Public Authorities (Fraud, Error and Recovery) Bill

Baroness Coffey Excerpts

Committee stage
Wednesday 11th June 2025 Grand Committee

[Baroness Finn (Con)]

My Lords, our amendments in this group seek to strengthen the rights of the liable person in the review process, incorporate further consideration of the cost burden we are asking banks to shoulder and ensure that parliamentary scrutiny can be applied to any further changes the Minister makes by regulations to direct deduction orders. As has been the spirit of all our amendments, we have an ambition to work with the Government to make suggestions for improvement on the provisions they have set out. We believe that our amendments in this group are an effective way of ensuring that oversight, parliamentary accountability and collaboration with partners in the banking sector are made a firm part of the Bill, which will make it more effective in achieving our common aim.

Our Amendment 60A would leave out Clause 35(5). As noble Lords will know, Clause 35(5) as currently drafted restricts the ability of an applicant to request a review into the existence or value of the amount they are said to owe. This amendment seeks to remove that restriction and, in doing so, restore a basic principle of fairness and accountability in the administration of public funds.

It is an established principle of public law that individuals should have the right to challenge the basis of a financial demand made upon them by the state, not just how it is enforced but whether it is rightly due at all. Yet, as things stand, Clause 35(5) precludes that possibility. It denies the applicant the right to request a review of either the existence of the debt or the amount allegedly payable.

Let us consider the potential consequences of this. An individual could be told that they owe a significant sum without any meaningful opportunity to question the underlying calculation or whether the liability even exists. That is not the mark of a fair or just system. It may be argued that efficiency or administrative simplicity requires limits to review rights, but this must not come at the expense of natural justice.

In matters of financial liability, particularly when imposed by the state, a person must surely be entitled to ask, “Is this right? Is this fair? Can I see how this was calculated?” This amendment simply ensures that the door is not closed on those reasonable questions. Moreover, transparency and accountability benefit not only the individual but the public authority itself. The ability to request a review can act as a safeguard against error, build public trust and ensure that determinations are robust and evidence-based. It supports better administration, not weaker enforcement.

To summarise, this amendment does not seek to open the floodgates to frivolous challenges. It simply allows a person the right to question whether a debt exists and whether the amount is correct—rights that are fundamental in any fair system. I urge the Minister and noble colleagues to support this modest but important change.

Our Amendment 61A seeks to add proposed new subsection (2A) to Clause 37. The amendment is straightforward, modest in scope but essential in purpose. It would require that any regulations made by the Minister under subsections (1) and (2) which relate to the operation of direct deduction orders be accompanied by an impact assessment. This assessment would focus specifically on the projected cost and the operational capacity of the banks tasked with implementing these orders, and would require that this assessment be laid before Parliament.

The rationale for this amendment is simple: regulatory clarity, economic realism and operational accountability. When these powers are exercised through regulations, it is vital that that is done with clear regard for the third-party organisations that will be shouldering the cost. Banks and financial institutions play a crucial role in the administration of direct deduction orders, acting as the operational arm of the enforcement process. They must identify accounts, verify balances, execute deductions and respond to any errors or disputes. These are not trivial tasks. They involve significant back-office effort, compliance oversight, system changes and, crucially, legal liability.

I and noble Lords across the Committee made our thoughts and concerns on this matter clear at the previous Committee day earlier this week, although I should reiterate that we are asking banks to dedicate serious resources to undertake functions on behalf of the public sector. If we are asking banks to do this, we must commit to working with them, not despite them. Yet, under the current drafting of Clause 37, the Government are empowered to make potentially significant changes to the rules around these orders without any obligation to assess or disclose the impact those changes may have on the very institutions expected to carry them out. This amendment does not block those powers; it merely introduces a duty to consider and explain the consequences. In doing so, it reflects good regulatory practice and ensures Parliament can properly scrutinise whether such changes are proportionate, practical and economically viable.

Let us remember that unintended consequences are often the product of insufficient consultation and opaque regulation. Requiring an impact assessment is not burdensome red tape; it is a basic tool of sound policy-making. It gives banks the foresight they need to prepare and adapt their systems responsibly, and it gives Parliament and the public confidence that the Government have weighed the risks and costs before acting. To summarise, Amendment 61A is not about resisting enforcement or shielding account holders. It is about ensuring that the infrastructure behind enforcement is fit for purpose, and that the decisions taken in Whitehall do not create avoidable burdens in the banking system, which could ultimately impact consumers as well.

