinion of the House.

[The Financial Secretary to the Treasury (Lord Livermore) (Lab)]

My Lords, I am very grateful to all noble Lords who have contributed to this first group of amendments. I turn first to Amendments 1 and 17 in the names of the noble Baronesses, Lady Neville-Rolfe and Lady Altmann, and the noble Lord, Lord Altrincham, which seek to exempt basic rate taxpayers from the Bill. As the noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe, noted, the vast majority—74%—of basic rate taxpayers using salary sacrifice will be unaffected by the changes in this Bill. Specifically, three-quarters of those earning up to £50,270 and using salary sacrifice will be entirely protected, and that rises to 95% when looking at those earning £30,000 or less who use this mechanism to save into their pensions. The minority of basic rate taxpayers with contributions above £2,000 will continue to benefit from employee national insurance relief worth £160 a year in addition to the full income tax relief they receive on their pension contributions. Half of those basic rate taxpayers contributing above £2,000 will face an additional national insurance contribution liability of less than £50 a year.

Exempting basic rate taxpayers would also be exceptionally difficult to operate in practice and would add considerable additional administrative burden on to employers. That is because, unlike income tax, national insurance does not operate on an annual aggregated basis, nor does it determine liability by reference to an individual’s final tax position. An individual cannot be confirmed as a basic rate taxpayer until their full income position is reconciled at the end of the tax year, taking account of potentially multiple employments and other sources of income. To apply a tax band-based exemption, employers would be required to undertake year-end reconciliations across employments and account for other sources of income as well that sit wholly outside the design of the national insurance contributions system. This would represent a fundamental departure from established payroll processes, imposing significant complexity, cost and risk on to employers and payroll providers.

Amendments 16 and 29, in the names of the noble Baronesses, Lady Neville-Rolfe, Lady Kramer and Lady Altmann, and the noble Lord, Lord Altrincham, seek exemptions for small and medium-sized enterprises, charities and social enterprises. Exempting small and medium-sized enterprises and charities in the way proposed by the amendment would add considerable complexity to the tax system and would not be proportionate to the limited impact this policy is expected to have on those businesses. The changes in this Bill primarily affect larger employers, which are significantly more likely to operate salary sacrifice arrangements and to have employees contributing above the £2,000 cap.

Small businesses are significantly less likely to offer salary sacrifice than larger businesses. Only 28% of employees in SMEs use salary sacrifice for pension contributions, compared to 39% in larger firms. When it comes to contributions above the £2,000 cap, the difference is even clearer. Only 10% of employees in SMEs make pension contributions through salary sacrifice that exceed the value of the cap, compared to 18% of employees of larger firms. This underlines that the largest benefits from uncapped salary sacrifice are concentrated in bigger firms, not smaller firms.

In practice, the changes in this Bill will level the playing field between small businesses and their larger competitors, ensuring that the national insurance contribution advantages of salary sacrifice are not disproportionately concentrated among employees in big firms. More widely, the Government recognise the importance of supporting small businesses and charities alike.

This leads me to Amendments 7 and 23 in the names of the noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe, and the noble Lord, Lord Altrincham. These amendments seek clarity on the basis on which the Government consider certain employed earners to be higher earners for the purposes of the national insurance charge and how the contributions limit reflects that assessment. The Explanatory Notes for this Bill set out clearly that the Government’s objective is to limit the national insurance contributions relief available to higher earners on employer pension contributions made through salary sacrifice, while protecting lower-earning pension savers. These changes are about fairness and consistency across the labour market.

Additionally, groups who are most likely to be undersaving for retirement, such as those on the national minimum wage and the UK’s 4.4 million self-employed workers are completely excluded from using salary sacrifice altogether. The cap we are introducing through this Bill will protect the majority of basic rate taxpayers using salary sacrifice and ensure that the cost of national insurance relief on pension salary sacrifice is put on a fiscally sustainable footing.

I now turn to Amendments 5 and 21 tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Leigh of Hurley, and the noble Baronesses, Lady Altmann and Lady Kramer, which seek to exempt salary sacrifice pension contributions over the £2,000 limit from being included in the definition of earnings used to calculate student loan repayments for employees. Student loan repayments are calculated using the same earnings base as class 1 national insurance contributions. As a result, salary sacrifice currently reduces both national insurance contributions and the earnings used to calculate student loan repayments. Any change in student loan repayments arising from this measure is a mechanical consequence of restoring those earnings to the national insurance contributions base. It is not a change to student loan policy itself; rather, it flows from levelling the playing field between those who are able to use salary sacrifice arrangements to reduce their earnings for national insurance contributions and those who are not. Of those employees making pension contributions through salary sacrifice, younger people are far more likely to be protected by the £2,000 cap than those above the age of 30. Some 76% of those in their 20s—

[Baroness Kramer (LD)]

Can I just get some clarification? The Minister is making me believe now that I must have misunderstood previous comments. Is he saying that he will not be, or there is not an anticipation he will be, bringing in legislation to remove that impact on student loan repayments? I had understood—and I could have been totally wrong, but I think others have understood as well—that that was what the Government intended.

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

I am afraid I do not know what led the noble Baroness to believe that. That is not in any way my intention at this point.

As I was saying, 76% of those in their 20s who use salary sacrifice are protected by the cap, compared to half of those aged 30 and above. The Government do not believe that this Bill is the appropriate vehicle through which to amend the basis of student loan repayments—

[Baroness Altmann (Non-Afl)]

Can the noble Lord explain to the House why it is okay for those whose contributions are lower than £2,000 to get this special advantage of salary sacrifice, while those not lucky enough to have an employer with salary sacrifice should be denied it? The issue seems to be the salary sacrifice itself. The noble Lord is saying it is an anomaly, but the fact that people are getting it because their employer is using salary sacrifice and then you are taking it away does not make things fairer, as far as I can see.

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

I think it does make the system fairer. We discussed this extensively at Second Reading and in Committee. The Government intend to make the system both fiscally sustainable and fairer, and I think that is exactly what we are doing with this legislation.

As I have said, the Government do not believe this Bill is the appropriate vehicle through which to amend the basis of student loan repayments. As the Prime Minister said last week, the Government inherited from the previous Government a broken student loan system, and we will look at ways to make that fairer.

