The Lord Bishop of Leeds
To ask His Majesty’s Government what assessment they have made of the humanitarian situation in Sudan.
The Lord Bishop of Leeds (Valedictory Speech)
My Lords, I am very grateful to the Government for granting this debate at a very opportune time, with Lady Sandwich in the Gallery and a detailed report, Rivers of Blood, dedicated to the late Lord Sandwich, being delivered this morning to the APPG.
I thank the Minister for her commitment to addressing the urgent and long-term situation in Sudan, a country I love, where I have friends and which I have visited a number of times, most recently in June 2024. My concerns and engagement will continue after I retire from the House this afternoon, albeit in a different way. I note that the Order Paper says this is a valedictory speech, but I would be grateful if we kept our focus on Sudan.
The humanitarian situation in Sudan is so dire that “urgent” does not do justice to the need for action. I will not repeat the many reports from agencies engaged on the ground in Sudan, but they make for harrowing hearing and reading. A number have provided briefings in Parliament in the last few days. We had planned for the Archbishop of Sudan, Ezekiel Kondo, to be here today, but he had to return to Port Sudan a couple of days ago.
The lack of attention to Sudan in western media is bewildering in many respects, but it seems that increasing attention is now being paid. The suffering in Sudan is almost unbearable, the worst humanitarian catastrophe on the planet, and it is neither new nor simply a phenomenon of only the last three years. Whatever the causes of and motivations behind the current conflict, it is civilians—women, children, young men and vulnerable ethnic groups—who are being targeted and abused in the most inhumane ways.
I will give a few numbers. It is estimated that up to 150,000 people have died and 13 million have been displaced, 9.6 million internally and 4.3 million in exile. Some 25 to 30 million people are hungry, malnourished or severely malnourished. Save the Children estimates that 16 million children are in need of aid and that, in 2024, more than 2,000 cases of children being killed, maimed, abducted, raped and violated were recorded—and that is just what we know. Sexual violence against children, women and young men is out of control, fuelled by an evident assumption of impunity and unaccountability by perpetrators. Shame is being weaponised in the most vicious and immoral way. Access to aid is frequently blocked, and funding is inadequate to the need.
In so-called illegal immigration to the UK, Sudan is now the most represented group. Migration to neighbouring countries such as South Sudan and Chad is in the millions and having a powerful effect on those countries. According to several agencies on the ground, the numbers of people killed or maimed by explosive weaponry, either directly or from unexploded arms, are increasing. I could go on.
The siege of El Fasher led to deliberate targeting of civilians, widespread massacres and a targeted and systematic strategy of wiping out non-Arab Africans, with a view to erasing or rewriting the country’s history, culture and identity. At a briefing in Parliament last week, we heard that the script is already written, as the RSF now move on to Tawila and El Obeid. We cannot say we do not know what will happen in the Kordofans, as the rehearsal in El Fasher was so successful for the RSF. Civilians, humanitarian workers and volunteers are unprotected against both the SAF and the RSF, cannon fodder in a war they did not start. It is timely that Sudan is now rising in prominence in both the political and media spheres. The USA is finally beginning to wake up to the crisis.
Other noble Lords will bring specific points to bear in the short speech time allowed, so I do not want to cover every aspect of the tragedy we are witnessing. I hope we will not have too much repetition, deviation or hesitation but will put on record the many sides of this conflict that need repeatedly to be heard, noted and responded to. I am grateful to the Minister, who has prioritised Sudan and made herself available for briefings and conversations. “Governments need to do more” is a constant plea on many issues, but there are one or two areas where more might be achievable now.
First, the UK has a responsibility to step up its leadership of partner nations in working with the Quad and others to apply diplomatic, economic, political and moral pressure to: bring an end to the conflict; stem the flow of arms and finance by countries such as the UAE, Egypt, Turkey, Iran and Russia, using its clout to interrupt the flow of gold and rare earth minerals into the global markets, and to hold publicly to account those countries which enable this brutality to continue; and to mobilise, using military means, if possible, to provide immediate protection of civilians and humanitarian workers. Key to this is the need to make all sides in the conflict seriously and unmistakably aware that they will be accountable in the future for their actions now. Atrocities will be punished under a rule of law to which belligerents pay no regard.
Secondly, the civilian population needs urgent protection. The need for a diplomatic surge is clear, but resolutions by themselves will not bring a ceasefire or a peace that in the longer term leads to civilian rule. As I indicated earlier, we must not see a rerun of El Fasher in Tawila and El Obeid, and ultimately in Khartoum. Agencies are evidently not confident that this can be avoided without some targeted and serious interventions now.
The migration of Sudanese refugees into Europe in general, and the UK in particular, will only increase. This is a challenge that needs international partnership and co-ordination. The UK can take a more confident lead on this. If you visit Sudan, everybody you speak with is crying out for the UK, for historical reasons, to step up its power and influence. Wherever the future leads, international partners will have to attend to rebuilding infrastructure and civil society. The land will have to be de-mined and cleared of ordnance. Most concerningly, a generation of young people who are suffering now will need massive support if cycles of vengeance and violence are not to be let loose in the years to come. Generational trauma will be fearsome.
