Local Power Plan

Wednesday 11th February 2026 Lords Chamber

Statement

19:52

The following Statement was made in the House of Commons on Tuesday 10 February.

“With permission, I will make a Statement about the local power plan and allocation round 7 solar and onshore wind auction results, both of which have been published today.

Britain’s drive for clean energy is about helping to answer the call for a different kind of economy that works for the many, not just the wealthy and powerful in our society. In the last few weeks, our warm homes plan has delivered the biggest public investment in upgrading homes in British history to cut bills for millions of people and to tackle fuel poverty. We have secured the largest offshore wind auction in European history, with a clean industry bonus to drive investment into our industrial communities, and we have agreed a fair work charter with business and trade unions as a first step to improving workers’ rights in renewables.

Today, I can report to the House the results of the AR7 auction for onshore wind and solar. In onshore wind, we secured 1.3 GW of power at a price of £72 per megawatt hour. In solar, we secured nearly 5 GW at a price of £65 per megawatt hour. I can inform the House that, together, this onshore wind and solar will provide enough power for the equivalent of more than 3 million homes, further reducing our dependence on international fossil fuel markets. It represents the largest solar and onshore wind auction in UK history.

I have had representations that we should have cancelled the auction and built new gas instead. I can tell the House that the price of this onshore wind and solar is less than half the price of building and operating new gas stations. Indeed, onshore wind and solar are by far the cheapest power sources available to build and operate, so I have rejected those representations. Instead, we have record-breaking results that will cut bills for families across Britain.

As we get off the rollercoaster of fossil fuel markets controlled by petro-states and dictators, we do not want this clean energy simply to be owned by big companies and multinationals. We want every community in this country to have the chance to own our energy future. We know that community ownership is a transformative tool to build the wealth and pride of local areas and give people a stake in the places in which they live. We already see this in pioneering community energy projects across Britain, and I pay tribute to them, including Lawrence Weston in Bristol, where England’s tallest onshore wind turbine, which I have visited, is 100% community-owned and generates tens of thousands of pounds a year to reinvest in the local community; the Geraint Thomas velodrome in Newport, which hosts nearly 2,000 solar panels and is one of the largest rooftop solar projects in Wales, cutting bills in Wales dramatically; and the Huntly Development Trust in Aberdeenshire, where community wind projects generate income that helps fund local charities.

We know that community energy not only spreads wealth and power, but contributes to the resilience of our energy system by generating and storing power closer to where people live, yet despite the individual success stories, Britain has never decisively seized the opportunities of community energy. Around half of wind capacity in Denmark is owned by its citizens, as is almost half of solar in Germany, yet in Britain currently less than 1% of our renewables are community owned. With our local power plan, we will change that.

Today, we announce the biggest public investment in community-owned energy in British history. During the previous Parliament, less than £60 million was spent on government community energy schemes. Today, we set aside up to £1 billion of funding from Great British Energy to invest. This will offer grants to local authorities and community groups to support projects in their early stages, loans and project finance to support construction and operation, and funding to help communities buy a stake in larger renewable projects in their areas.

This funding will also be targeted at underserved areas of the country where it can make the biggest difference. Great British Energy estimates that this funding will support an initial 1,000 community and local energy projects, but this is just the start. Today, we send out the message to community groups, sports clubs, miners’ welfare institutes and village halls across the country that, in every community of Britain, we want to give people the chance to own their own energy, to transfer money from the pockets of energy companies to their community, and to generate income for the benefit of local people for decades to come. This is a Labour Government enabling every community of our country to own and build wealth for local people.

However, we know that making that happen is not just about providing capital funding, because communities need help to plan and develop their projects. So alongside this funding, Great British Energy will establish a one-stop shop to provide support and advice about local and community energy, with a team of expert advisers to help communities get their projects off the ground. This is Britain’s publicly owned energy company working hand in hand with our brilliant mayors, local authorities and community groups to turn the ambitions of local communities into reality.

Alongside the funding and support, we also know we must confront the reality that for years the rules of our energy system have held back the growth of community energy. Local and community schemes face hurdles that may be straightforward for large developers to overcome, but are too high for voluntary groups with limited time and resources. We are determined to break down these barriers, so we will also work with Ofgem to reform market codes and supply licences to help communities sell the power they generate, and we will ensure community energy projects benefit from our reforms to planning and the grid.