I turn, finally, to Amendments 12, 13, 14, 15—

[Lord Leigh of Hurley (Con)]

With respect, that is exactly what the noble Baroness, Lady Kramer, has asked. The Minister has said that he did not say that, but he has just read it out.

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[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

I was asked whether I was today saying we would do anything to this legislation; no, we will not. Will we look at how to make the system fairer? Yes, we will. I think those two things are perfectly consistent.

[Lord Leigh of Hurley (Con)]

With respect, at either Second Reading or in Committee—I think in Committee—there was a statement that there would not be in this legislation, but other legislation, changes to the definition of earnings for students to get around the problem in this Bill.

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

That was not a commitment I gave. What I said in Committee, and say again today, is this is not the right Bill to change the student loan repayment system. We will, however, look at ways to make the system we inherited from the previous Government fairer. That remains the position.

I turn, finally, to Amendments 12, 13, 14, 15, 26, 27, and 28, tabled by the noble Baronesses, Lady Neville-Rolfe, Lady Altmann, and Lady Kramer, and the noble Lords, Lord Altrincham, Lord Londesborough and Lord de Clifford. These amendments seek to increase the value of the cap or to uprate the cap by the percentage change in the consumer prices index or retail prices index. The purpose of the Bill is to cap an unchecked relief which predominantly benefits higher and additional rate taxpayers while protecting ordinary workers using salary sacrifice to make pension contributions. All employees using salary sacrifice will still benefit from national insurance contributions relief on £2,000 of contributions made via salary sacrifice. For a basic rate taxpayer, this is an additional £160 of relief relative to employees who do not use salary sacrifice.

The Government will keep the level of the cap under review, but we do not agree with the approach set out in these amendments, which seeks to uprate the cap in line with inflation. Automatic indexation of the cap would introduce a mechanism inconsistent with the treatment of other major pension tax reliefs, which are not routinely indexed. The Government’s view remains that the future level of the cap in the next decade and beyond is for Budgets in those decades. In light of the positions I have set out, I hope noble Lords may feel able not to press their amendments.

[Lord de Clifford (CB)]

Before the Minister sits down, my amendment would link the limit not to inflation but to the national insurance threshold. Therefore, if the Government wish to hold that threshold to raise more funds, they can. I just wanted to make that clear to your Lordships.

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

I am grateful to the noble Lord. I think the position remains the same, though.

[Baroness Neville-Rolfe (Con)]

My Lords, I thank all noble Lords who contributed to this debate. I welcome the noble Lord, Lord Freyberg, to the fray and thank the Minister for his responses. He did not respond to the question raised by my noble friend Lord Ashcombe, the noble Lord, Lord de Clifford, the noble Baroness, Lady Altmann, and me about who high earners are and why those in the £40,000 to £50,000 band should pay 8% not 2%—four times higher. Indeed, why has the £2,000 limit been chosen in the first place?

On SMEs, on which I will also divide the House later, I think the lower incidence of the use of salary sacrifice actually makes the case for not imposing the complexities and administration of salary sacrifice on SMEs and charities. I will leave my noble friend Lord Leigh to wind up on student loans.

I am afraid that we on these Benches are unconvinced that the Government are meeting their policy objective of protecting workers on lower and medium incomes. As my noble friend Lord Leigh said, we are not sure that the Government are even going to raise the desired revenue. The Bill obviously hits those on lower and medium incomes and the protections are not in the Bill, which would ensure that the Government’s own policy objective is achieved. What is the hurry? I would like to test the opinion of the House on exempting basic rate taxpayers from the £2,000 cap.

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[Baroness Neville-Rolfe (Con)]

My Lords, I begin by thanking noble Lords with amendments in this group—my noble friends Lord Fuller, Lord Mackinlay and Lord Leigh and the noble Baroness, Lady Altmann—for their proposals, and for their forensic questions on the detail of the schemes and on any guidance that the Government might issue to minimise errors and problems.

There are numerous shortcomings in the Bill around operational detail and how everything will apply in practice. The reality is that we have very little clarity on how the Bill will work. It is designed to apply to a very narrow and limited set of employment and remunerative circumstances, and anyone who falls outside that definition has to wait for regulations, which will not be subject to the affirmative procedure.

We have no clarity on how the policy will apply to people working in numerous jobs. Is the cap per employment or per person? If it is per person, it will be very difficult to administer. We also need to know where responsibility for enforcement lies. There is no clarity about people with fluctuating remuneration: will they be penalised for saving during higher income periods because they hit the cap in some years and have no income to pay into pensions in others? What about anyone who has an unconventional pattern of remuneration for their job or jobs? How will it work for them? We have heard already that the arrangements for student loans are unclear, even after recent discussion, and we heard from my noble friend Lord Mackinlay about GDPR and from the noble Lord, Lord Freyberg, about the off-payroll rules. That is quite a lot of detail that has to be worked out.

My amendments in this group would help to deal with that by ensuring that all regulations would be subject to the affirmative resolution procedure, aside from those designed to increase the cap—that would be positive if it goes up, and you would not need to have an affirmative resolution because it would be beneficial. I am very grateful to the noble Baroness, Lady Kramer, and my noble friend Lord Ashcombe for their understanding and their vocal support for having this extra scrutiny.

When the regulations are developed, they will apply the cap to thousands of people and businesses who will be drawn into complications for the first time. My proposals would not impose a cost on the Exchequer or undermine what the Government are trying to do; they would simply ensure that, when the Treasury comes up with an answer to the questions that have been raised today, we will get a meaningful chance to debate and scrutinise the answers, as we are doing with the Bill at the moment. The Government really should have put the detail in the Bill but, in the absence of that, my amendments would ensure that we retain as much oversight as possible as the detail comes through. I can think of no reason why the Minister would not adopt the affirmative resolution if he cares about oversight, due process and the scrutiny of a policy which will affects millions of people. There are 7.7 million people using salary sacrifice and Amendment 9 should be an obvious amendment to support.