Other speakers will touch on matters that I have not had time to address, but I hope that my point is made. The humanitarian disaster, the worst in the world, cannot simply be observed from a distance. It needs concerted and determined attention and action. I look forward to the Minister’s response to the debate.
Lord Rook (Lab)
I am grateful to the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Leeds for his tireless leadership on Sudan and for raising this debate. I first met him in a draughty circus tent at a Butlin’s holiday camp. I hasten to assure noble Lords that neither of us was employed as a redcoat; we were speakers at a conference. From that very day his powerful commitment to justice in domestic and foreign affairs has been evident.
It says a great deal about the right reverend Prelate that he has chosen to host his final debate in your Lordships’ House on this subject and that he has decided against the traditional valedictory speech so as not to distract from the subject at hand and the needs of the people of Sudan. Despite this, I am sure that all noble Lords would want me to pass on our gratitude for the right reverend Prelate’s contribution over many years and for his ministry—spiritual, political, practical and personal—which has been a blessing to us all.
The right reverend Prelate warned this House in 2024 that Sudan is far more than two generals having a scrap. His description of a forgotten war with no winners has proved tragically accurate. Sudan is now the largest humanitarian crisis on record, with millions displaced and famine taken hold in El Fasher, Kadugli and beyond. The atrocities in El Fasher, including hundreds killed recently in an attack on a hospital, show how civilians are being deliberately targeted, while neighbouring states already in deep crises shelter more than a million who are fleeing the violence.
I acknowledge His Majesty’s Government’s efforts: the 2024 London conference, subsequent ministerial meetings and the UK’s leadership at the UN Security Council. However, international focus is slipping. The absence of a contact group for ceasefire talks was a missed opportunity. The UK, working with the Quad and regional actors, can still lead the diplomatic effort that is needed to restore momentum toward peace.
The right reverend Prelate has often reminded this House of the essential role of local actors. In moments of emergency, churches, faith groups, youth groups, women’s organisations and grass-roots institutions are often the first and sometimes the only responders to the many crises and atrocities. Supporting these heroic institutions through genuinely locally led funding and holding intermediaries accountable for strengthening and building local capacity must be central to UK policy. To this end, I urge His Majesty’s Government to consider the role of strategic religious diplomacy in waging peace, to borrow a phrase from Justin Welby. Faith leaders in Sudan retain moral authority when political structures are fractured. We have seen the impact of such diplomacy in South Sudan, Mozambique and the Central African Republic. Sudan’s churches and mosques are indispensable partners for any credible peace strategy.
I thank the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Leeds for speaking up once again for the voiceless. While he will be deeply missed in this House, as he has made clear, he will continue to champion the people of Sudan and fight for peace in that land. As a follower of the prince of peace, this is not just his work but his calling. It does not end at retirement. With Advent approaching, we wish him a very happy Christmas and a very peaceful retirement in every possible way.
Baroness Anelay of St Johns (Con)
My Lords, I am most grateful to the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Leeds for everything that he has done in this House and beyond and for leading us on the debate on Sudan today.
I will focus on the impact of the conflict on children, as 3.2 million children under five are expected to have suffered acute malnutrition this year, with over 770,000 of them likely to have experienced severe acute malnutrition. That is another name for famine in this world. The regions of Darfur and Kordofan remain the epicentre of a conflict where 20 areas are at immediate risk of famine for all. Occasional fragile truces are broken with impunity and seem to be an excuse to regroup before launching further mass killings and rapes. The humanitarian situation in El Fasher deteriorated very sharply last month. Community kitchens shut down after exhausting food supplies. Prices continue to increase, with a sack of animal fodder now used as food reported as costing over £400.
Children urgently need help from the international community to survive. Sudan’s Emergency Response Rooms—grass-roots, volunteer-led, co-ordinated networks—are doing their best in the most appalling conditions to provide medical care and humanitarian assistance in areas where state services have collapsed. Charities such as Kids for Kids are working with communities in Darfur and doing all they can to ensure that protein-rich goat milk and food reach malnourished children. The charity provides goat loans. The poorest families receive five goats and after two years, once that little flock has grown, the five goats are passed on to another family to assist the children there.
Can the Minister update the House on what support the Government can give to Sudan’s Emergency Response Rooms and those charities which are doing their utmost to continue their work despite the atrocities that they see around them every day of the year?
Baroness Suttie (LD)
My Lords, I too thank the right reverend Prelate and congratulate him on his powerful valedictory speech and on securing this extremely important and long overdue debate. In the 14 months since our last debate on Sudan in this House, on every level the situation in Sudan has deteriorated dramatically.