We also want to make it much easier for communities to take a stake in larger projects through shared ownership, building on examples such as the Isle of Skye co-operative in the Hebrides, which owns a share of a local onshore wind farm and has generated over £1.5 million for the local community. We think there is huge potential for many more projects like that, so we will consult on how we could use existing powers in the Infrastructure Act 2015 to mandate an offer of shared ownership. Those powers were passed more than a decade ago, but were never implemented. It would mean that, when companies built big projects, local people and communities would be offered a stake in them. As my honourable friend the Member for Na h-Eileanan an Iar, Torcuil Crichton, has said, we need to move from a situation where communities can only aspire to be passive beneficiaries of projects owned by large companies to their being owners themselves with benefits in perpetuity. We are moving from community benefit to community share and community stake.

Taken together, this is the most comprehensive package of support to grow local and community energy that our country has ever seen. It builds on the Pride in Place programme, the community right to buy and our world-leading commitment to double the size of the co-operative sector. We know that the local power plan will be delivered not from Whitehall, but place by place and community by community. Today, I issue an invitation to local and community groups: if they come forward with proposals, we will support those groups to help make them happen. This Statement is about a stake for the British people in our energy system, generating returns for local communities and local people, with power, wealth and opportunity in the hands of the many not the few, and I commend it to the House”.

[Lord Moynihan (Con)]

My Lords, although I have no outside interests which impact directly on solar farms and onshore wind, I declare my interest in having worked in the wider field of energy transition since my time as Minister for Energy.

I start by reflecting that we all want clean energy, we all want full engagement with local communities, and we all want to work towards an energy policy based on energy security, sourced from trusted supply chains and, above all, delivering affordable energy. This announcement should be tested against these criteria, for we support community energy enthusiasm where it makes economic sense. Does the Minister agree that reducing energy bills comes only by increasing reliable generation and decreasing costs, yet the local power plan does not come with a generation target nor an analysis of the extent to which it will contribute to reducing bills? If these are not central factors within the policy, I am afraid that it will for sure be time and money misspent.

In the Government’s own press release, they rely on “internal analysis” to claim that additional solar and onshore wind procured through AR7 could lower bills in the early 2030s, but that analysis has not been published. It looks only at a narrow scenario, it seems to exclude wider system costs, and it does not give a full picture of future bill levels. Does it include the load in grid costs to get the power to market, given that many of the wind projects being considered are in Scotland? How does the plan impact on Labour’s promises to cut energy bills by £300, not least given that they have risen by £190 since Labour came to power? How does this initiative change that?

I had a good look at the map of all the proposed projects in the CfD allocation round 7a. There were only two small wind projects in England, some in south Wales, and the vast majority of the other wind projects were in Scotland. Given that there were only two wind projects in England, can the Minister comment on whether this will lead to further increases in the already staggering bill for curtailment—paying wind farms not to produce—because of the grid constraint from Scotland to the south, the B6 boundary, and the cost of debottlenecking that, which is estimated to be north of £50 billion?

Can the Minister comment on whether this initiative is good for employment? There has been real concern recently, which the Minister will be aware of. The OEUK talked a lot about his policies and the redundancies in the offshore sector, and fears that the industrial contagion will spread to onshore supply chain and manufacturing communities. To put this in context, on average, 1,000 direct and indirect jobs are being lost each month from the oil and gas sector. Without intervention, this rate of job losses will continue to 2030. RenewableUK has said that these initiatives being proposed for renewables may create 4,000 more jobs from now to 2030, as against the 50,000 losses of jobs in oil and gas. How does that help employment in the UK? The GMB union’s Scotland secretary, Louise Gilmour, gave the same warning:

“There is a human cost to these decisions that goes beyond the bottom line of this year’s budget and impacts workers, families and communities in Scotland and across Britain. The economic case for easing the financial pressures on our offshore industries is clear and compelling but so too is the moral argument for slowing the rushed and needless abandonment of workers and their communities”.


Does the Minister agree?

I turn to an exceptionally important point. This announcement is principally about solar energy, and solar imports come from China. The Minister of State, the noble Baroness, Lady Chapman of Darlington, stated in a debate initiated in this House recently that

“human rights are a non-negotiable part of this Government’s approach to China”.—[Official Report, 2/2/26; col. 1301.]