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

My Lords, I am grateful to all noble Lords who have spoken in this debate. I will begin by addressing Amendments 6, 22, 36 and 39, tabled by the noble Lords, Lord Mackinlay of Richborough, Lord Fuller, Lord Leigh of Hurley and Lord de Clifford, and the noble Baronesses, Lady Altmann and Lady Kramer, which seek clarity on the operation of the cap. I listened carefully to the requests made in Committee and again today to provide further reassurance to employers, payroll providers and individuals. Having put noble Lords’ concerns to officials in HMRC and the Treasury, I am pleased to confirm to your Lordships’ House that the cap will operate in line with other limits and thresholds within the national insurance regime. That is, the £2,000 cap will apply to each employment an individual undertakes.

To be clear, each employment will be treated separately for the purposes of the contributions limit for national insurance contributions. Any individual who has more than one employment and who sacrifices salary in more than one of those jobs will be able to do so independently in each case. Only 2% of those using salary sacrifice for their pensions have more than one job, and not everyone in this small group can or will use salary sacrifice in both their jobs. None the less, the approach I am confirming today provides clarity, aligns with the existing principles of the national insurance regime, and avoids the operational and administrative risks and burdens that could arise from attempting to operate a single cap across multiple employments. I confirm that this will be set out in legislation in subsequent regulations. The Government will also continue to engage with employers, payroll providers and other stakeholders to work through the detail of the policy ahead of its implementation.

I turn to Amendments 2 and 3 and the corresponding Northern Ireland Amendments 18 and 19 from the noble Lord, Lord Fuller, which each seek to introduce a carryover mechanism for any unused amounts of the cap allowance, including for those with fluctuating earnings.

[Baroness Altmann (Non-Afl)]

Can the noble Lord clarify a connected point: if somebody changes jobs within the year, does that mean they will start a new £2,000 accrual of the exemption?

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

Yes, I believe it will, because it is per job.

I will make three main points in response to the amendments from the noble Lord, Lord Fuller. First, the changes proposed would impact only a minority of those in receipt of salary sacrifice. The vast majority of people using salary sacrifice undertake traditional employment on stable contracts: 85% have been in their job for over a year, 88% work full-time and 97% have a permanent contract.

Secondly, although the cap we are introducing will be based on each employment, the Government are committed to continuing to engage with stakeholders as we design the detailed operation of the cap and provide for it in secondary legislation. That engagement will enable us to test how different approaches affect those with uneven salary patterns and ensure that the policy is introduced in the least burdensome way.

Thirdly, on the point made in Amendments 2 and 18 on the pensions annual allowance, that allowance limits the amount of pension savings that can benefit from tax relief in any given year. It is set at £60,000 for the vast majority of individuals. The purpose of the allowance is to deal with exceptional or uneven patterns of pension saving, including one-off spikes or fluctuations in defined benefit accrual. It is specifically not designed to deal with day-to-day saving. The allowance also relies on individuals holding accurate records across multiple years in order to track eligibility and usage. That may be manageable in a pensions tax context, but it would be wholly unsuitable for a national insurance cap that must operate through real-time payroll systems. This also applies to other mechanisms proposed by these amendments that look to roll an allowance over multiple tax years.

For these reasons, the Government believe that introducing a carryover in this Bill would create significant complexity, and consequently administrative burdens, for individuals, employers and payroll providers.

I turn now to Amendments 4 and 20, tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Leigh of Hurley, and noble Baroness, Lady Altmann. I begin by setting out clearly that these provisions operate squarely within the existing framework of the optional remuneration arrangements, or OpRA rules, introduced in 2017. The Bill relies on that existing statutory concept rather than creating a new or expanded test. As a result, its reach is already constrained by well-understood boundaries that are routinely applied in both tax and national insurance contexts. Under that framework, the legislation is engaged only where remuneration is structured in a way that offers the employee a genuine alternative, typically between receiving cash earnings and receiving a pension contribution. It is that element of choice which brings an arrangement within scope. Where no such alternative is presented, for example, where pension contributions are made as a fixed and non-negotiable part of the remuneration package, those arrangements simply do not meet the statutory definition.

[Lord Mackinlay of Richborough (Con)]

This is an important point in many ways. The Minister will be aware that within an owner-managed director business, the director has absolute discretion about how he or she may take their overall package, whether that is dividends, usual PAYE employment or, quite normally, the company making a pension contribution. Would such a situation fall within these rules because the director is effectively the be-all and end-all making that option and discretion themselves? No other party is deciding whether thou shalt have this or that. Can the Minister give his early impressions about how that situation may be dealt with?

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

It sounds to me, although I realise it is an odd phrase to use because you are negotiating with yourself, that that is established as a negotiated contract and, therefore, that is not an option that arises for you after that contract is negotiated. I think that in the example the noble Lord gives it would not be, but obviously that will be set out very clearly in guidance going forward.

The Government’s view is that the Bill already draws the appropriate and proportionate boundary. It addresses arrangements involving a choice between cash and pension provision, while leaving ordinary, non-optional employer pension contributions wholly outside scope.

[Lord Leigh of Hurley (Con)]

Will the Minister clarify my question on collective bargaining? In view of his earlier comments, will he clarify the situation where a person moves company within a group, which is quite common? Is that a new employment for this purpose?

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[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

If it is a new employment contract, it is a new employment. It is a new job. I think that should be fairly clear. On his point about collective bargaining, it is my understanding that it would be outside of scope. Again, that will be set out clearly in guidance.

Finally, I turn to Amendments 9, 10, 24, 25, 30 and 41 from the noble Baronesses, Lady Neville-Rolfe and Lady Kramer, and the noble Lords, Lord Altrincham and Lord Fuller, which relate to parliamentary scrutiny and propose an impact report on the contributions limit.

The core policy is set out in primary legislation to provide certainty for employers, with detailed operational matters deliberately dealt with through regulations to allow time to engage with employers. The approach we have taken follows long-standing precedent in national insurance legislation and ensures that the design is workable, fair and consistent with the wider national insurance contributions framework.

Early and sustained engagement with industry is central to the Government’s approach. The regulations will set out the detailed operational framework, including matters such as administration, process and interaction with payroll systems. These are best informed by technical expertise from employers, payroll providers and software developers themselves. Building on that engagement, the Government will consult on the regulations ahead of implementation. This will allow stakeholders to scrutinise the detailed design, raise practical concerns and begin preparing well in advance. It is through this process of consultation, guidance and industry engagement that employers will gain the clarity they need on how the system will operate in practice.