As I said in the debate in September 2024, I had the privilege of working in Khartoum in 2023 with my noble friends Lord Purvis and Lord Oates. I refer to my register of interests. So much of Khartoum, as so much of Sudan, that I grew to know and love, now lies in ruins. I was privileged to work with some truly inspirational people who were working tirelessly to fight for a democratic future for Sudan. Like so many Sudanese, most of the people I worked with are now living in exile. As Samia, an eminent Sudanese lawyer and women’s rights activist, said to me this week, “The war has not only destroyed buildings and infrastructure. It has destroyed women and girls’ security and safety”.
Women and girls live under constant threat of violence on a daily basis. According to UNICEF, 12.1 million people—equivalent to 25% of the population—are at risk of gender-based violence. Hunger and rape are now routinely being used as instruments of war. There are reports that young women and even very young girls, as young as five years old, have been subjected to the most appalling violence, including sexual violence. Samia, who for me is the very personification of our previous hopes for Sudan, reminded me that what is happening in her country must never be regarded as being just about statistics. Behind every statistic is the shattered life of a human being.
What is happening in Sudan matters to us all and, frankly, should shame us all. It is our duty, as we are doing through this debate today, to raise our voices and to give the people of Sudan hope, just as it matters that the current ongoing atrocities, as the right reverend Prelate said, are fully investigated and the perpetrators eventually brought to justice.
I make three final brief points in the remaining time. We must find a way to ensure that the global arms embargo is effective, as it clearly currently is not, and to extend it to the whole of Sudan. We need to find a way to ensure that immediate humanitarian assistance reaches those who need it most. But we also need to be thinking now about longer-term assistance—clearing the country of land mines and the huge task of eventually rebuilding the country, as well as providing support for those who have suffered so much—most particularly through supporting organisations that work with women and girls.
Lord Alton of Liverpool (CB)
My Lords, in my allotted three minutes, I, too, thank the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Leeds for his long-standing commitment to the people of Sudan. I commend to the Minister, and ask for her response to, the first-hand report by Marcus and Tomas Ray, presented to the APPG on Sudan and dedicated to the memory of my late friend the Earl of Sandwich. Rivers of Blood – Escaping Darfur lays bare a crisis of staggering human suffering and a failure of international responsibility; of impunity; of the absence of protection mechanisms; and of global neglect. In the foreword to the report, I write:
“We cannot say we did not know. The evidence is here. The voices are here. The responsibility is ours”.
Following my own first-hand reports of earlier atrocities and genocide, there were reports in early 2023 of new outrages—and, later, of mass graves. That led to the all-party group asking me to chair a fresh inquiry, which led to our 2023 report, entitled Genocide: All Over Again in Darfur? It described the consequences of impunity and daring to think you can neglect the issue of justice. Development becomes impossible in a cauldron of repeated atrocities.
With the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Winchester, I recently sent a letter to the Foreign Secretary, copied to the Minister, along with a copy of this report, following reports that the FCDO atrocity prevention team may be disbanded. Is that so?
Last week, the Minister told me:
“The last Joint Analysis of Conflict and Stability (JACS) assessment for Sudan was completed in 2019”.
These JACS reports are supposed to be the basis of assessing whether crimes against humanity and/or genocide are either under way or probable. Post 2019 and post 2023, why was no JACS report commissioned?
Since 2001, when I first went into Sudan’s war zone, I have repeatedly warned that a culture of impunity would entrench violence and atrocities, undermine attempts to create civil institutions and political progress, and destroy or impede humanitarian initiatives. If we do not tackle root causes, it simply adds to the flow of displaced people in this world—around 125 million of them now. How many of the arrivals referred to by the right reverend Prelate arrive on small boats that originate from Sudan?
Today’s RSF atrocities in Darfur are of a piece with the Janjaweed’s systematic rape of women and the burning and looting of villages, 90% of which were razed to the ground—all driven by an ideological hatred of difference. The International Criminal Court said it was a genocide, yet Omar al-Bashir and some of the warlords now involved in today’s horrific atrocities have still not been brought to justice. Impunity is a death sentence for the innocent and a licence to kill for the perpetrators.
Wicked as the RSF and its avaricious overseas funders undoubtedly are, we are naive at best in painting the army junta and their overseas backers as benign. The jihadists in the SAF officer corps remain emphatically opposed to democracy, accountability and the rule of law. As they fight for supremacy, it is the people of their great country who are condemned to grotesque suffering.
Baroness Uddin (Non-Afl)
My Lords, my heartfelt gratitude goes to the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Leeds for his leadership and contribution to this House, and I thank him for initiating this debate.
It is beyond comprehension that, in this century, we are failing to use every means available to us as a nation state to aid Sudan, which is facing this man-made—men-made—war, displacement and inhuman suffering. Thirty million innocent men, women and children are fleeing rape, death and destruction and require urgent aid, with 13 million forced from their homes and lands. Yet those engaged in this brutal war are weaponising starvation, pushing people to the brink in a conflict that is not an occupation but a power grab. Battles for political dominance are driven by power, greed and impunity, for control of Sudan’s wealth and resources.