Finally, our Amendment 61B proposes the insertion of a new subsection (6A), requiring that the outcome of the consultations carried out under subsection (6) be laid before Parliament prior to the coming into force of any regulations made under Clause 37. This amendment seeks to strengthen parliamentary oversight and transparency in the regulatory process. Currently, Clause 37 allows for regulations to be made following consultation but does not explicitly require that the results or finding of those consultations be presented to Parliament before the regulations take effect. This risks creating a situation whereby Parliament and, by extension, the public have limited visibility into the views expressed by stakeholders during consultation and how those views have influenced the final regulatory decisions. The amendment would ensure that Parliament is fully informed of the consultation outcomes before regulations are implemented.

This is vital for several reasons. First, it supports the principle of accountability. Parliament should have the opportunity to scrutinise not only the content of new regulations but the process by which they were developed, including the concerns, evidence and recommendations raised by those consulted. Secondly, it promotes transparency. Stakeholders, including financial institutions, consumers and civil society, can see how their input has been considered and can hold the Government to account if the consultation appears to have been perfunctory or to have ignored key issues. Thirdly, this measure will encourage better-quality consultations by ensuring that the Government give proper weight to responses before finalising regulations. In short, this amendment is a commonsense safeguard to enhance democratic oversight, improve policy-making and build trust in the regulatory process concerning these important financial regulations.

These amendments collectively serve to reinforce fairness, transparency and accountability at every stage of the process, from ensuring individuals have the fundamental right to challenge financial liabilities to safeguarding that banks are neither overburdened nor overlooked, and guarantee that Parliament exercises proper scrutiny over any regulatory changes. The amendments embody a commitment to responsible governance and collaboration with all parties involved and improve the Bill’s effectiveness in delivering its goals while protecting the rights of those affected. I respectfully urge all noble Lords to support these sensible and necessary amendments so that this legislation can proceed, strengthened by clarity, oversight and justice. I beg to move.

[Baroness Coffey (Con)]

My Lords, I support my noble friend Lady Finn, particularly on Amendment 60A, because as we go through this process it feels as though the Government are trying to be judge and jury on whether the existence of an order should apply at all. I am conscious that it is important that the Government be allowed to get on and have this more straightforward way of collecting money that they are due, but it strikes me as pretty draconian that the question of whether a debt exists cannot be challenged—it cannot go for review. I appreciate we are debating the amendment, but I say by the way, in reference to the Explanatory Notes for Clause 34 on the process for review, that the legislation does not point to the fact that it is supposed to go to a higher-grade person; I am sure that it will be set out in guidance, which I hope will have statutory standing. It strikes me as odd that, having not been able to even challenge whether the order should exist, you cannot go to a tribunal about it, either. Ministers will know that I wish that parts of the Bill would go further in trying to get money back from people in a variety of ways, but in this area I do not agree with the approach of the Government and certainly agree with that of my noble friend.

[Lord Vaux of Harrowden (CB)]

My Lords, I was not going to speak on this group, but, as the noble Baroness, Lady Anderson, proved the other day, Amendment 60A is not necessary because Clause 12 sets out clearly that these orders can be used only where there has been a final determination of the amount owing by the court or where it has been agreed.

However, I support Amendment 61A. Frankly, it is becoming a bit of a weakness in an awful lot of areas that the impact assessments that come with legislation are regularly quite poor. It is incredibly important that, when we make regulations that will have impacts on people, we understand what those impacts are.

I have one other question that I probably should have dealt with by means of an amendment, but I have only just spotted something. Why are regulations made under Clauses 37(2)(c) to (f) subject to the negative procedure and not the affirmative procedure?

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[Lord Palmer of Childs Hill (LD)]

My Lords, Amendment 65 in my name would require the Minister for the Cabinet Office to,

“within six months of the passing of this Act, lay before Parliament a”

comprehensive

“report evaluating the extent of public sector fraud that occurred during the COVID-19 pandemic”.

The Liberal Democrats have long championed transparency, accountability and robust oversight of public funds. This amendment aligns with those values by ensuring that Parliament receives a clear, detailed assessment of how fraud had an impact on public resources during an unprecedented crisis. Without such transparency, we risk missing critical lessons that could inform future safeguards and improve the resilience of our public sector. The pandemic presented unique challenges that, unfortunately, created opportunities for fraud on a scale not previously seen. It is only right that we fully understand the scale and nature of the issue, not to assign blame but to strengthen our systems and protect taxpayers’ money.

This amendment reflects the Liberal Democrat commitment to evidence-based policy and open government. By requiring this report, we would promote accountability and ensure that future emergency responses are better equipped to prevent fraud, protecting public trust and ensuring that resources reach those who genuinely need them. There will be other events; we want to set the scene so that they can be dealt with. That is what this amendment seeks to do. I beg to move.