I also remind the House that a tax information and impact note has already been published, setting out the expected impacts of the policy on individuals, employers and the Exchequer. As with other tax measures, the Government will continue to monitor the operation of the policy as it is implemented and informed by ongoing engagement with Parliament and external stakeholders. Additionally, I assure the House that the Government intend to lay the regulations in good time before they commence. This will both support employer readiness and ensure that Parliament has a proper opportunity to scrutinise the regulations before they take effect.

The Bill draws a clear and appropriate distinction in relation to what matters should be dealt with by way of affirmative and negative procedure. Where regulations reduce the generosity of the £2,000 cap and increase Class 1 national insurance liability, they are subject to the affirmative procedure, ensuring full parliamentary scrutiny where contributor liability is increased. By contrast, regulations that implement the policy framework, set out administrative and operational detail or increase the cap so that less national insurance is payable are subject to the negative procedure. This reflects long-standing practice in national insurance legislation, where secondary legislation under the negative procedure is used for the operation of reliefs and matters of administration.

I also remind noble Lords that the Delegated Powers and Regulatory Reform Committee has scrutinised the Bill and raised no concerns about the proposed level of parliamentary scrutiny. Taken together, this approach provides robust parliamentary oversight where liabilities increase, while reflecting the well-established precedent for legislating for administration and reliefs through secondary legislation subject to negative resolution.

For these reasons, the Government do not believe that additional statutory requirements are necessary. In light of the positions I have set out, I hope that noble Lords will feel able not to press their amendments.

[Lord Fuller (Con)]

My Lords, I have written plenty down, but I am not going to say very much of it. I thank the Minister for accepting most generously the principle that this Bill was not ready to be passed into law, and I accept the reassurances he has given so far concerning the amendments I laid. It was absolutely right that we challenge the principle: criminal penalties should not come through regulation; they need to be in the Bill. The complexity has been outlined and, in light of the other amendments before us, I beg leave to withdraw Amendment 2.

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[Lord Altrincham (Con)]

My Lords, I thank the Minister for listening so carefully, as ever, and considering the comments made by our Benches. The amendments in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Kramer, are well written and would ensure that, before regulations are made to implement the cap, the Government must publish the relevant information on how many basic rate taxpayers are affected. The policy rests on a concept of excess savings—or at least tax advantaged excess savings—and it may catch a whole range of taxpayers who have insufficient savings.

It is very useful for us to tease out the difference between these two outcomes. That is possible only if we have much more information on the distribution impacts of the policy, which the Government should be comfortable sharing with us. As we debate this, we have heard a range of observations on who is affected. The noble Lord, Lord Davies, gave a colourful description of it affecting people with enormous bonuses. That is one perspective. The noble Baroness, Lady Altmann, reminds us that it goes against policy for very large numbers of people to have insufficient pension savings. In other areas of government policy, we are trying to rebalance that, so the policy is dissonant on pension savings. The Government should be open and happy to share this information with us.

As the noble Baroness, Lady Kramer, pointed out, the Government already have this information. That may well be sufficient evidence for us to appreciate that the incentives are rather marginal and that the gains could be rather small. Based on the numbers that we have had in the debate, the number of basic rate taxpayers who are supporting this policy would be quite small and the contribution would be extremely small to the tax take. It might be useful for us to reflect on whether it is worth destabilising pension savings for that purpose.

The noble Baroness has done a good job of setting out the rationale for her amendment. I do not want to intrude further on your Lordships’ House by repeating her arguments. These amendments are sensible and chime well with the amendments that we have tabled from these Benches, which would require the affirmative resolution procedure for most regulations. A debate on those questions will be greatly aided by the information that the noble Baroness has set out. We will be listening carefully to the Minister’s response.

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

My Lords, Amendments 8 and 11, tabled by the noble Baronesses, Lady Kramer and Lady Altmann, seek to make commencement of the Act conditional on publication of estimates relating to the distributional impacts of the policy.

The Government agree on the importance of transparency. However, we do not believe that additional publications are necessary to achieve that objective. A number of documents have already been published which set out the distributional impacts of this measure. The Government’s budget document sets out that 74% of basic rate taxpayers currently using salary sacrifice will be unaffected by this change. This means that 26% of basic rate taxpayers would pay more. Of those, half will face a modest annual additional NICs liability of less than £50. I have confirmed previously that 87% of pension contributions made via salary sacrifice above £2,000 are forecast to come from higher and additional rate taxpayers.

The tax information and impact note was published alongside the introduction of the Bill. This sets out that an estimated 7.7 million employees currently use salary sacrifice to make pension contributions. Of these, 3.3 million sacrifice more than £2,000 of salary or bonuses. This means that 44% of employees using salary sacrifice for pensions would be impacted by this measure, while 56%—around 4.3 million people—are protected by the £2,000 threshold.

The tax information impact note sets out the expected equality impact of the measure. It notes that employees with salary sacrifice contributions are estimated to be of typical working age. The 52% who are aged 31 to 50 are estimated to be overrepresented compared with the prevalence in the employee population in general, of 44%. It notes that men are estimated to be overrepresented in the population making salary sacrifice pension contributions compared with the prevalence in the UK adult population.

The tax information impact note sets out the number of employers expected to be impacted by this measure—290,000; the one-off costs, including familiarisation with the change, the training of staff and the updating of software; and expected continuing costs, including performing more calculations, and recording and providing additional information to HMRC where salary sacrifice schemes continue to be used. This equates to a one-off £75 and an ongoing £99 per business per year.

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[Baroness Kramer (LD)]

My Lords, Amendment 32 is in my name. I realise that Amendment 31 is a broader amendment, and I have no objection to it whatever. It was written in response to a particular issue identified by the Federation of Small Businesses, which is that small businesses that use salary sacrifice regard it as one of the perks they can offer, in a very competitive market, for particular skill sets. Churn is a major problem for small businesses, so to be able to keep people and keep them happy really matters. It is tough for a small business, particularly when it is looking for a person with highly desirable skills, to compete against big businesses, which can offer perks of many different kinds. They may not offer salary sacrifice to the same degree, but they can offer other kinds of perks and advantages.

