(13 years, 3 months ago)
Commons ChamberI am disappointed by the Minister’s speech—I have heard it several times before. Whenever he addresses the House he uses the same argument: the previous Government got us into a mess. Today, my constituents are suffering from high petrol and diesel prices, which is why the motion, which I shall support, was tabled.
I have consistently supported the hon. Member for Harlow (Robert Halfon) over a period. Indeed, I opposed the Labour Government increasing fuel duties because I thought the timing was wrong.
I will in a moment, but given the time limit I do want to make some progress.
I want to raise three issues, the first of which is the impact of fuel duty on businesses, especially those in peripheral areas of the United Kingdom. The Government also chose to impose a VAT increase, despite the Prime Minister having told the country before the election that they had no intention of doing so. Every time constituents throughout the country put petrol or diesel in their cars they pay an extra 3p per litre because of the tax introduced by this Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Scottish National party Members always use that line on fuel duty, and I am not going to waste my time on it—[Interruption.] If the hon. Gentleman had checked the record, he would know that I have been consistent on fuel duty. I have followed SNP Members through the Lobby on that. Previous Labour Chancellors froze the duty following pressure from people. That is on the record. We can play games about previous Governments, but the serious issue is the cost—
No. I want to make progress. The serious problem is that our constituents are paying 15p per litre more for petrol under this Government than they paid under the previous Government. Government Members can use nonsense hypotheticals, and say, “It would be 10p more expensive under a Labour Government,” but the fuel escalator was introduced by the Major Government. We could use the same argument, and say, “Had we stuck to that, fuel would by so many pence more expensive.” The reality is that it is 15% more expensive today.
(13 years, 3 months ago)
Commons Chamber
Paul Goggins
My right hon. Friend was a very able Minister for tourism and he did a superb job. He is right: APD is a tax on our constituents who seek to go on holiday, but it is also a tax on those who want to come here to enjoy the wonderful countryside and the great features of our society, with the associated benefit to our economy.
The APD, as hon. Members know, is the highest in Europe. Denmark, Norway and Holland have scrapped it. Ireland, as my hon. Friend the Member for Belfast East (Naomi Long) pointed out, has all but scrapped it—it intends to do so in the near future.
As the hon. Member for Witham argued, we have to look at this in terms of the wider economy. I wish to look at it particularly from the perspective of the Manchester city region, and it is good to see the hon. Member for Altrincham and Sale West (Mr Brady) in his place. I know that he has a great commitment to Manchester airport. I also see my hon. Friend the Member for Blackley and Broughton (Graham Stringer), who is a former chairman of the airport. It now serves more than 200 destinations, has 24 million passengers a year, and employs 19,000 people on the site, with many thousands more provided in the wider economy. It is estimated to bring in around £3 billion to the UK economy as a whole.
One of my principal concerns, which I have already mentioned, is that APD is a tax on our constituents. Let us reflect on that for a second. Hard-working families already paying tax on their hard-earned incomes have to pay tax again if they want to take their children on holiday. We ought to think about that. In particular, let us consider the economic problems that APD creates. There is clear evidence that airlines are not coming to Manchester airport because of APD. In particular, AirAsia X has dropped its plans for a route from Manchester to Kuala Lumpur and routed instead to Paris Orly. The airlines will go where the profits are greatest, and with those profits will go the jobs and all the additional economic value.
AirAsia X also stopped flying from Gatwick to Kuala Lumpur, and cited exactly the same reason—APD being far too high. The right hon. Gentleman makes a good point.
Paul Goggins
The hon. Gentleman makes it clear that this is an issue not only for Manchester but for other airports and therefore the whole economy.
I am particularly concerned about the barrier that APD might pose to Manchester’s ambitious plans for an airport city—a plan that fits squarely with yesterday’s report by Lord Heseltine, which locates the focus for economic development absolutely in the city regions, the ambition, skill and energy of which are the drivers of that development. Manchester is at the forefront of that. The plans would result in major investment in manufacturing, office development, retail, leisure and an ambitious plan for a medipark that would mean major international investment in health and biotech industries. All that would be in the area around the airport and, crucially, would be facilitated by the presence of that international airport. It could become an economic hub drawing in investment from across the world, bringing high-value investment, much-needed jobs and links to destinations throughout the world.