Cities and villages that I had the honour of visiting across Sudan no longer exist. Health, education systems and societal infrastructures lie in rubble, just as in Gaza. It is as though the perpetrators of this inhuman suffering are beyond reproach and international rules are no longer applicable.
As the UN Security Council penholder for Sudan, the United Kingdom has diplomatic obligations and a unique responsibility to help forge a path toward relief and resolution. I believe that it is our Government who must stand with courage and duty to rally our allies and bring this barbaric war to an end, just as our Prime Minister has led the international coalition of the willing for Ukraine. Does the Minister agree that this excellent model of the coalition of the willing can be applied to confront the catastrophic degradation of Sudan? If such coalitions can be built to defend sovereignty and human rights in Europe, can the UK lead to defend the very same in Africa?
Words are not enough. What actions beyond pledges are His Majesty’s Government taking to ensure the safe, unimpeded delivery of aid across Sudan in partnership with allies such as the African Union and the UN in order to strengthen the humanitarian corridor and speed up the provision of food, emergency medical supplies and shelter to civilians in areas where famine risks are highest and where women and children continue to face the gravest danger?
Impunity has emboldened perpetrators and intensified the war as it continues. For Sudan to have any hope of peace, accountability must accompany rescue and aid. How are the UK Government working to deter further violence while pushing for a sustained ceasefire and a credible political process that places civilians, not armed groups, at the centre of Sudan’s future?
I had the privilege and honour of taking part in women-led peace initiatives in Sudan. I do not know where those women are or whether they are alive. The people of Sudan are not asking for charity; they are entitled to basic food, shelter, safety and dignity.
Lord Davies of Brixton (Lab)
In view of the remarks of the right reverend Prelate, this debate should focus on the situation in Sudan, but I share the views expressed by all previous speakers about his role in the House and in helping the people of Sudan.
I want to ask about a recent development which arose from the G20 summit in Johannesburg last week, where the world’s leaders issued a joint declaration calling for
“a just, comprehensive, and lasting peace in Sudan”.
They grouped Sudan with other major conflict areas—Ukraine, Congo, and Palestine—signalling that the crisis is now considered a top-tier global priority. The statement emphasised that any path to peace should follow the purposes and principles of the UN charter, and it reaffirmed a broad condemnation of terrorism. My question is, while this is clearly welcome, is it something of substance or is it largely symbolic? The statement did not spell out any concrete measures such as specific funding timelines or accountability mechanisms or which countries would lead the campaign that was laid out. No new sanctions or targeted diplomatic initiatives were announced within the publicly released text.
Still, the inclusion of Sudan in the G20 communiqué elevates international attention at this time of crisis. What follow-up do our Government envisage following the G20 delegation and will it have a meaningful impact in securing the just peace that we all desire?
Baroness Bennett of Manor Castle (GP)
My Lords, I join everyone in thanking the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Leeds for securing this debate and for his contribution over many years, and I wish him all the best for the future.
I vividly remember the Rwandan genocide. As a young journalist in country Australia in the age before the internet, the postman delivered my paper-thin copy of the Guardian Weekly. I can still picture some of the images it printed, images that shocked me. Then, the diplomatic world knew what was happening and failed to act, but the general public broadly did not. Communications operated differently then. Since then, our understanding of mass atrocity crimes has grown a great deal, in part because of the genocide against the Tutsis. We can and do predict them, but where we have not advanced is in action to prevent them. At the briefing last week that the right reverend Prelate referred to, I heard about the events in El Fasher. They were described as the most well-worn and predicted mass killing in human history. We have satellite images that can identify where each individual human being lost their life—a father, a son, a brother, a mother who is now a bloodstain in the sand—and we have images that show where those bodies were burned or buried. Before that, we had satellite images that showed the preparation for massacre, the building of the berm around the city that created the killing field and the assembling of the forces to commit the massacre in a city in which perhaps 1.5 million people were cowering, and the world still did nothing.
This debate is focused on humanitarian need, and my focus is particularly on the protection of those who remain alive but at acute risk. The right reverend Prelate referred to a script for future massacres based on what has happened already. Our job, surely, is to cut off that script to stop it being played out.
We heard at that briefing about effective leadership. Britain should have a role, and effective leadership can come only from No. 10, from Sir Keir Starmer. Will the Minister say whether we going to see that leadership? We know that traditional multilateral fora are of limited use, so we need much more creative approaches. Are resources—the atrocity prevention unit, the FCDO and other resources available to the Government—being put into the diplomatic surge that was called for last week?
I will just pick up two very quick further points. One, of course, is on the now sadly inevitable reports of conflict-related sexual violence. What support are those victims going to get? The other relates to a scoping visit from the Mines Advisory Group in July this year. We have real capacity in Britain in mine clearing and dealing with unexploded ordnance. What are the Government doing in that area?