I am very concerned about the competitive impact on small businesses. I strongly agree with the noble Lord, Lord Londesborough, that this group is the foundation of our economy and its condition currently leaves us worried. At a time of a big push for growth, many of the unicorns will fall into a sector where they are in a battle for skills against large existing companies. My Amendment 32 would review within 12 months the impact very specifically on SME recruitment and retention. I hope the Government will pay serious attention to this area.

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

My Lords, Amendments 31, 32 and 33, tabled by the noble Baronesses, Lady Neville-Rolfe and Lady Kramer, would require a review of the legislation’s impact on small and medium-sized enterprises, charities and social enterprises. As set out earlier, the Government agree on the importance of transparency, and a number of documents have already been published which set out the impact of this measure. As I said on Amendments 16 and 29, the Government fully recognise the importance of supporting small businesses and charities alike. In practice, the changes in the Bill primarily affect larger employers, who are significantly more likely to operate salary sacrifice arrangements and to have employees contributing above the £2,000 cap.

Charities and their donors benefit from a wide range of reliefs and exemptions across multiple taxes, including VAT, inheritance tax, stamp duties and gift aid. Ahead of the cap taking effect, the Government will continue to work closely with employers, payroll providers and other stakeholders, including representatives of the charity sector, to ensure that changes are implemented in a clear and proportionate way for organisations of all sizes that operate salary sacrifice arrangements. In light of the position I have set out, I hope that the noble Baronesses will feel able not to press their amendments.

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[Lord Altrincham (Con)]

I thank the Minister for his usual courtesy in hosting the debate. The amendments in this group all underscore another substantial shortcoming in how the Bill has been approached: its effects and impacts have not been properly assessed in advance. I suspect that the Minister does not have the information on how the Bill will affect pensions saving adequacy, which I highlight in my Amendment 37, and how it will affect employer costs, pensions adequacy and workers’ take-home pay, which the noble Baroness, Lady Altmann, raises in her amendment.

These are serious questions. As was noted in Committee, if the Treasury had done better work in preparation for the Bill, it would already be able to give us the answers to the questions that these amendments raise. These are the questions that businesses, employers, savers and industry are asking. As my noble friend Lord Ashcombe highlighted, the information must be in an easily accessible format in a single place, because it will be relevant to more than just policymakers and parliamentarians: businesses and employers will be trying to understand what all this means for them, as well as employees saving for their pensions, who will be trying to understand how they could be affected.

My amendment raises the question of pensions adequacy. People are not saving enough for their pensions and the Government are worsening incentives to do so with the Bill. The Minister should consent to a review of this matter before the Bill comes into force. The Government must make sure that they know the facts, so that we can ensure that they do not inflict unintended harms. As a point of good governance, the Minister should accept this and the other amendments in this group.

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

My Lords, I am grateful to noble Lords for their contributions to this debate.

Amendments 35, 37 and 40, tabled by the noble Baronesses, Lady Neville-Rolfe and Lady Altmann, and the noble Lord, Lord Altrincham, cover the impact of the future Act on pensions adequacy and on pension-saving behaviour and participation. As I have already set out, the Government agree on the importance of transparency, and a number of documents have already been published that set out the impacts of this measure.

I turn to the principled point raised about the impact of this policy on pensions adequacy and savings behaviour more specifically. As we discussed in Committee, salary sacrifice existed in the 2000s and early 2010s, yet there were falls in private sector pension saving during that period. The key factor that has led to an increase in saving in recent years is automatic enrolment. As a result of that, over 22 million workers across the UK are now saving each month.

Although we all share a commitment to improving pensions adequacy, many groups at highest risk of undersaving, including the self-employed, lower earners and women, are not the most likely to benefit from salary sacrifice. Only one in five self-employed people saves into a pension but they are entirely excluded from salary sacrifice. Low earners are most likely not to be saving, but higher earners are more likely to be using salary sacrifice. Many women are undersaving for retirement, but many more men use pensions salary sacrifice. The pensions tax relief system remains hugely generous and there remain significant incentives to save into a pension. The £70 billion of income tax and national insurance contribution relief that the Government currently provide on pensions each year will be entirely unaffected by these changes.

Amendment 38, tabled by the noble Baroness, Lady Kramer, would require the Government to lay before Parliament a formal review of the Office for Budget Responsibility’s supplementary forecast information release of 5 February 2026, and specifically its analysis of behavioural responses by organisations to the provisions in the Bill. The OBR’s economic and fiscal outlook and its supplementary forecast publication set out how behavioural responses have been considered in certifying the costings. A summary of these behavioural assumptions was also published in the policy costing note accompanying the Budget. The supplementary forecast information was drawn from analysis and data—

[Baroness Altmann (Non-Afl)]

It would be helpful to have on record some idea of who is responsible, when talking about behavioural response, for reporting to HMRC and for compliance, and who will face penalties for any national insurance contributions that are due which were wrongly deducted. Is it payroll providers? Is it employers? Is it the members? If any of those groups are on the line for paying penalties, would not the limit itself perhaps put paid to salary sacrifice? Is that something that the Government have considered?

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

All those points will be set out in regulations, and I am more than happy to confirm that to the noble Baroness in writing.

The OBR’s economic and fiscal outlook and its supplementary forecast publications set out how behavioural responses have been considered in certifying the costings, as some of these behavioural assumptions were also published in the policy costing that accompanied the Budget. The supplementary forecast information was drawn from analysis and data supplied to the OBR by the Government ahead of Budget 2025, in line with a standard process by which the OBR scrutinises and certifies costings. The Government’s published costings therefore already reflect these behavioural effects. The OBR has certified these costings in the usual way. Given that the material referenced is already publicly available and has been fully reflected in the certified policy costings, the Government do not believe that it is necessary to review the OBR’s supplementary forecast.

National Insurance Contributions (Employer Pensions Contributions) Bill

Lord Livermore Excerpts

3rd reading
Thursday 12th March 2026 Lords Chamber

Moved by

[Lord Livermore]

That the Bill do now pass.

[The Financial Secretary to the Treasury (Lord Livermore) (Lab)]

My Lords, the cost of pension salary sacrifice was set to treble to £8 billion a year by the end of this decade. That increase has been driven mostly by high earners, with additional rate taxpayers tripling their salary sacrifice contributions since 2017. This includes individuals sacrificing their bonuses without paying any income tax and national insurance contributions on them. The status quo is neither fair nor fiscally sustainable. We simply cannot afford to allow the cost of pension salary sacrifice to balloon, benefiting predominantly higher earners.

