IRA Terrorism: Compensation for Victims

Baroness Hoey Excerpts

Thursday 1st May 2025 Grand Committee

Asked by

[Baroness Hoey]

To ask His Majesty’s Government whether they will consider using frozen Libyan assets to provide compensation to victims of IRA terrorism.

[Baroness Hoey (Non-Afl)]

My Lords, I welcome the opportunity to have this debate. I welcome all the Members who are here; one or two said to me that they would have liked to be here, but they had to be in the main Chamber. I know that everybody here has real expertise in this area but, if noble Lords will forgive me, I will put a bit on the record around the history of this issue, otherwise, it will be out of context.

We are all aware, I think, that the role of the Libyan Government in supporting the terrorism of the Provisional IRA cannot be overestimated. When he was the Foreign Secretary, the right honourable Jack Straw told a Select Committee that

“in the 1980s and early 1990s, Libya was probably the most serious state sponsor of terrorism in the world”.

Throughout those two decades, the Gaddafi regime supplied arms, funding, training and explosives to the IRA, which without doubt helped to prolong the terrorist campaign. At least 10 tonnes of Semtex were shipped to the IRA during that time. We saw the result in Northern Ireland, with bombs such as those in Enniskillen, which killed 12 people on Remembrance Sunday; in Lisburn, which resulted in five victims at a regular Army fun run; on the Ballygawley bus, which killed eight off-duty light infantry soldiers; in the Shankill Road fish and chip shop; and many more.

In Great Britain, we saw the Harrods bombing, the Baltic Exchange bombing, the Manchester bombing and, of course, the Docklands bombing. This atrocity resulted in the setting up of the Docklands Victims Association. It is chaired by Jonathan Ganesh, who was himself badly injured by that bomb and who has since been a stalwart of the campaign for justice. He has worked with victims’ groups in Northern Ireland—especially the South East Fermanagh Foundation, or SEFF, led by Kenny Donaldson.

Victims and their families have struggled for justice for over two decades. It began in 2006, when litigation by British lawyers commenced in the United States, with 153 pioneer victims. In 2008, proceedings issued against the Libyan External Security Organisation, Gaddafi and four individual agents of the Libyan Government for damages arising from the Gaddafi regime’s material support of Libya/PIRA terrorism were stayed as part of the US-Libya claims settlement agreement, which had the effect of staying all litigation on both sides and setting up a humanitarian fund, into which Libya paid £1.5 billion to settle all claims.

The pioneer victims were overjoyed at the prospect of closure. However, as further details emerged, it transpired that the fund would be available only to US and Libyan citizens. Only three of the 152 victims, who were US citizens, received substantial damages. That devastating situation remains unresolved today. In fact, it was later leaked that Her Majesty’s Government, as they then were, were aware that the US-Libya deal would exclude UK claimants but considered the disparity in the issue not worth pursuing for risk of upsetting the UK-Libya détente, which involved improved relations in trade and security.

Despite the setback, the campaign continued. At the start of the Libyan revolution, victims of the bombings and the then internationally recognised Libyan transitional Government signed the Benghazi agreement. Under this agreement, binding their successors, the transitional Government agreed to pay parity compensation to the pioneer victims, as well as a separate sum to the non-pioneer victims in Northern Ireland for community reconciliation.

However, despite diplomatic efforts and public warm words, successive Libyan Governments have failed to satisfy any terms of the Benghazi agreement. Subsequent Governments from all sides have failed to exert promised diplomatic pressure to secure payment from Libya. When the Libyan assets were frozen, there was, disappointingly, no mention from our Government of raising the issue of compensation. Successive Governments have failed to deliver to the victims.