This is an initiative to import Chinese goods. Well over 80% of PV modules used in the UK have significant Chinese content, and the true figure is very likely to be above 90% when you include panels made by Chinese-headquartered manufacturers—for example, Jinko, Trina, LONGi, JA Solar and Canadian Solar, all of which are Chinese in origin—and the non-Chinese brands whose wafers, cells or polysilicon is sourced from China. Some 80% to 85% of the global polysilicon that is needed comes from China, and the UK imports almost all its PV hardware. Installers and trade bodies routinely report that Chinese supply chains dominate the UK market because of price and scale. In the map for AR7, we are talking about a widespread, historic, major increase in solar imports from China. This local power plan depends on Chinese goods.

I simply ask the Minister whether he can tonight guarantee that no imported polysilicon, no panels being installed in our schools at the moment under GBE’s first initiative, and no solar content on any of the panels that is foreseen by this particular measure will come from the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. A very large share of the world’s solar grade polysilicon has recently come from China, and a significant part of that comes from the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region.

It is a simple question and I hope the Minister can answer it by saying that there is absolutely no polysilicon that comes from that autonomous region. If he cannot answer it, it would have been wise and sensible to consider that question first. When comfortable that the Government could answer it in the affirmative, he could then come to the Palace of Westminster and bring forward this initiative for a historic increase in the import of solar panels.

In conclusion, can the Minister also say in this context why the Secretary of State, who is fast becoming a night manager, went to China a year ago, signed an MoU and locked it in his safe, marked “secret”, to be hidden from the public and not to be scrutinised? Why did the Government not publish it? They have published all the other MoUs that the Secretary of State has signed but not the one he negotiated with China a year ago. Why is it secret? Is there a reference to solar supplies from Xinjiang? Is there no reference to human rights? The Prime Minister has recently called for open government and honesty with the public. Surely, by locking it away out of sight, this is doing exactly the opposite; above all, to the local communities which are going to benefit from these solar initiatives. What is there to hide?

[Earl Russell (LD)]

My Lords, on these Benches we very much welcome the publication of the local power plan. This is a landmark moment: up to £1 billion of funding from Great British Energy for local community energy. This is the largest public investment to date. Our communities stand ready to generate their own power, cut bills and keep wealth circulating locally. They have been waiting for the Government to back them with serious funding and a level playing field.

We, and many others across the House, campaigned to secure community energy on the face of the Great British Energy Act 2025. We are pleased to see that commitment transformed into this concrete plan. Our communities should rightly be able to partner in, and directly benefit from, the renewable revolution. The vision is one we support.

Great British Energy aims to support an initial 1,000 local and community projects by 2030. However, I would like to see these plans going beyond programmes that the private sector can deliver itself; for example, a programme of community wind energy for our coastal communities. I would also like to see a broader range of technologies used, and greater integration with the warm homes plan. The four pillars—direct funding, expert advice, market innovation, and regulatory reform—are what community groups have asked for.

Delivery is where this plan will stand or fall. Although the plan is launched this month, the first grant schemes will not open until the spring and the new Great British Energy local products will not be piloted until the summer. There are hundreds of shovel-ready projects just waiting for capital finance. Will the Minister commit to an early fast track for schemes that can demonstrate that they are ready to build this year?

We welcome the commitment of up to £1 billion, but there is a clear gap between this figure and the £3.3 billion previously promised for community energy. Has this ambition been scaled back? How much of this fund is expected to go to actual deployment and how much on facilitation, advice and central programme costs? We recognise the importance of help with these processes but want reassurance that this will not become a scheme where too much is swallowed by planning and too little reaches the projects themselves.

The Government acknowledge that a lack of fair routes to market has held back community energy for too long. Without a genuine right to local supply, underpinned by statute, community groups will remain disadvantaged. The local power plan refers to developing new local energy supply models and a local energy platform, including smart community energy and virtual PPAs. When will the Government bring forward the regulatory changes needed to make them a reality? Can the Minister also confirm that legislation to create a clear right to local supply remains part of the Government’s programme?

The Government are right to recognise that delays and the cost of connections to the grid are among the principal reasons why community schemes have failed. The plan speaks of obligatory response times from DNOs, and of working groups with network companies, but what concrete powers will Ministers use to ensure that these things happen in practice? This matters especially when the technical and regulatory thresholds are already stacked against smaller schemes.