The Bill therefore introduces a cap of £2,000 under which no employer or employee national insurance contributions will be charged on any pension contributions. It protects ordinary workers by using salary sacrifice and limits the impact on employers while ensuring that the system remains fiscally sustainable. The majority of those currently using salary sacrifice will be unaffected.

Saving into a pension, including via salary sacrifice, will also remain hugely tax-advantageous under these changes. The Government currently provide over £70 billion of income tax and national insurance contributions relief on pension contributions each year. That spend will be entirely unaffected by these changes. These are fair and balanced reforms. They protect lower and middle earners. They give employers many years to prepare. They preserve the incentives that underpin workplace pension saving and they ensure that the tax system is kept on a sustainable footing. I beg to move.

[Baroness Neville-Rolfe (Con)]

My Lords, as we said at Second Reading, in Committee and again on Report, this is a poorly conceived Bill, because it prioritises the hope of short-term tax gain over the far more important task of sustaining a system that encourages and rewards responsible pension saving. Throughout the Bill’s passage, we have sought to examine it line by line to see what the Government’s policy will actually mean in practice, and what has become clear is deeply troubling.

This measure risks deterring pension savings. It will hit those on lower and middle incomes, including some earning under £30,000 a year. It will impose yet more compliance, payroll and administrative burdens on business, particularly on small businesses and charities that are already under considerable strain. It will particularly penalise those who are repaying student loans.

Against that background, I am proud of the scrutiny that the House has brought to the Bill. Your Lordships have approached it with care, expertise and determination to improve it where we can. As a result, with unusual speed, good order and good humour, the House agreed five amendments last week which seek to limit some of the Bill’s most damaging consequences.

First, our Conservative amendments ensure that basic rate taxpayers, those on the lowest incomes, are protected from the NICs charge. If the Government insist that this policy is directed at higher earners, not those on modest incomes trying to save for their retirement, this should be explicit in the Bill.

Secondly, we proposed an exemption for small and medium-sized enterprises and small charities. These organisations are the backbone of our economy and our communities, and they should not be burdened with yet more payroll, compliance and administrative costs as a result of this policy. We have all seen the impact on them of last year’s £25 billion hit.

Thirdly, we proposed that most of the regulations under the Bill should be subject to the affirmative procedure. Given the uncertainty that surrounds how these provisions will apply, it is only right that Parliament has the opportunity to scrutinise those regulations properly.

Fourthly, my noble friend Lord Leigh of Hurley successfully secured an amendment to limit the impact of the Bill on those repaying student loans, who would be hardest hit by the measure.

Finally, the amendment by the noble Baroness, Lady Kramer, raised the cap to £5,000, helping to mitigate some of the worst impacts of the Bill on those least able to bear them.

In recognition of the seriousness of the issues raised by the Bill and the progress made here, I shall take a moment to thank a number of noble Lords for the diligence with which they have scrutinised it. I am particularly grateful to my noble friends Lord Leigh of Hurley, Lord Fuller, Lord Ashcombe and Lord Mackinlay of Richborough, and the noble Baroness, Lady Altmann. They have worked tirelessly, both with me and my noble friend Lord Altrincham, and their amendments have prompted important debates. I am also grateful to our Whips’ Office team, especially my adviser Oliver Bramley, for their unstinting and effective support, and I thank the noble Baroness, Lady Kramer, for the constructive way in which she has engaged with us during the course of the Bill. Hers has been a powerful voice in holding the Government to account.

More broadly, I thank other noble Lords across the House, including the noble Lords, Lord de Clifford, Lord Londesborough and Lord Freyberg, for their thoughtful contributions in scrutinising the legislation. Finally, it would be remiss of me not to thank the Minister for the way in which he has engaged with the House during the passage of the Bill. I am particularly grateful to him and his officials for their response to the letter I sent following Committee. It addressed a number of the questions raised during our debates and was both timely and informative.

I hope that, as the Bill proceeds, the Government will reflect carefully on the points raised and show a willingness to move on the issues that have united so many across this House.

[Baroness Kramer (LD)]

My Lords, this was a very short Bill but, frankly, I do not know how it got through the House of Commons and came to this House without clarity on the fundamental issue of whether we were talking about a cap that was per employee or per employment. I thank the noble Lord, Lord Livermore, for seeking the answers to that and making sure we were informed on Report. We were looking at two different Bills, not knowing which one we were working on, until we reached that point in the conversation, so I thank him.

I also join in saying that this was a collaborative effort, not in opposition to the Government but because we were of common mind across the Conservative Benches, my Benches and the Cross Benches—the noble Lords, Lord Londesborough, Lord de Clifford and Lord Freyberg, as the noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe, mentioned, all played a crucial role in this. I particularly congratulate my Benches on taking a vow of omertà not to speak on many occasions on the Bill so that we moved it rapidly through the House. I think the whole House was grateful that, on Thursday, when we finally came to vote, we were done in less than two hours rather than delaying everyone from departing on a Thursday. I thank my team very much for their discipline. I also thank Ulysse Abbate in our Whips’ office, who is new to this kind of work, but my goodness is he good at content and co-ordination.

This was a good example of people, having realised they are taking the same position, working together to make sure that it is effective. I very much hope that the Commons will appreciate the significance of the amendments passed to the Bill. Of all the Bills I have ever seen, this contains so many unintended consequences that, even if you believed in the fundamentals behind it, you would need to make substantial change for it to be in any way workable and not ending up targeting unintended groups, such as those on basic incomes. It would be devastating for people repaying student loans, which has to be fixed, and very difficult for SMEs. We chose different routes to try to make those changes and ended up with a very solid group of amendments. I thank the House for co-operating on this issue.

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

My Lords, I am very grateful to the noble Baronesses, Lady Neville-Rolfe and Lady Kramer. I beg to move.

Bill passed and returned to the Commons with amendments.

National Insurance Contributions (Employer Pensions Contributions) Bill

Lord Livermore Excerpts

Consideration of Commons amendments and / or reasons
Wednesday 25th March 2026 Lords Chamber

Moved by

[Lord Livermore]

That this House do not insist on its Amendment 1, to which the Commons have disagreed for their Reason 1A.