In 2017, after years of Libya failing to satisfy the agreement, the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee, of which I was a member at that time, concluded that His Majesty’s Government should enter direct negotiations with Libya to seek compensation. Any of us who heard the evidence given to the committee will know that it was very harrowing. It was apparent that something at the back of this was stopping Governments of all persuasions from pushing to get compensation. I urge anyone listening or watching who wants to understand the issue more to read some of the evidence, particularly the evidence concerning Mrs Gemma Berezag, who cared for her husband, Zaoui, who was gravely disabled. She had such a hard time, eventually having to change his nappies 10 times a day. She was so distressed by the whole thing that, 20 years after the bomb, she committed suicide. Her family wanted this to be in the public domain.

Aileen Quinton, in evidence to the committee, talked about how her mother was killed at Enniskillen and how Foreign Office officials did not help. The G8 was held in Enniskillen and the Libyan Prime Minister came. The victims heard about this, although no one told them officially. They had hoped that they would be able to meet him. Aileen said that it was astonishing that they were not told about it. Later, after they agreed that they could not meet him because no arrangement had been made, they got an email from the Foreign & Commonwealth Office, which said of the Libyan Prime Minister’s visit:

“We are sure some of you will be disappointed, but hope you will consider it positive that he met with Northern Ireland leaders”.


As Aileen said, considering that one of those leaders was Martin McGuinness,

“when it has been said in the media about the potential for his involvement in the bomb, and we were expected to find that positive, it was absolutely heartless”.

Those people were diplomats, so the Foreign Office has not exactly reached out over the years.

Gordon Brown has been the best Prime Minister on this. He set up a unit to look into things and to bring people together. Sadly, it was disbanded. Then, in 2019, Sir William Shawcross was appointed as a special representative on UK victims of sponsored IRA terrorism. He did a report scoping the possibility of compensating victims that was delivered to the Government in 2020, but its contents are unknown. It suddenly became a security risk to release the report. No one has seen it. Sir William said how disappointed he was that victims were not able to see his report. If there are security problems in it, they could be redacted, so I urge the Minister to answer again on why this will not be reported.

To return to the present day, the world has changed. All the reports were from an era before Russia invaded Ukraine. At that time, confiscation or repurposing of sanctioned assets was unpopular. Recent developments have forged legal pathways to using extraordinary revenues generated on sanctioned assets—crucial in a time of dwindling economic reserves and pressing global humanitarian concerns. We all know that the UK has committed to providing a £2.26 billion loan to bolster Ukrainian defence capabilities, confirming that it

“will be paid back using … profits generated on sanctioned Russian sovereign assets”.

Parliament passed the Financial Assistance to Ukraine Act 2025. This represents a clear clarification that extraordinary revenues generated on sanctioned assets can be utilised and confiscated—or repurposed, as legal people sometimes say—for humanitarian and other human rights purposes. We have seen the EU change its regulations to provide the legislative basis for the provision of the EU loan.

So there is a way forward. The UK has plainly acknowledged that the use or confiscation of extraordinary revenues generated on Russian assets is in accordance with international law. This has been carried through by many lawyers, who are now saying exactly the same thing. The Prime Minister will have had a letter from legal representatives, which I am sure has been shared with other Ministers, including the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. That letter is very clear on the way forward.

In light of all this, His Majesty’s Government should urgently facilitate the use of the accrued interest and any other revenues generated on Libyan frozen assets in the UK to fulfil the purposes and objectives of the Benghazi agreement, as well as the recommendations of the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee. His Majesty’s Government could do this in several ways, not least by applying the precedent set on the issue of Russian sovereign assets. The reaffirmation in international practice set by the use of frozen RFSA underpins and provides more substance to being able to do this.

Further grounds exist because of the Benghazi agreement; there has been an agreement about this. Russia did not have to agree to what happened to its assets, but Libya agreed in the Benghazi agreement. To the extent that the Benghazi agreement binds successive Libyan Governments, it expressly—or, alternatively, tacitly—provides their past and current consent. There is no doubt now that there are no valid legal reasons that the proposals put forward to the Prime Minister by the victims’ legal representatives cannot be met. In fact, that letter has not been replied to, which is surprising, given that it was sent in March.