The vision for the airport city has the Government’s full support. They have given it enterprise zone status, which brings with it rate relief and access to superfast broadband. It is utterly contradictory, however, to have that plan in place but then to impose on every business passenger passing through Manchester airport a tax on that business. It is like saying to an investor from north America, “We’re very grateful for your business, and by the way it’s going to cost you an extra £65 every time you want to visit that investment.” It is preposterous, and it is a barrier to the kind of economic growth that we need and want.
We cannot wish APD away. As the hon. Member for Witham said, it brings nearly £3 billion into the Treasury, which of course helps to pay for our schools and hospitals, but one way or another we must think our way out of this creatively. I support—I suspect that not all hon. Members would—a further investigation into regional APD variations, because they could encourage the use of spare capacity at some of our regional airports and facilitate the kind of economic development, such as our ambitions for airport city that I have described.
This debate is most important for the well-being of the British economy. I would like sincerely to thank the Backbench Business Committee for allowing time on the Floor of the House for today’s debate, and I particularly pay tribute to my hon. Friend the Member for Witham (Priti Patel) for helping to secure it.
It is perhaps of little surprise that I take a great interest in this subject, as I represent the constituency that contains Gatwick airport—the world’s busiest one-runway, two-terminal airport—and it is also the home of a number of aviation-related companies. We have tour operators, globally renowned companies such as TUI Travel and, of course, British Airways operating from Gatwick. We have the headquarters of Virgin Atlantic, an iconic British company that is innovative in the services it provides, and we also have easyJet, now this country’s largest airline with about 40% of the flights from the area—indeed, 1,078 easyJet flights go out of Gatwick airport every week. I am delighted to say that, from next spring, easyJet is starting a new route to Moscow. It is little surprise, then, that many of my constituents who work locally in the aviation industry are deeply concerned about air passenger duty. Mention was made of the number of e-mails that right hon. and hon. Members received from the fair tax on flying campaign, and I believe I received more than 1,000 such e-mails.
It is not for parochial reasons, however, that I speak in today’s debate and raise my concerns again about the level of APD that we charge. Almost a year ago, I was fortunate enough to be granted an Adjournment debate and warned that if APD were to be increased, as was suggested, we would do some real damage to this country’s economic prospects.
I entirely understand why the Treasury is seeking to bring in revenue. We are all acutely aware of what is happening to the national finances. The deficit that we are sustaining is deeply troubling, and although I warmly congratulate the Government on reducing it by a quarter in just two and a half years, it is little wonder that the Treasury does not view with enthusiasm the prospect of giving up an income of almost £3 billion in APD receipts.
Although the Exchequer may be raising between 2 billion and £3 billion from air passenger duty, it may be losing an equivalent amount, if not more, as a result of the reduction in trade and improved economics. Is it not for that reason that we should demand a forward view of the economic impact?
My hon. Friend has anticipated what I was about to say. The Netherlands scrapped air passenger duty after studies conducted by the Dutch Government established that it was costing the economy more than it was bringing into the Treasury. I think that it is for the same reason that only six European countries charge any form of air passenger duty, and the amounts that they charge are very modest.
My hon. Friend is making a very articulate case not only on Gatwick’s behalf but in favour of the change that we all want to see, but does he agree that air passenger duty is not just a London tax? If the Government are interested in supporting the regions of England, at the very least they should bear in mind the fact that a change in APD would make a huge difference to regions such as the north-east and the north-west.
My hon. Friend is right. Air passenger duty is a bad tax for the UK as a whole, regardless of which nation or region within it Members may happen to represent.
Michael Connarty
The hon. Gentleman is making a very good case. It is estimated that air passenger duty raises £2.6 billion, which is nearly £1 billion more than the £1.76 billion that it raises in all the other European countries. It is a tax on tourism and trade, and the Government should act before it does more damage. It is estimated that up to £3 million will be lost in trade by 2016 if the present position continues.
The hon. Gentleman is absolutely right.
Members have suggested that we adopt some form of regional banding, but I think that that would be a mistake. I think that the solution is for us to get rid of air passenger duty altogether over time, or at least reduce it to a very modest level. I do not think that we should pit one part of the United Kingdom against another. We, as a relatively small country, achieved global dominance because we are a trading nation, and we either stand together or fall apart when it comes to trade. I think that we need to view the argument holistically, and to see this as very much a British issue.