1A: Because the Lords Amendment would alter the financial arrangements made by the Commons, and the Commons do not offer any further Reason, trusting that this Reason may be deemed sufficient.

[The Financial Secretary to the Treasury (Lord Livermore) (Lab)]

My Lords, in moving this Motion, I will also speak to Motions B, B1, C, D, E, F, F1, G, G1, H, H1, J, K, L, M and M1. The other place has disagreed with Amendments 1 to 12, as they would alter the financial arrangements made by the Commons. The other place did not offer any further reason, trusting that this reason is deemed sufficient.

While the Government disagree with the substance of these amendments, I am pleased that we have been able to discuss and debate these issues. I am very grateful to the noble Baronesses, Lady Neville-Rolfe, Lady Kramer and Lady Altmann, and the noble Lords, Lord Altrincham, Lord Leigh of Hurley, Lord Fuller, Lord Mackinlay and Lord Londesborough, for ensuring that these important matters have been addressed. On that basis, I hope that noble Lords are content not to insist on these amendments.

I turn now specifically to Amendments 1B, 1C, 2B, 2C, 6B, 6C, 7B, 7C, 8B, 8C, 12B and 12C, tabled by the noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe. These amendments would make commencement of the Act contingent on the publication of impact assessments on basic rate taxpayers, employees making student loan repayments and small and medium-sized enterprises.

Before addressing each of these in turn, it may be helpful if I remind your Lordships’ House of the documents that have already been published by the Government and the Office for Budget Responsibility. The tax information and impact note sets out the expected impacts of the policy on individuals, employers and the Exchequer. The policy costing note sets out details on the costings of the measure, including the tax base, static costing and a summary of behavioural responses expected by employers and employees.

The Office for Budget Responsibility published its economic and fiscal outlook, which provides the OBR’s independent scrutiny of the Government’s policy costings. The OBR also published a supplementary forecast note which provided additional information it received prior to last year’s Budget to further increase the transparency of this measure.

I should also like to remind noble Lords that the expected behavioural impacts of this measure have been set out in the policy costing note and both the OBR’s economic and fiscal outlook and supplementary note. Both the Government and the OBR have been transparent about the expected behavioural responses by employers and individuals.

I turn first to amendments which make the commencement of the Act contingent on the publication of economic and behavioural impact assessments on basic rate taxpayers. As set out in the Budget document, the £2,000 cap means that 74% of basic rate taxpayers who use salary sacrifice will be entirely unaffected by these changes. The remaining proportion of basic rate taxpayers who have contributions above the cap will still get national insurance contributions relief for the first £2,000 of contributions made by salary sacrifice in addition to the full income tax relief that is available to all employee pension contributions. Further, 87% of affected salary sacrifice contributions above the cap are forecast to be made by higher and additional rate taxpayers. This is a fair and pragmatic reform, and the distributional effects of it are clear. On this basis, the Government do not consider a separate and additional impact assessment on basic rate taxpayers to be needed.

I turn to amendments which make commencement of the Act contingent on the publication of economic and behavioural impact assessments on individuals repaying student loans. It is right that we focus on outcomes for younger generations, particularly given that, over the past 14 years, they have seen their fees trebled, interest rates increased and maintenance grants scrapped. Importantly, though, the £2,000 cap means that young graduates are broadly unaffected. In fact, the £2,000 cap means that 90% of graduates under the age of 30 repaying student loans who are saving into their pension are completely unaffected by this measure. Both this and the prior set of amendments make a broader point about pension savings and pensions adequacy for these populations. This is a real challenge for our pensions system, but the data is entirely clear that today’s salary sacrifice is not the answer. As discussed at earlier stages, salary sacrifice existed in the 2000s and early 2010s, yet there were falls in private sector pension saving during that period.

There has been a clear consensus throughout our debates that the key factor that has led to an increase in saving in recent years has been automatic enrolment. As a result, more than 22 million workers across the UK are now saving each month.

Although we all share a commitment to improving pensions adequacy, many groups at highest risk of undersaving, including the self-employed, lower earners and women, are not the most likely to benefit from salary sacrifice. Only one in five self-employed people save into a pension, but they are entirely excluded from salary sacrifice. Low earners are most likely not to be saving, but higher earners are more likely to be using salary sacrifice. Many women are undersaving for retirement, but many more men use pension salary sacrifice.

The pensions tax relief system remains hugely generous and there remain significant incentives to save into a pension. The £70 billion of income tax and national insurance contribution relief which the Government currently provide on pensions each year will be entirely unaffected by these changes.

I turn to the amendments seeking an impact assessment on small and medium-sized enterprises and charities. The Government agree on the importance of supporting small and medium-sized businesses and charities, but small businesses are much less likely to use salary sacrifice than larger businesses. Furthermore, the £2,000 cap means that 90% of employees in SMEs making pension contributions through salary sacrifice will be entirely unaffected. Indeed, the largest benefits from uncapped salary sacrifice accrue to larger businesses, not smaller ones. In practice, the changes in the Bill will help level the playing field between small businesses and their larger competitors.

The amendment also requires assessment of the expected impact on business and compliance costs. This analysis is already set out in the tax information and impact note. As set out in that document, the administration of this measure is estimated to result in a one-off cost of £75 and an ongoing £99 per business per year for those using salary sacrifice.

The Government recognise that these changes will impact those currently using salary sacrifice. That is why we chose a long lead-in time of April 2029 to give employers maximum time to prepare for these changes. As mentioned previously, HMRC is engaging with employers, payroll providers and software developers to deliver the changes in the most suitable way with the fewest administrative burdens for businesses of all sizes that use salary sacrifice. For the reasons I have set out, I respectfully ask that the noble Baroness does not press her Motions. I beg to move.

Motion A1 (as an amendment to Motion A)

Moved by

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Fuller (Con)]

My Lords, once again, taken together, this is a further insult to working people. As we have heard this evening, it is about not the fat cats but the youngsters and the poorer paid who are starting off and trying to do the right thing, making their way in the world. There is already intergenerational unfairness, and this Bill amplifies it and makes it worse. The Government have a tin ear. When they say they are trying to look after the youngsters, they are speaking with a forked tongue. Youngsters just want a break, but this Government are beating them with a stick. We have got to stop it.