Everyone knows now that using international law has been a smokescreen to avoid finally granting justice to those 1,000 or so victims. There is a pragmatic solution to end this injustice, and the Government should now seize the window of opportunity to make it happen. As someone else said—I am going to repeat it—what is good for the Russian goose’s assets is good for the Libyan gander’s assets. Without His Majesty’s Government’s action, victims may be forced—this is a real possibility and the work is already happening—into adversarial and protracted legal action against His Majesty’s Government, Libya and the Provisional IRA, as set out in Annex 2 to the letter to the Prime Minister.

The proposed solution is neat, simple, in line with current HMG legal and political thinking on the confiscation of frozen assets for Ukrainian reparations, and provides a positive opportunity not only for HMG leadership but for UK-Libya relations. Will the Minister please explain why this will not be looked at deeply and sensibly by His Majesty’s Government? Will they put one Minister in charge? This has been dealt with by all sorts of different departments. People are having their expectations raised and then demolished. Given that the Attorney-General is presumably giving advice on this but has previously been involved in a Libyan case, can the Minister tell me whether he is now excused from that?

Those are my main points, delivered much more quickly than I had hoped.

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I have a very strong opinion about the use of veto. Of course, the last time it was used—and it has been used very frequently recently—was by Russia in stopping an incredibly important resolution on Sudan. The United Kingdom does not use its veto lightly, and we certainly will not do that. What we are trying to do on this question is to ensure that we have collaboration, co-operation and understanding to move forward.

I will say this: when we are talking about Libya, we are not talking about a state at the moment, or a state such as Russia that has committed a breach of the United Nations charter. We are talking about a fragmented, difficult country where the people have suffered over many years. What we want to do is speak to the authorities. When we try to achieve a united and more coherent country, then we can properly address those compensation claims which the Libyan country is responsible for.

[Baroness Hoey (Non-Afl)]

I am very pleased that the Minister said—I think—that they are still considering whether the elements of the Shawcross report can be published. On the legal issue, surely the best legal minds of His Majesty’s Government should be sitting down in a working party group with the victims’ best legal representatives—who are very good legal minds indeed, as I am sure the Minister knows—and working out the possibilities of what can actually be done without breaking international law.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I have no doubt that, when Hamish Falconer meets the representatives and others, he will give all consideration to the points made. But I repeat that this is a complex issue. I think there are big differences between the Russian Federation breaking the UN charter as a state and the current situation in Libya. It is very different. Nevertheless, we have been very clear about the need for Libya to take responsibility for the actions of its previous Government. As I said to the noble Lord, Lord Caine, we are continuing to urge Libya to do that.

House of Lords (Hereditary Peers) Bill

Baroness Hoey Excerpts

Committee stage
Tuesday 1st April 2025 Lords Chamber

Moved by

[Baroness Hoey]

90F: After Clause 1, insert the following new Clause—
“Review: Northern IrelandWithin 24 months of the day on which this Act comes into force, the Secretary of State must produce a report assessing the desirability of increased representation of Members from Northern Ireland in the House of Lords.”

[Baroness Hoey (Non-Afl)]

My Lords, there has been quite a lot of talk about the reason for His Majesty’s Government’s moves on this Bill, and I want to go back to the beginning of it. I shall go back to when the Minister for the Constitution, the right honourable Member of Parliament for Torfaen, Mr Nick Thomas-Symonds, speaking in a very blasé kind of Cabinet Office video, expressed the Government’s motivation for this legislation in these terms. He said that the legislation was needed because:

“I want young people growing up … in my constituency, and indeed in every part of the country, to feel that they have the same chance as anyone else … in making the laws of the land”.


In other words, his point was that the existence of the category of hereditary Peers contains within it a bar to public service because, as the young people in Mr Thomas-Symonds’ constituency, and indeed every other constituency, look at the option of public service by means of serving as a hereditary Peer, that option is of course by definition closed to them unless they are from a tiny minority of people who happen to have a parent or grandparent who carries a hereditary title.