We strongly welcome the intention to introduce a mandatory shared ownership offer for larger renewable developments, and the indication that shared ownership templates and guidance with be published this spring. This could enable fairness into the next generation of large-scale infrastructure. What minimum stake will communities be guaranteed? How will the Government ensure that the offer is genuinely attractive rather than nominal? When will the Government publish the full community benefits framework, so that communities are not left at the mercy of voluntary schemes and of whatever crumbs are left over from the big companies? Will the framework include clear criteria on what counts as meaningful benefit, and will it be underpinned by statutory guidance?

One of the most promising elements of the plan is the commitment to build up local community capacity through expert teams and a “community energy in a box” toolkit, providing standardised documents and advice. Our most underserved areas have previously had the least spare capacity. Communities facing high deprivation, or with small and overstretched councils, lack the volunteers and technical skills needed even to begin. What criteria will Great British Energy use to define these underserved areas? Will they benefit from higher grant-to-loan ratios and more proactive outreach so that they do not miss out?

In the June 2025 spending review, £2.5 billion was allocated for small modular reactors—almost a third of Great British Energy’s existing budget of £8.3 billion. That decision pre-dated the finalisation of the local power plan and of GB Energy’s strategic plan for local energy. Does the Minister accept that the Treasury’s raiding of the Great British Energy budget has constrained what could otherwise have been a more ambitious and better-resourced programme for local power? It may have delayed the scaling up of exactly the projects the Minister is now bringing forward.

The local power plan has the potential to be transformative. Local, community-owned energy is one of the most powerful ways to cut bills, rebuild trust and take people with us on the journey to net zero. To realise this promise, we must move swiftly from plan to practice, getting money out of the door quickly, cutting through grid and regulatory barriers, and ensuring that every community has a fair chance to generate, own and—crucially—sell its own energy locally.

[The Minister of State, Department for Energy Security and Net Zero (Lord Whitehead) (Lab)]

I thank the noble Lords for their thorough and constructive response to this Statement on the local energy plan, and for their general support, particularly for the local power plan itself. I particularly thank the noble Earl, Lord Russell, for his forensic analysis of the detail of the report and for the various questions he asked, over and above what I took to be his very strong support for what the local power plan is trying to do: substantially to enhance the ability of communities to own and run their own energy arrangements and to distribute the benefit of those arrangements back to the local communities themselves. I know the noble Earl has been looking into and opining on this issue for a very long time, and I too have something of a track record in it.

I understand, therefore, why it is necessary to get the detail of this right. I hope that this evening I will be able to say one or two things about how that detail is going to be got right, but if there are things that I have missed, I will certainly be happy to write to the noble Earl, putting some of those things exactly into the place they should be. But I think I can give him an assurance that we have thought about most of the things that he has raised this evening.

Indeed, we see those things as an essential part of the move forward with the local power plan, so that communities can, for example, start to trade in local energy, have security and resilience in their local plans and benefit from a substantial hand-holding operation that is designed into Great British Energy’s approach to the 1,000 projects that it is hoped we will be able to get under way in this Parliament. We hope that those will be as robust as they can be with the sort of support that Great British Energy will give them—not just by throwing a little bit of money for a local community project and hoping it works, but actually being with those local communities right down the line, from development and first thought to the “valley of death”, where it gets to operation. I hope that the noble Earl can take some assurance from the fact that we have thought out the whole process, not just the first part of it.

As far as the ambition of the local power plan is concerned, the £1 billion is based on what we think can be reasonably accommodated, invested in and sorted out, and that is the 1,000 projects in this Parliament. That is not the end of the matter; there is potentially a lot more to come. Even within that £1 billion, there are other sources, from the National Wealth Fund and various other things, that can come into play to add resource to the investment. So the idea that a large part of what was supposed to be the original investment has been lost, I am afraid, is not correct; it is more about how we get through the process of this over the period of time, making it work constructively as we go forward.