Lord Sentamu (CB)
My Lords, I too congratulate the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Leeds, Nick Baines, on securing this debate. He has been a tireless supporter of Sudan, even almost endangering his life as he visited that troubled area, and he is also a faithful servant of Church, state and the world.
I declare an interest in that from November 2021 until June 2023 I was chair of Christian Aid. Christian Aid has been deeply engaged in the region. For context, the charity says:
“We are providing some support for the church agency humanitarian response being jointly led by our sister agency, Norwegian Church Aid, and CAFOD. Also via our German sister agency DKH we have been supporting the emergency rooms in Sudan—a mutual aid initiative that was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize”.
There is a UK dimension to the crisis in so far as the Government have been reluctant to challenge UAE support for the RSF or Saudi Arabia’s support for the Government in Sudan, both of which have prolonged the conflict and, because of the weapons being provided and the cover given for persistent breaches of international law, have increased civilian suffering.
Thomas Brown of the House of Lords Library published an article on 17 November on the humanitarian situation in Sudan, which says:
“Sudan’s current civil war continues to have a devastating impact on civilians, with UN agencies describing the conflict as both the world’s largest humanitarian crisis and the world’s largest displacement crisis. Amid reports of ongoing atrocities in and around El Fasher in Sudan’s Darfur region and continuing hostilities elsewhere, the UK has been involved in diplomatic efforts calling for an end to the conflict and has increased funding for emergency humanitarian assistance”.
In light of the passing of a UK-drafted resolution by the UN Human Rights Council securing international consensus for an urgent UN inquiry into alleged crimes in El Fasher, because impunity cannot be the outcome of these horrifying events, will the Minister please tell us how far the promise of the Foreign Secretary, Yvette Cooper, to get teams into Sudan to investigate those atrocities and hold the perpetrators to account has got? Our words must be matched by our actions. We must become peacemakers, not peace lovers.
Lord Oates (LD)
My Lords, I declare my interest as CEO of United Against Malnutrition & Hunger. I join others in thanking the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Leeds for initiating this debate and for his strong advocacy for Sudan during his years in this House.
Previous speakers have set out the scale of the crisis that has engulfed ordinary people in Sudan. I will not repeat all the devastating statistics but, like the noble Baroness, Lady Anelay, I want to highlight the figure of over 770,000 children facing severe acute malnutrition this year. The sheer scale of that tragedy can obscure the horrific suffering that it entails for every child impacted. When you have witnessed a child suffering from severe acute malnutrition, it never leaves you. Nor does the sense of guilt and despair that, despite the availability of proven and cost-effective treatments, a lack of funding or impeded humanitarian access means that tens of thousands of children who could recover will not.
Yesterday, a number of us had the chance to meet the Minister and representatives of the Emergency Response Rooms, whose 26,000 courageous volunteers across Sudan are providing a localised humanitarian response to the crisis, often able to gain access where international organisations cannot. They had two main requests: to be afforded protection and recognition as humanitarian workers—over the past two years, they told us, 146 of their volunteers have been killed and many more detained or disappeared—and for funding to meet the scale of the need that they encounter.
We have heard the argument in the past that the challenge in Sudan is access rather than funding. However, while access is a challenge in many areas, the lack of funding is a challenge in all areas. We know that more funding is needed for emergency responses, such as the provision of therapeutic foods to treat acute malnutrition, and it is required to provide agricultural support to smallholders to help to restore food production, yet the Food and Agricultural Organization’s appeal is just 10% funded. We know that it is needed to provide support to the millions of refugees displaced to refugee camps in neighbouring countries and within Sudan, which are massively underfunded.
We should work with our partners to provide that support for reasons of basic humanity, but we should also note the costs of not doing so. We have already seen a 60% increase in the numbers of Sudanese nationals arriving on small boats, and Sudanese nationals represent the most common nationality detected irregularly in the UK.
Sudan represents not only the world’s worst humanitarian crisis but the starkest example of its inability to work collectively to end a war that is fuelling such devastating suffering. We cannot resolve these issues on our own, but we must do more in concert with our European partners in particular to address this humanitarian crisis and to impose real consequences on those countries that are fuelling the war.
The Lord Bishop of Leicester
I am grateful to noble Lords for ignoring the request from my right reverend friend the Bishop of Leeds that this should not be a valedictory debate for him. His contribution to this House, and to the Church and nation more widely, has been immense. However, I sincerely hope that this House and His Majesty’s Government will not ignore the right reverend Prelate’s words regarding Sudan, something which is very dear to his heart.
I want to focus my comments on the funding of local partners in Sudan. The Independent Commission for Aid Impact, in its October 2025 report, found that the UK Government
“in many instances demonstrated credible political leadership and strong convening power, drawing on deep networks that are valued by stakeholders”.
It also finds that the UK has shown
“political and operational leadership in the humanitarian response, through strong technical analysis, evidence-based planning and close coordination with key UN agencies”.