I understood that the Government’s aim in this was to create a United Kingdom in which there is no reason in principle why membership of the Lords, for the purpose of making laws, should not be open to any UK citizen, subject to the other parameters in paragraph 1.2 of the Companion to the Standing Orders, and to give everyone the right in principle to be considered for appointment to the upper House. However, the Cabinet Office video and the Government’s stated intention regarding the hereditary Peers Bill cause some considerable concern to not just me but the noble Lord, Lord Morrow, who has signed the amendment, and others in Northern Ireland.

We have received, as other Peers may have, a letter from 15 young people on the subject that has moved me to table this amendment, after a great deal of discussion with the Public Bill Office. The signatories all live in Northern Ireland and for the most part are students or have not long left university. They are all young. They begin by referencing the Cabinet Office video and the Minister’s reason for the Bill, which I have just read out but will repeat:

“I want young people growing up … in my constituency, and indeed in every part of the country, to feel that they have the same chance as anyone else to play a part in making the laws of the land”.


In response to this, the young people state:

“It is quite extraordinary that the Minister should have uttered these words at the same time the Irish Sea Border was affecting the most dramatic reversal of UK citizenship in our history, removing from us all means of making the laws to which we are subject not just in relation to one law or 300 but 300 areas of law. The truth is that the presence of 92 hereditary peers in the House of Lords in no way threatens our right, along with the rest of the population, to be considered for Life peerages. Similarly, they do not impact in any way our right to stand for election to the House of Commons or Northern Ireland Assembly. The Irish Sea border, by contrast, not only threatens that right; it nullifies it completely in 300 areas of law, denying us the rights enjoyed by our peers in Torfaen and everywhere else in the country to make the laws of the land. The Government cannot, on the one hand, lecture young people about the importance of active citizenship and yet, on the other hand, say, it’s so unimportant that all the people of one part of the UK should be happy to lose it in relation to 300 areas of law. There may be some people in Government who don’t think Northern Ireland matters but they should think about the wider messaging implications of their actions for young people across the whole UK. How can something that is vital in one part of the country be vital in that part of the country if in another part of the country it can be dispensed with? Consistency is important. ‘Do as I say not as I do’ never really works”.


Their point is simple. The Windsor Framework effectively denies them access to any legislature making the laws to which they are subject in a staggering 300 areas, and removing the hereditary Peers will not change that.

It feels as if we in Northern Ireland are subject to a classic conjuror’s illusion, where our eyes are being led away from confronting the greatest ever assault on the integrity of UK citizenship and towards a comparatively minor adjustment in the opposite direction that it hopes will capture our attention. These young people have not been taken in by that illusion and have asked me to table an amendment for two reasons: first, to expose the injustice and hypocrisy of the Government’s position and to challenge it; and, secondly, to warn that the erosion of UK citizenship as a whole is inherent in its erosion in Northern Ireland, and we kid ourselves if we pretend that is not the case.

The UK’s position as a strong polity depends on people being active citizens—voting, standing for election and making themselves available to serve as Peers. That in turn depends on people believing that our citizenship matters. That is quite impossible to do if your Government tell people that their citizenship is so unimportant in one part of the United Kingdom that it can be dispensed with in a staggering 300 areas of law. You cannot do that in one part of the country without it undermining the value and importance of UK citizenship generally. The Government have shown that, far from being essential, citizenship can at least in part be dispensed with.

I acknowledge that increasing the number of Northern Ireland Peers provides no answer to the injustice created by the Windsor Framework. There is nothing to be gained by having more people in place here to exercise the more limited citizenship that has been imposed on Northern Ireland people. We need the restoration of our full citizenship so that the young, and indeed all people in Northern Ireland, have the right in common with the rest of the UK—the common right that validates that we are one country, a body politic—to stand for election, to make themselves available for nomination to your Lordships’ House and to make all the laws of the land.