In the remaining time available, let me deal with some of the misnomers that have been applied to air passenger duty. First, it is not an environmental tax. If it were I would support it, because I think it important for us to reduce our emissions whenever possible, but it is purely a revenue-raising tax—albeit a misguided one and a false economy, because it costs our economy far more than it raises. In fact, we are subject to double taxation when it comes to air duty. The European emissions trading scheme, which was introduced at the beginning of this year, is an environmental tax, and I have no complaint about it; but air passenger duty is almost certainly not.
I also want to debunk the myth that we need APD because aviation fuel and air tickets are not subject to value added tax. Under the conditions of the Chicago convention, it is impossible to charge VAT on aviation fuel and air tickets, but even if it were possible, the current APD represents a far higher amount than VAT would. We are, therefore, greatly overtaxed.
A year ago I had an Adjournment debate in which I asked the Government not to increase APD. I am sorry that I failed in that, and APD went up. Today, we are not calling for a cut in APD, however; we are simply calling for APD to be frozen at its current level until the Treasury assesses whether it is costing our economy more than it brings into the Exchequer, as I contend. The Treasury conducts surveys and studies all the time, and it is perfectly reasonable to ask it to carry out a study on this matter so that we can have some proper facts and figures and are able to make an informed decision.
The stakes are very high. We are a trading nation with competitors, not only in continental Europe but around the world, who are eager to take our business. We will lose out to them if we do not carry out an assessment so that we can understand APD’s impact on our economy and take action if necessary. I therefore hope the Government will respond positively to this reasonable motion. They should carry out a study of the effects of APD. Until that is done, we must not harm the British economy by increasing APD still further.
Absolutely. I can assure the hon. Gentleman that the effects on taxation were taken together and that the Government had determined that the extra 5% was raising hardly any tax whatsoever.
Given that we have recently completed a comprehensive consultation on the subject, we have no plans for further reform at this point.
Would it not be reasonable, though, to have a study, as proposed in the motion, to see the impact on the economy that air passenger duty is having? Surely a study by the Treasury is a reasonable thing to request.
I thank my hon. Friend. I will come to that point in a moment.
As I said, we have no plans at this point for further consultation, but we are keen to ensure that the aviation sector can continue to enable economic growth and support jobs across the country. APD makes an essential contribution to the public finances and to this Government’s plan to create a stable platform for growth.
This has been an excellent debate that has given me and the Government much food for thought. There have been excellent contributions from Members in all parts of the House, and I assure them that I have been listening very carefully. Should the motion pass; I have a feeling that it might well do so—
(13 years, 3 months ago)
Commons ChamberYou and I, Mr Deputy Speaker, were both Members of this House in 1992-93, when I was one of those pro-Europeans who followed my pro-European party leader, John Smith, and the spokesman for foreign affairs, Lord Robertson, into the Lobby with people whom I would never have described as having the same view as me on Europe and its future. The same thing will happen this evening, but I wish to make it clear that I do so not because I agree with the tenor and tone of the many Europhobic speeches we have heard from Government Members—and some, unfortunately, from this side of the House—but because I believe it is wrong for the European Union to increase its spending at a time when national budgets, not just in this country but in Greece, Spain, Portugal and elsewhere, are being reduced.
This is not the most important debate about the future of Europe that we will face, and we must put it into perspective. Although there is talk of billions of pounds and euros, the EU budget is only 1% of the GDP of all member states. In this country, public spending accounts for more than 40% of our GDP each year, and we must put into perspective the fact that the EU’s total spend is very small.
In his introductory remarks, the Minister referred to the size of the Commission. I was unable to intervene at that point, but let me place it on the record that the European Commission has, in total, between 30,000 and 33,000 employees who serve 27 member states. The Minister’s Department in Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs alone has about 80,000 employees, and we must get such things into perspective. We do not have a gargantuan European Union bureaucracy hoovering up resources; in fact, the UK Government spend five times as much servicing the interest on the national debt each year than they do in European Union contributions.
The hon. Gentleman is talking about the administration of the European Commission, which at 30,000 employees I think is still too large. The bulk of the EU budget goes on redistributing money, typically from net contributors such as the United Kingdom to other parts of Europe. Does he feel that we need a little more restraint in that respect as well?
I agree with that, but I also point out that the UK contribution to the European Union is less than that of Germany. Our net contribution—with the rebate that was retained by the previous Labour Government—is comparable to that made by France, a similar country in terms of size, population and GDP. We are among the net contributors, but the European Union is also about solidarity. One thing that led to the growth of the European Union, and the increased trade and prosperity from which British workers and British companies benefit, is the fact that countries such as Spain and Portugal—and, increasingly, countries such as Slovenia—are growing and benefiting by their membership of the EU.