I congratulate the Government on this positive analysis of their role in the crisis, yet the report goes on to state:
“Despite stated political ambition, the UK’s cautious approach to localisation and limited resources constrain the full potential of local partnerships”.
Across Sudan, local actors, in particular first responders, such as Sudan’s Emergency Response Rooms, already referred to by the noble Lord, Lord Oates, remain under-supported. These groups often have the capacity to provide more cost-effective and contextually grounded responses than international partners, but they face significant barriers to accessing funding due to stringent UK compliance requirements or those of intermediary organisations. The UK commitment to localisation has not translated into more predictable or better-quality funding for local partners in Sudan. The UK funding that reaches them is generally for small-scale, short-term projects. Given the access constraints that INGOs face, can the Minister tell the House whether there is any intention to review our approach to funding local partners in Sudan?
Baroness Goudie (Lab)
My Lords, I am grateful to the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Leeds for raising this urgent Question and for his long-standing moral leadership, as he prepares to retire from this House. I know that he is not going to give up everything else that he has been doing and will plan to do. I thank him so much for everything he has done for us. I declare my interest as an ambassador for the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security.
Women and girls are bearing a disproportionate share of the burden in Sudan. This has been going on for decades—far too long. Malnutrition among mothers leads to malnutrition among infants. When hunger becomes a weapon of war, as it clearly has in Sudan, the impact is generational. The UK has not yet ratified the 2019 amendment to the Rome statute, which would criminalise starvation tactics in non-international armed conflict. If we are serious about accountability, we must lead by example. Ratifying this amendment would send a clear signal that starvation crimes will not be ignored.
As we have a short time to speak today, I will make three points to the Government. First, the protection of civilians and safe humanitarian access must be at the centre of all diplomatic engagement. Without this, the crisis will continue to deepen regardless of the aid provided. Secondly, our humanitarian assistance should prioritise nutrition-specific interventions, including ready-to-use therapeutic food for severely malnourished children, and support for pregnant and lactating women. These are proven, cost-effective interventions that save lives. Thirdly, we must keep accountability on the agenda. The atrocities in Darfur and Kordofan, including starvation crimes and sexual violence, must be investigated, documented and prosecuted.
Justice will be essential for a long-term peace. As far as peace is concerned, women, including local women, must be at the peace table. Unless we have that, we will not have peace. It must include having women to discuss education, development and the future of their country.
Baroness Coussins (CB)
My Lords, I too thank the right reverend Prelate for tabling this debate. Earlier this year, the UN reported an 80% increase in the risk of women and girls in Sudan being the victims of sexual assault. They are suffering indescribably from flagrant daily rape, sexual slavery and torture, with children being forced to watch the abuse of their mothers, and even vice versa—all with impunity.
The UK has been a global leader in campaigning against sexual violence in conflict. Together with our position as penholder for Sudan at the Security Council, we have an unprecedented responsibility to step up even more than we have already. The UNFPA is the UN agency responsible for promoting sexual and reproductive health. Across Sudan, it has provided 51 safe spaces for survivors of sexual violence, as well as dozens of mobile health teams. Yet these centres are no longer always safe havens, with over 540 attacks on health facilities reported over the last two years. Supplies and equipment are frequently looted, and health workers, patients and ambulances have been targeted with violence and intimidation.
The UNFPA receives no funding whatever from the UN’s regular budget. It is funded entirely through voluntary contributions from Governments, intergovernmental organisations, the private sector, foundations and individuals. Yet unprecedented funding cuts by many leading donors, notably the United States, are jeopardising the health and lives of hundreds of thousands of women and girls.
Training for front-line medical workers has also been halted, leaving thousands of women without access to safe spaces that provide medical, legal and psychosocial support. The UNFPA is calling for $120 million for its work in Sudan. In the Northern State, its programmes and safe spaces are funded by Canada, the European Union, Japan, Norway and Sweden. Will the Minister ensure that the UK is added to this list of contributors to the UNFPA with immediate effect? As penholder, this will put maximum pressure on other member states to do likewise. We have a very positive track record indeed of insisting on accountability for sexual violence in conflict in our role as penholder for Colombia. Please let us do the same for the women and girls in Sudan.
Lord Purvis of Tweed (LD)
From all our interactions on Sudan, the right reverend Prelate knows how highly I regard him. I thank him for bringing this debate as he ends his service in this House. The Minister is also aware of what I called for last week. I hope she has read my appeal to the Leader of the House yesterday evening in my response to the Prime Minister’s G20 Statement, in which Sudan warranted only a passing reference.
In recent weeks and days, anyone seeing what has been happening in the country I love will have witnessed the very worst and the very best of humanity, with calls for a cessation of violence ridiculed by the SAF and the re-emergence of the repressive internal intelligence service, NISS, and Islamist forces, and the RSF cynically saying it has a ceasefire while committing atrocities. At the same time, we have seen Sudanese doctors trying, under incredible personal danger, to keep medical facilities going and, as we heard, local emergency rooms and community kitchens of local civilians keeping a semblance of food services going under literally hellish conditions and threat. They are the best of humanity in the face of the worst.