After that letter was sent to some Peers, a cross-party letter appeared this morning in the Daily Telegraph, signed by a number of these young people—some members of political parties, some not. We have had quite a lot of support come in already from young people in Great Britain. I name some of them who have spoken out this morning: Jacob Watts from Cambridge, Tom Gartside from Newcastle, Kane Blackwell and Scott Lewis from Cardiff. In the same way that young people in Northern Ireland are feeling about this, it is not going to take a lot to get young people across the country to realise that their citizenship and all the talk about getting young people involved are a nonsense when it comes to something like this.

The important thing is that sometimes—and this happens with individuals—you live in denial and keep pretending that if you just ignore it, it does not matter. It is the same with Governments. The Government should—and, if they wanted to, they could now—go back to the European Union and tell it that the Windsor Framework is not working, because it disrespects the territorial integrity of the UK in violation of international law, partly disfranchises 1.9 million UK citizens and is, as such, unsustainable.

My amendment says, “Think behind this”. This is not just about getting rid of hereditary Peers. What we have done in Northern Ireland is a disgrace to the citizenship of our citizens, particularly to the young people of the future. I am moving my amendment to get that debate, but I hope that both the Government and the Opposition will not try just to deal with the actual amendment. Of course we would like more Peers from Northern Ireland, but that is a very different matter from the crucial issue I am trying to raise today. I beg to move.

--- Later in debate ---

[Baroness in Waiting/Government Whip (Baroness Anderson of Stoke-on-Trent) (Lab)]

My Lords, before I turn to the substance of the amendment, I place on record my congratulations to the noble Baroness, Lady Hoey—whose ingenuity, as ever, I admire—on finding a new way for us to debate the Windsor Framework in your Lordships’ House.

I want to reassure all noble Lords who participated in this debate, but especially the noble Baroness and the noble Lords, Lord Morrow, Lord McCrea and Lord Weir, that I am always more than happy to debate the Windsor Framework and its implementation at any time. In fact, since the general election, we have discussed it in your Lordships’ House, through the method of regret amendments, for many hours, and I have been here, as I am sure the noble Baroness will testify, for every moment of said debates. I therefore hope that noble Lords know of my personal commitment to Northern Ireland, along with that of my noble friend the Leader of the House of Lords.

I know that noble Lords were quoting from the Telegraph today, but I hope that they do not question the commitment of Government Front-Benchers to Northern Ireland and the events happening there. I would welcome a conversation outside this Chamber with the noble Baroness about how we can move forward and perhaps engage with some of the signatories to the letter.

I also want to thank the noble Baroness, Lady O’Loan, for her reassuring voice and the contribution she has made in respect of young people from across the United Kingdom, but especially from Northern Ireland; this House is as accessible to them as it is to any other British citizen. I say that as a working-class woman born in Edinburgh, educated in Bristol, with a London accent, who is proud to have “Stoke-on-Trent” in my title and to be a Member of your Lordships’ House.

On that note, I also want to thank the noble Lord, Lord Wallace of Saltaire, for his considered comments on the future of democracy. We have a Question on Thursday which I will be replying to, and which he may like to participate in. I also want to recognise the contribution of the noble Viscount, Lord Brookeborough, and to place on record my thanks to him for hosting me when I visited in February. Brookeborough House now hosts a facility to support veterans who served during the Troubles; it was a privilege to meet him and the veterans at his house.

I want to thank the noble Baroness for her amendment and all noble Lords for their contributions. The Government are clear that this House works best when diverse perspectives are represented, including from all nations and regions of the United Kingdom. Alongside the noble Baroness, Lady Hoey, we have a number of Peers from Northern Ireland who have brought so much to the House. We currently have 12 former Members of the Northern Ireland Assembly, two of whom are former Speakers there, and two former First Ministers. Such diversity deepens and enriches the House’s ability to scrutinise legislation and to hold the Government of the day to account; I think I can speak for the noble Lord, Lord Caine, too, on that issue. I, for one, very much enjoy working with noble Lords on these issues, which are so relevant to Members of your Lordships’ House: from legacy-related issues to public service transformation and the post-Brexit trading environment, which has been today’s theme.