The noble Lord, Lord Moynihan, for the Opposition, concentrated much more on the other part of the Statement, which concerned the results of the second part of AR7, which was the solar, tidal and onshore wind pots that came within AR7. He was, I think, generally supportive of the results of AR7. In AR7, we have secured a fantastic step forward in terms of the deployment of solar, a very substantial and encouraging initial deployment of tidal stream and the beginnings of the establishment, or re-establishment, of onshore wind, which, as the noble Lord will recall, was banned, in effect, by the previous Administration. So it is perhaps not surprising that we are building onshore wind back up again in this round, when it had been dormant for a long time previously. Overall, these are really good results, which, by the way, will in their own right lead to the development of a very large number of additional jobs in this sector. Indeed, overall, it is thought that the programmes that are under way will lead to perhaps 10,000 direct and indirect jobs over the next period.

In addition to that, the Government are quite earnestly engaged in what we might call a just transition process, which the noble Lord will know is under way, of making sure that those people who are working in the high-carbon industries, which will largely be replaced by these low-carbon industries, are able to transfer their skills and their contribution to the development of the low-carbon industry. Indeed, there are active retraining and reskilling programs under way. Examination of the skills in the high-carbon and low-carbon sectors show that something like 70% to 80% of jobs in the high-carbon sector are certainly transferable to the low-carbon sector, provided the skills are in the right place. It is not just a question of creating lots of new jobs. It is a question of making sure that as many of the jobs in the high-carbon sector—which, yes, will go as gas, for example, retreats in front of the new low-carbon regime—that can be translated to the low-carbon sector are indeed supported to do so over the period.

The noble Lord was also at pains to talk about how supply chains can avoid becoming involved in slave labour and abuses of human rights in the production of those supply chains. He was quite right to mention that, and it is something that we are obviously very concerned about on this side, as the supply chains for low-carbon power establish themselves. Certainly at the moment, the world supply of solar panels rests substantially with China. Of course, there are a large number of initiatives around the world to diversify that supply chain from China to other solar panel manufacturers, such as solar panel developments within the UK. That is the first point.

The second point is that GB Energy has established an ethical supply chain unit to support robust human rights due diligence and transparency in line with the UK’s legislation on modern slavery and the international human rights framework, including the UN guiding principles on human rights. GB Energy will be exploring alternatives to diversify high-risk supply chains and collaborate with partners to improve renewable supply chain transparency and accountability in the UK. Work is at hand to make sure that we are as robust as we can be in terms of those concerns about modern slavery and exploitation of human labour. The noble Lord will be aware that it is often very difficult to trace supply chains accurately as to exactly where they are coming from and going through, but I hope he will agree that we are doing and will do as much as we can to ensure, within that difficulty, that there is proof against those concerns about modern slavery and other practices.

20:19

[Baroness Gill (Lab)]

My Lords, this is a most welcome initiative. Energy poverty and security of supply have been a real concern for years for people in many parts of our country. I have three short points that I would like my noble friend the Minister to address. Does this mean that the consumer will get improved energy security and resilience? Will it save them money on their energy bills once the scheme is up and running? How does the local power plan balance affordability, reliability and decarbonisation under the worst-case scenarios, and what trade-offs are we prepared to make if there is a conflict in our goals?

[Lord Whitehead (Lab)]

I thank my noble friend Lady Gill for her carefully thought-out contribution. These are questions that we need to make sure we have got right as far as a local power plan is concerned.

The first thing I can say is, yes, the local power plan will start saving people substantial amounts of money on their bills. That will not necessarily be absolutely everybody under all circumstances, but certainly, provided that the local power plan is carried out properly, there will be lots of opportunities for the return on the investment that has been put into local communities through those schemes to come back in some instances directly off people’s energy bills.

As I mentioned in response to the noble Earl, Lord Russell, one of the things that we are doing is making sure that we have all the back-up material for the local power plan, which would give effect, for example, to people’s ability to trade locally, although that may require legislation. But that will mean, in conjunction with code changes, for example, there will be an ability of local power projects to deliver direct benefits, not just in the traditional way of the developer giving a little bit of money to the local community to help the village hall or whatever. This is about real changes not just in people’s energy relationship; the fact that they own the energy themselves and can get direct benefit from it will, I think, quite transform the local scene.

By the way, because that is all local and if it can be integrated with local power systems generally, it will add quite considerably to the resilience of the country’s energy supplies. It is all based in the UK, it goes around in the UK, the benefit comes out in the UK and it is a considerable addition to the energy security of our country. I hope that my noble friend can take some assurance that we have thought about all these issues and are determined to make sure that they are firmly a part of the local power plan as it rolls out.

House adjourned at 8.23 pm.