As we have heard, the main victims are women and children. Some of the examples of the atrocities are searing. Foreign supplied drones, paid for by looted natural resources, are as we speak over the skies of civilian areas collecting intelligence and data, and will be armed to target civilians.
Tools to protect civilians have been authorised by the UN Security Council resolution of over a year ago. It is simply the case that the will for action has been and continues to be absent. Today, I press the Minister for a specific, authorised and deliverable action to put in measures to create no-drone zones in civilian areas. We have the capability, the technology and the authorisation to protect civilians. We need the political and diplomatic will to enable this to be put in place—and it is urgent.
Even here at home—the Minister is well aware of my calls last year, well before we saw the preventable atrocities—and even now, after lengthy correspondence that I have had with the Disasters Emergency Committee, we still do not have a public appeal matched by the Government. The world’s worst humanitarian crisis—urgent and pressing—does not have sufficient public and media awareness to trigger an appeal, the chief executive told me. I appeal to the Minister today to speak to the DEC, to appeal to the DEC and to work with the DEC to have a public appeal that the Government can support.
I am still hopeful for the day when the rightful civilian democratic governance of Sudan can be seen. I hope for there to be one Sudan, where diversity is recognised and not used as a pretext for violence. But for that hope not to be entirely extinguished, we need the UK and others to step up with leadership, focus and urgency. Protecting the civilians is by far the most urgent task, and I hope we can hear of concrete actions from the Government.
Lord Callanan (Con)
My Lords, I pay tribute to the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Leeds for his service to the House, for securing this important debate and for his excellent valedictory speech. We had quite a lot of interaction and debate during the Brexit years, when he was the Church of England’s spokesman. It is fair to say that we did not often agree on this subject, but he always conducted himself with great courtesy and had his say robustly, which is as it should be. I used to dream I was hearing his words in my sleep, until I realised that it was just because my radio alarm had switched on early and I was listening to him on Radio 4’s “Thought for the Day” programme. I hope he will continue to contribute to that.
As many noble Lords have said, the situation in Sudan is absolutely appalling. As many people have reminded us, we have had a number of opportunities to discuss the issues relating to the conflict in recent weeks, in Oral Questions, a ministerial Statement and now this debate. That demonstrates the level of concern felt across your Lordships’ House about the situation.
Given the short time that I have—I know we all want to hear from the Minister—I will confine my remarks to a few brief points. Save the Children estimates that 450 unaccompanied children have arrived in Tawila, the nearest safe town to El Fasher. We have previously discussed getting aid into Sudan. What steps are being taken to get aid to the towns where those refugees are starting to gather, including Tawila, as urgently as possible?
Last week the Minister noted the dangers associated with air drops of aid, which I am sure we can all appreciate, but can she update the House on the further work that her department has done to ensure that progress is being made to get aid where it needs to be? I think the whole House would benefit from an update on the amount of aid that has been able to reach those in Sudan to date. We are all very aware of the practical difficulties around that.
On weapons and equipment in Sudan, the noble Baroness confirmed last week that the reports of British-made equipment being used in Sudan have been investigated, and the equipment in question is not munitions but items related to engines. Can she commit to keeping this situation under review? Should there be verified reports of British-made munitions being used in Sudan, will she come to the House to report on that further?
I think I speak for the whole House when I say that the people of Sudan are constantly in our thoughts. In particular, I sincerely hope that the UK Government will continue to play a full and complete role—as supportive as possible of those desperate people in need—to get aid to all who need it in the region.
The Minister of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Baroness Chapman of Darlington) (Lab)
My Lords, I too start by saying how grateful I am to the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Leeds for tabling this debate. I pay tribute to his long-standing commitment to Sudan and its people. I know that, rightly and characteristically, he wants our focus today to be firmly on the people of Sudan, but I take this opportunity to wish him and his wife Linda a long and happy retirement. It is notable that the Archbishop of Sudan chose to join him at Ripon Cathedral for a recent service. That is testament to his long-standing commitment to and very strong relationship with the people of Sudan.
I note the deep concern from right across the House about the dire humanitarian situation in Sudan, at a time when we must galvanise action to stop the war and end the suffering. I thank the noble Lord, Lord Callanan, for his remarks. He asked me about the diversion of arms. Of course, I commit to keeping this matter closely under review and to reporting back to the House immediately should the situation change. I am happy to speak to the DEC, as the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, suggests. On the issue of creating no-drone zones, I do not know how we would do that, but I am very happy to explore that.
I thank the noble Lords, Lord Rook, Lord Alton, Lord Davies of Brixton and Lord Oates, the noble Baronesses, Lady Anelay, Lady Suttie, Lady Uddin, Lady Bennett, Lady Goudie and Lady Coussins, the noble and right reverend Lord, Lord Sentamu, and the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Leicester for their contributions. Everybody spoke with outstanding experience, passion and knowledge.