[Lord Livermore (Lab)]

My Lords, I am grateful to all noble Lords who have spoken in this debate.

On the topic of impact assessments, I remind noble Lords of the information that we have already published. The tax information impact note sets out the expected impacts of the policy on individuals, employers and the Exchequer. The policy costing note sets out detail on the costing of the measure, including the tax base, static costing and a summary of behavioural responses expected by employers and employees. The Office for Budget Responsibility published its economic and fiscal outlook, which provides the OBR’s independent scrutiny of the policy costing. The OBR also published a supplementary forecast note which provides additional information it received prior to last year’s Budget.

I also remind noble Lords that the expected behavioural impacts of this measure have been set out in the policy costing note and both the OBR’s economic and fiscal outlook and supplementary note. Both the Government and the OBR have been very transparent about the expected behavioural responses by employers and individuals.

The noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe, and the noble Lord, Lord Londesborough, asked about the 2029 implementation date. As I have said already, we chose a long lead-in time of April 2029 to give employers maximum time to prepare for the changes. As I have mentioned before, HMRC is engaging with employers, payroll providers and software developers to deliver the changes in the most suitable way with the fewest administrative burdens for businesses of all sizes which use salary sacrifice.

The noble Lord, Lord Leigh of Hurley, spoke about small and medium-sized enterprises. I say again that the £2,000 cap means that 90% of employees and SMEs making pension contributions through salary sacrifice will be entirely unaffected. The noble Lord also mentioned students. He is absolutely right; as I said before, it is right that we focus on outcomes for younger generations, particularly given that, over the past 14 years, they saw their fees trebled, interest rates increased and maintenance grants scrapped. The £2,000 cap means that 90% of graduates under 30 repaying student loans who are saving into their pension are completely unaffected by this measure.

These are fair and balanced reforms. They give employers many years to prepare and they ensure that both our pensions system and the public finances are kept on a sustainable footing. The £2,000 cap protects lower-earning employees who use salary sacrifice to make pension contributions and preserves the tax benefit of salary sacrifice for all employees on the first £2,000 of their contributions.

Importantly, these changes leave the tax reliefs on regular pension contributions completely untouched. These reliefs are worth £70 billion a year and are available to all workers and employers, not just those who use salary sacrifice. For the reasons that I have set out, I respectfully ask the noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe, not to press her Motions. I beg to move.

[Baroness Neville-Rolfe (Con)]

My Lords, I am afraid that I am not satisfied with the Minister’s response, particularly on the question of the behavioural assessments that we have had. They are really not fit for purpose. I give notice that will I seek to test the opinion of the House on Motion A1 and, if successful, on further Motions.

--- Later in debate ---

Moved by

[Lord Livermore]

That this House do not insist on its Amendment 2, to which the Commons have disagreed for their Reason 2A.

2A: Because the Lords Amendment would alter the financial arrangements made by the Commons, and the Commons do not offer any further Reason, trusting that this Reason may be deemed sufficient.

--- Later in debate ---

Moved by

[Lord Livermore]

That this House do not insist on its Amendment 3, to which the Commons have disagreed for their Reason 3A.

3A: Because the Lords Amendment would alter the financial arrangements made by the Commons, and the Commons do not offer any further Reason, trusting that this Reason may be deemed sufficient.

--- Later in debate ---

Moved by

[Lord Livermore]

That this House do not insist on its Amendment 4, to which the Commons have disagreed for their Reason 4A.

4A: Because the Lords Amendment would alter the financial arrangements made by the Commons, and the Commons do not offer any further Reason, trusting that this Reason may be deemed sufficient.

--- Later in debate ---

Moved by

[Lord Livermore]

That this House do not insist on its Amendment 5, to which the Commons have disagreed for their Reason 5A.

5A: Because the Lords Amendment would alter the financial arrangements made by the Commons, and the Commons do not offer any further Reason, trusting that this Reason may be deemed sufficient.

--- Later in debate ---

Moved by

[Lord Livermore]

That this House do not insist on its Amendment 6, to which the Commons have disagreed for their Reason 6A.

6A: Because the Lords Amendment would alter the financial arrangements made by the Commons, and the Commons do not offer any further Reason, trusting that this Reason may be deemed sufficient.

--- Later in debate ---

Motion G

[Lord Livermore]

Moved by

That this House do not insist on its Amendment 7, to which the Commons have disagreed for their Reason 7A.

7A: Because the Lords Amendment would alter the financial arrangements made by the Commons, and the Commons do not offer any further Reason, trusting that this Reason may be deemed sufficient.

Motion G1 not moved.

Motion H

[Lord Livermore]

Moved by

That this House do not insist on its Amendment 8, to which the Commons have disagreed for their Reason 8A.

8A: Because the Lords Amendment would alter the financial arrangements made by the Commons, and the Commons do not offer any further Reason, trusting that this Reason may be deemed sufficient.

Motion H1 not moved.

--- Later in debate ---

Motion J

[Lord Livermore]

Moved by

That this House do not insist on its Amendment 9, to which the Commons have disagreed for their Reason 9A.

9A: Because the Lords Amendment would alter the financial arrangements made by the Commons, and the Commons do not offer any further Reason, trusting that this Reason may be deemed sufficient.

Motion J agreed.

Motion K

[Lord Livermore]

Moved by

That this House do not insist on its Amendment 10, to which the Commons have disagreed for their Reason 10A.

10A: Because the Lords Amendment would alter the financial arrangements made by the Commons, and the Commons do not offer any further Reason, trusting that this Reason may be deemed sufficient.

Motion K agreed.

Motion L

[Lord Livermore]

Moved by

That this House do not insist on its Amendment 11, to which the Commons have disagreed for their Reason 11A.

11A: Because the Lords Amendment would alter the financial arrangements made by the Commons, and the Commons do not offer any further Reason, trusting that this Reason may be deemed sufficient.

Motion L agreed.

Motion M

[Lord Livermore]

Moved by

That this House do not insist on its Amendment 12, to which the Commons have disagreed for their Reason 12A.

12A: Because the Lords Amendment would alter the financial arrangements made by the Commons, and the Commons do not offer any further Reason, trusting that this Reason may be deemed sufficient.

Motion M1 not moved.