As has been mentioned before, it is the responsibility of party leaders, including the Prime Minister, to consider who is best placed to represent their party in the House of Lords when nominating individuals to your Lordships’ House. I would hope that, as part of that consideration, Prime Ministers reflect on the national and regional representation of this place. The Government have also committed to more fundamental reform by establishing an alternative second Chamber that is more representative of the regions and nations of the United Kingdom. I hope that gives some reassurance to the noble Lord, Lord Weir. We will consult on proposals to provide an opportunity for the public to contribute their views on how to ensure that the alternative Chamber best serves them. I therefore respectfully request that the noble Baroness withdraw this amendment.

[Baroness Hoey (Non-Afl)]

My Lords, I thank the noble Baroness for responding in her usual way and showing that she actually cares about Northern Ireland. We all know she does very much, and we are very lucky to have her on the Front Bench. I also thank her for mentioning the young people and the Daily Telegraph letter. I was very disappointed that the opposition spokesperson did not even mention that and that he was more interested in the history of Irish Peers. I thank the noble Baroness for that; perhaps it might be helpful if we arrange a meeting for those young people next time she is in Northern Ireland. That would be very helpful.

I will pick up just one point to make this clear. The noble Baroness, Lady O’Loan, and others mentioned the idea that somehow any young person in Northern Ireland could be elected, just like any other normal person. That is not the point; the point is that they cannot be elected to anywhere that makes the laws for their own country. I really do not understand why noble Peers do not understand this: no one in this House can make laws for part of Northern Ireland in those 300 areas of the law.

I will give your Lordships two quick examples: the two “p”s—pets and parcels. Not a single person in Northern Ireland had a say here about what was going to happen with parcels being sent from people in this country to Northern Ireland, which is part of the United Kingdom. No one had a say on pet passports. They had nothing to do with democracy in this place, in the House of Commons or in Stormont. It is a nonsense to say that people are being treated in the same way.

I thank the noble Baroness the Minister for talking about my ingenuity. Lots of other people are involved in this. I will give way.

[Baroness O'Loan (CB)]

I thank the noble Baroness for giving way, but she did accuse me of speaking nonsense. My point is that people from Northern Ireland who are elected to the House of Commons and people from Northern Ireland who serve in your Lordships’ House have the same rights to make law as Peers and Members of Parliament from other parts of the United Kingdom. The fact that we have a situation in Northern Ireland that is slightly different from that in the rest of the United Kingdom, in terms of the single market, is the product of the Brexit vote and nothing else. The repercussions of it apply across the United Kingdom, so it is incorrect to say that the people of Northern Ireland have lesser rights on things like that. Quite simply, we all have the same rights, but we have different constitutional positions.

[Baroness Hoey (Non-Afl)]

I thank the noble Baroness; I think she has made my point for me. The reality is that the European Union decides the issues in Northern Ireland. No young person—none of the 15 young people who wrote that letter—will have any say on their future, unless the Windsor Framework and the protocol change. Every time we raise these debates, all I want is to get the Government to recognise—although they were not directly involved in doing this so we also want to get the Opposition to recognise—that the Windsor Framework and the protocol are unsustainable if we care about the United Kingdom and about democracy.

I thank your Lordships again for taking an interest. I am sure that I and other Peers will find other ways of raising this issue. It will not go away, because it is about democracy and the union of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. I beg leave to withdraw my amendment.

Amendment 90F withdrawn.

Horn of Africa

Baroness Hoey Excerpts

Tuesday 29th October 2024 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Hoey (Non-Afl)]

My Lords, it gives me particular pleasure to speak in this debate so that I can congratulate the noble Baroness, Lady Harman, on her maiden speech. It is nice to be close again, because we shared neighbouring constituencies for over 30 years. It is a delight to see her here, and I am very pleased that she will continue the amazing work she has done over the years on women’s rights.

I am genuinely grateful to the Minister for enabling us to have this kind of debate. I hope this will be a way to discuss other parts of Africa, as it would be lovely if we could get a proper debate on Zimbabwe, as he knows. I thank him.