[Baroness Coffey (Con)]

My Lords, I rise to speak to this amendment because I was at the Cabinet table when Covid-19 hit this country. I am very conscious of the arduous activity that went on among brilliant civil servants but, of course, mistakes were made, as well as successes.

It is interesting to try to understand why the noble Lord, Lord Palmer of Childs Hill, wants to go into this matter further, recognising that, in Parliament, there have already been several Select Committee inquiries; one was specifically done on fraud. Of course, we also have the public inquiry that is under way, to which the Government are contributing. I am trying to understand the purpose of this amendment and this extra report, recognising that the Government will in no way make any comments until the inquiry has concluded.

My understanding is that the inquiry is still going to take evidence in 2026. For what it is worth, as I am sure the Ministers here will be relieved to know, I am absolutely convinced that this Bill will become an Act of Parliament well before the end of 2025. So there is something here of an odd overlap. I understand that this will continue to be a subject of interest.

This is quite a wide ranging-element. I know that fraud happened. There is no doubt of that. However, we also averted fraud in the DWP. We managed to stop £1.6 billion going out on one particular weekend by intervening. There were plenty of attempts at fraud and, unfortunately, there were successes. Some of those people who committed that fraud are now in jail, thanks to the endeavours of the Government.

The noble Lord, Lord Palmer of Childs Hill, talks about resources that the country may have been deprived of when addressing the issues of Covid. I can honestly say to your Lordships that no resources were set aside at all. This is one of the reasons why there have been considerable challenges on aspects of needing to repay the debt that may have been acquired due to spectacular extra financing, whether that was through businesses or about people who had never claimed benefits in their life before, making sure that they got the money that we believe they were entitled to. That was while recognising that some of the easements initially may have been subject to some fraud, but we also made every effort to try to stop it. I have already given an example of where, in one weekend, £1.6 billion was averted.

For that purpose, the amendment genuinely is unnecessary. The statutory inquiry, I hope, will not be the longest-running statutory inquiry because that is not what the country needs to consider. It would not be the best use of government resources to initiate their own further inquiry and honour this amendment.

[Baroness Bennett of Manor Castle (GP)]

My Lords, I am slightly torn. Yes, we have the Covid inquiry but we also have a country that faces ongoing risk. I was, entirely coincidentally, speaking this morning to someone who was expressing concern about stocks of medical supplies that the Government were holding or not holding. They are being told that the Government were waiting for the Covid inquiry to report and then would look at what might happen. I am afraid that the reality is, of course, that we do not have an influenza virus out there saying, “Just wait until the Covid inquiry has reported and then we can think about attacking Britain”. I am not sure that this is the right way forward, but we need to hear from the Government more generally—I understand that that may not be within the Minister’s portfolio—and maybe the noble Baroness could write to me at a future date. However, we need to think about being ready, in this age of shocks, for all the threats that could potentially hit us—particularly health threats. We should learn from the mistakes that were undoubtedly made under the previous Government. That is an important issue. We need to see more urgency from the Government. The answer of waiting until the Covid inquiry reports really does not hack it in this age when we are facing so many threats.

[Baroness Coffey (Con)]

Before the noble Baroness sits down, it is important to stress, when thinking of prevention of issues and being ready for them, that I am quite confident that the Government have continued a lot of the activity of the previous Government. I will give an example. Although it was for a short time, when I was Secretary of State for Health and Social Care we were being asked to write off hundreds of millions of pounds on Covid vaccines because we had, in effect, anticipated what could have happened. In the end, thankfully that was not needed. That is not a case of fraud, but the noble Baroness was stretching us into preparedness for the future. That is still a key module of the statutory public inquiry now under way. But it would be worth looking at some of the Select Committee investigations that happened, perhaps much more quickly, and some of the government responses that had been provided to them.

[Baroness Bennett of Manor Castle]

I will stay sat down.

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[Baroness Coffey (Con)]

Before the Minister sits down, let me say that Tom Hayhoe, is, I think, six months through his contract. Do the Government intend to extend it beyond the fixed one year, and when does the Minister anticipate that he might share reports—he may already do that with Ministers, but when they will be shared with Parliament?

[Baroness Anderson of Stoke-on-Trent (Lab)]

My Lords, this is what I can say currently, but if there is additional clarification, I will come back to the noble Baroness. Mr Tom Hayhoe’s appointment is a fixed one-year appointment. He will be required to provide a report to Parliament, which will present lessons and recommendations for procurement in future during a time of national crisis, so he will be reporting on his efforts outside and within the Treasury.