The noble Baroness, Lady Coussins, asked me about the UNFPA. We are the largest contributor to core funding for the UNFPA, and she asked whether that would change in light of the change in position of some of our partners and allies towards the work that it does. It is more vital than ever that we maintain our commitment to it for the reasons that she so eloquently put forward.
I have not yet read the Rivers of Blood report, but I will. As the noble Lord, Lord Alton, said, we cannot say that we did not know. We now need a way to force the warring parties to stop. As of today, both the leaders in command in Sudan still believe that they can win. I will speak to all the other issues around humanitarian access but, until that changes, I do not think we will see the stable peace or ceasefire that we desperately need.
As many have said, Sudan is facing the worst humanitarian crisis of our time. Some 12 million people have fled their homes in the world’s largest displacement crisis; 30 million people are in urgent need of aid, the highest number on record; famine and preventable disease are rampant; and women and children are bearing the brunt of terrible suffering and abhorrent violence.
Following the RSF assault on El Fasher, we have seen horrendous atrocities: mass executions, starvation, rape and reports of detentions, kidnap and killings as people attempt to escape. The threat of further horror looms, as fighting moves towards Tawila and North Kordofan. Preventing further massacres and ending the brutal siege is urgent, as is providing humanitarian relief. The need has never been greater, yet aid remains blocked. The RSF refuses to allow safe passage to humanitarian organisations, while the SAF has introduced new bureaucratic restrictions that will impede relief efforts even more.
Ongoing fighting, devastated infrastructure and crimes against humanitarian workers are compounding all these challenges. As my right honourable friend the Foreign Secretary has rightly underlined, the suffering will only increase without a complete step change to bring about peace. To that end, we are doing all we can to support the efforts of the Quad, as the United States, Saudi Arabia, Egypt and the UAE call for an immediate humanitarian ceasefire. We note the RSF’s announcement on Monday, agreeing to a three-month humanitarian truce. Of course, we welcome any commitment to peace, yet these words must be measured by actions on the ground.
On 14 November, we secured a special session of the UN Human Rights Council, which passed the UK-drafted resolution securing an urgent UN inquiry into reported crimes in El Fasher. This ramps up the pressure on the warring parties to unblock critical aid routes and hold perpetrators to account, but we must do more. Last week, the Foreign Secretary met Tom Fletcher, the UN emergency relief co-ordinator, following his visit to Sudan. He emphasised the need to guarantee safe passage for civilians and humanitarian workers trying desperately to reach people in need, as a matter of urgency. We are doing everything in our power to press for a three-month humanitarian truce that truly stops the violence on the ground and gets life-saving aid in.
Meanwhile, UK aid continues to make a difference on the ground, difficult though that is. Since the beginning of the conflict, our support to Sudan has reached 2.5 million people. Last year alone, we treated over 98,000 children for malnutrition and reached almost 750,000 people with clean water. We got emergency cash assistance to 71,000 people who have suffered appalling violence. But noble Lords will know that this is not enough.
My right honourable friend the Prime Minister has been clear that the UK will remain a key humanitarian partner in Sudan and that funding to those areas affected by the crisis will be protected for the next three years. The UK will fulfil its duty diplomatically, at the UN and through multilateral processes and bilaterally with our allies and partners, including in contact with the United States and the UAE. Six months ago, the UK convened the London Sudan conference, raising over £800 million. We announced £120 million in new funding to reach over 650,000 people with life-saving assistance this year alone. That is in addition to the £36 million that I announced in May, during my visit to the Chad border to support refugees and the countries hosting them.
Following the assault on El Fasher, we mobilised and refocused £23 million in emergency aid, with the Foreign Secretary announcing a further £5 million on 1 November. Yet no amount of funding can end what is a man-made crisis. Every route, border and crossing must be open and safe. By 2029, we want at least 30% of the UK’s aid for Sudan to be distributed by local responders who provide a lifeline for communities that are hardest to reach.
I want to thank the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Sudan and South Sudan for inviting me to join it this week. Together, we thanked the delegation from the Sudanese Emergency Response Rooms. As several noble Lords have said, they are an incredibly effective and impressive organisation and it is right that they are receiving the 2025 Chatham House Prize for their life-saving work in unimaginably challenging circumstances. However, they do not just want thanks; they want peace.
Lastly, I make one personal reflection on this desperate crisis that shocks, saddens and shames us every day that it continues. I mentioned my visit to the remote town of Adré, on the border in eastern Chad. In the refugee camp, as well as talking to aid workers, I met women who had fled for their lives. In my conversations with them—one a trainee doctor, another a qualified psychologist, forced to flee their homes and living in tents on the border—it was clear that all they wanted was their old lives back, their jobs and families, a future for their children, their safety and their independence. We must never lose sight of that. Support for the people of Sudan will remain a priority for this Government, as I know it does for the whole House.