The Minister and other Peers have given a comprehensive view of what is happening in the Horn of Africa. Over the past number of years, we have seen rising tensions, with the civil war in Sudan continuing to destabilise the country. There has been a drought for over three years, and food shortages. Worryingly, increasing numbers of various terrorist groups seem to be escalating their fundraising and recruitment.

I will speak about the one country in the region that gives us hope—Somaliland—and add some remarks to what the noble Lord, Lord Polak, said. It is important that we remind Peers and others listening to this debate of its history. In 1960, Somaliland emerged as an independent country from the British Empire after many years as British Somaliland. After that, it very quickly took steps to merge with what was then the Trust Territory of Somaliland—historically, Italian Somaliland—to form a union. Originally, there was huge optimism and hope of creating a country where all Somalis could come and live together peacefully. Sadly, that did not happen. Things got worse, with military dictatorships based in Mogadishu, discrimination against those in northern Somalia, attacks on civilians, mass killings and genocide. Somali jets bombed parts of northern Somalia and almost completely destroyed the city of Hargeisa.

Out of those decades of horror, Somaliland declared itself free of Somalia in a declaration of independence in 1991. For the last 33 years, that proud country has been asking for the world to recognise it. It is doing everything that we in the western world—western democracies—continue to flag up as showing what a democratic free country should do. As has been mentioned, it has regular, free and fair elections. In a couple of weeks, they will have their sixth presidential election, and I hope and am sure that, like those before, it will be peaceful.

It has an active civil society and has made huge strides in the advancement of women’s rights, even beginning to tackle what the noble Baroness, Lady Harman, mentioned: the scourge in that area of female genital mutilation. The current president is even considering banning FGM altogether. All sexual violence and rape acts go through the criminal justice system and are not, as elsewhere in the region, dealt with by community or customary laws, which have been outlawed. It has a strong and fair justice system and religious tolerance.

Indeed, in this whole region, independent Somaliland is the only beacon for democracy and the rule of law. We should be lauding what it has achieved. Yet despite that progress, its achievements and its loyalty to the United Kingdom—let us not forget how many Somalis died, sacrificed in the Second World War when they joined us in fighting fascism—we always find reasons to procrastinate and not officially recognise it.

I find it interesting that when I asked a Question a couple of weeks ago as to the possibility of the UK recognising Somaliland, one or two Peers urged so much caution that it seemed they did not even want to discuss Somaliland and almost implied that those of us who raised it were being reckless. It was also very telling that, in response to the Minister’s Answer, the noble Lord, Lord Howell of Guildford, was able to point out that the same Answer had been given to him to read out on the question of Somaliland being recognised when he was Minister, at least 10 years ago. That should give us food for thought, because obviously there has not been much change in the Foreign Office briefings over those years.

I am aware, as of course we all are, of the complexity of the region, as mentioned by other Peers, and that causes Foreign Office officials and Foreign Office Ministers to be very careful in their diplomatic efforts. Of course, it does not stop other countries looking after their own interests first, and we are now seeing China beginning to get very much involved in the Horn of Africa. China has said publicly that it is geographically of strategic importance to it, with abundant resources and enormous potential, and it now has a special envoy.

Any aid that we give should go directly to the people of Somaliland rather than via Somalia, where it is used as a political tool. Remember that during the Covid pandemic, vaccines earmarked for Somaliland were deliberately delayed in Mogadishu and released only hours before they expired. That exposed the politicisation of humanitarian aid. State-directed aid is also typically routed through Somalia. Understandably, the Somaliland Government have repeatedly declared that they neither can nor will accept development or budgetary support filtered through Somalia’s federal Government. They view that as an affront to a country that is running itself freely and successfully.

We should be rewarding good governance and using Somaliland as a beacon to show the rest of the region what can be achieved. Human Rights Watch produced a brief for this debate which highlights all the terrible atrocities, obscenities and human rights abuses that are taking place in Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia. As the noble Lord, Lord Polak, said earlier, “Somaliland” was not even mentioned in the Human Rights Watch brief. Clearly, it did not want to distinguish between Somalia and Somaliland, and it is very sad that the benefits of what has been happening there are not being put forward.

Our Government’s position seems to be, as was mentioned in the Lords recently, that it is up to Somaliland to negotiate with Somalia. The Minister said at Questions recently that it is absolutely an issue for Somalia to resolve. I think that is not feasible at all. Look at what is happening in Somalia. It will not suddenly, or even after a lot of negotiations, say, “Somaliland, you can be independent and we will recognise you”. A noble Lord said that we will set a precedent if we recognise it, but surely the Somaliland situation is unique because it was independent. It was recognised back in 1960. There probably would be a backlash from Somalia, but I believe that recognition by us would be followed very quickly by other western countries, including the United States, and that this would encourage the people in Somalia who really want to see changes to engage in dialogue.

Surely, we should be supporting and encouraging democracy around the world. To me, recognition is not just a moral imperative; it would give the United Kingdom a strategic advantage that aligns with our foreign policy goals. It would be the first step to promoting peace, stability and democracy in the entire Horn of Africa, benefiting all its people. I know that the noble Lord, Lord Collins, is looking at this very carefully, as was said in the short debate we had on Africa some time ago. I urge our new Government to look at this again, to be brave and not to wait for somebody else. Let us be the first to recognise what Somaliland has done and can do, and how that could play a real part in improving the terrible situation in that region.

Patrick Finucane Murder

Baroness Hoey Excerpts

Thursday 12th September 2024 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Anderson of Stoke-on-Trent (Lab)]

I thank the noble Lord, Lord Rogan, for his questions and note his pain and disappointment. I am grateful for his comments about the Finucane family and for recognising the steps we need to take. On the specifics of his question, I can only say to all families of the Troubles that my heart goes out to them, and that this Government will do everything in our power to ensure that they have access to justice and to the information they need to ensure a level of personal peace and closure. We will review every case as and when it comes in front of the Secretary of State. If the noble Lord would like to discuss anything specific with me, I look forward to meeting with him. On the issues about all of Ireland, members of the NIO meet the Government of Ireland regularly to discuss this and all matters, and we will continue to do so to further the cause of peace.

[Baroness Hoey (Non-Afl)]

In welcoming the Minister to her job, I tell her that she is going to be very busy, particularly now that we have lost the Windsor Framework Sub-Committee, which I hope can be brought back. The Minister must understand that this will be seen by many people as a kind of hierarchy of victims. Many victims, particularly in rural areas, saw their families destroyed by IRA terrorism, and there has been nothing—no inquiries, no money, nothing spent—to get to the truth of that. We must make sure that everyone feels that they are being treated equally. We must make sure that the money spent on this is spent in a way that ensures that we get to the truth. I think we have already got to the truth. I see no unique circumstances, and I wonder whether, as was asked earlier by another noble Lord, she can say what the unique circumstances are, after all the other inquiries and all the money that has been spent. Of course, I think we all know what the unique circumstances are that the Government are referring to, but that will not satisfy people in Northern Ireland. Given that we all have confidence in Sir Declan Morgan, and that the Secretary of State made that clear in his Statement, I do not understand why this could not have been sent, as it should have been, to the ICRIR. This is sending out a message that the Government do not believe that Sir Declan Morgan could handle the case, and that is very sad indeed.

[Baroness Anderson of Stoke-on-Trent (Lab)]

My Lords, I want to make it clear and put on the record that there is no hierarchy of pain or justice. Everybody touched by the Troubles deserves answers; it is why and how we engage in legacy that is so important. Yesterday’s decision by the Secretary of State is the fulfilment of our commitment made at Weston Park 23 years ago—many years before the establishment of the commission and the appointment of Sir Declan Morgan. However, I am delighted that Sir Declan Morgan has the confidence of the noble Baroness, and I look forward to working with her in the months and perhaps years ahead, depending on how long my appointment lasts, as we discuss these issues in great depth.