The EU also makes a contribution to democracy and stability in Europe, for which the Nobel prize committee has rightly—[Interruption.] Oh I see. Here they are; here is the real agenda. The Nobel prize committee has rightly recognised the European Union’s contribution to peace in Europe over the decades. If somebody like Henry Kissinger can get the Nobel peace prize, the European Union certainly deserves it.
(13 years, 5 months ago)
Commons Chamber
Danny Alexander
The hon. Gentleman is right: there is no sunset clause. That is because we think that it is important to introduce these powers, not just for now but for the future. By circumscribing the financial limit of the extent of the powers and also by establishing strong requirements for reports to be made to Parliament, we can ensure that Members continue to be informed on how they are used. As the hon. Gentleman says, no such proposals are on the table at present, but in principle, should a major infrastructure scheme arise in the transport sector but be unable to attract the necessary finance because of conditions in the funding markets, it could be eligible in the future. However, that would be a decision for the Government of the day.
Will my right hon. Friend join me in congratulating London Gatwick Airport Ltd on the £2 billion that it is investing in the upgrading of the facility, including the rail infrastructure?
Danny Alexander
The hon. Gentleman has cited the airport that I use most, apart from Inverness airport, because it services Inverness. I probably use it a couple of times a week. I have observed the investment programme, and it is certainly improving the facility. We hope that that improvement will continue.
(13 years, 10 months ago)
Commons ChamberUrgent Questions are proposed each morning by backbench MPs, and up to two may be selected each day by the Speaker. Chosen Urgent Questions are announced 30 minutes before Parliament sits each day.
Each Urgent Question requires a Government Minister to give a response on the debate topic.
This information is provided by Parallel Parliament and does not comprise part of the offical record
Mr Speaker
Order. The hon. Gentleman will resume his seat. I made the position clear. This is a set of exchanges about a specific and narrowly crafted urgent question. It may be about many things within that context, but it is not about 1947. We will leave it there.
The previous Labour Government leaked worse than the Titanic. Does my hon. Friend agree that, whatever the Labour party’s budgetary policies may be—we are not quite sure—they would be an equal disaster?
(13 years, 11 months ago)
Commons Chamber
Cathy Jamieson
I am happy to accept that correction to the record. However, I want the House to be aware of our concern that what was presented by the UK was done very much at the last minute. I hope that in future we will spend time building alliances, rather than be sidelined.
I want to focus again on the issue of budgetary restraint. The Minister has indicated that there is an intention to be tough on Europe on budgetary restraint, but we have not seen or heard the detail today of how that will happen.
The Conservative party is riven with splits. The Deputy Prime Minister has said that the Prime Minister’s behaviour in Europe risks making the UK
“isolated and marginalised within the European Union”.
The Italian Prime Minister, Mario Monti, has said that Britain will no longer be
“in the heart of Europe”
following the veto and that our “capacity to influence” events will be greatly diminished. The concern of people in the wider world is that the Prime Minister has indicated that he is willing to put appeasing his own party first and the national interest second. Let us be clear about one thing: our place in Europe and our seat at the table are too important for that. To cut ourselves off from a market of 500 million customers would be devastating to British companies. In an era of billion-person countries and trillion-pound economies, we need to find ways to amplify our voice, not dampen it.
Is the hon. Lady really arguing that we should go headlong into whatever political alliances the European Union wants us to enter, just for the sake of free trade? Is it not the case that we are able to have free trade without surrendering sovereignty?
Cathy Jamieson
If the hon. Gentleman had been listening carefully, he would have realised that I am saying nothing of the sort. I am saying that in an era when we have to compete in a global economy, we must ensure that our voice is heard. We therefore have to take our seat at whatever table there is to put the interests of the UK forward. Where we have shared goals, such as in climate change negotiations, tackling cross-border crime and dealing with human trafficking, working together surely makes global agreements more likely. We need a mature and positive approach to Europe from the Government.
(14 years ago)
Commons Chamber10. What steps he is taking to tackle excessive executive pay.
14. What steps he is taking to tackle excessive executive pay.
17. What steps he is taking to tackle excessive executive pay.
Danny Alexander
My hon. Friend makes a good point. That is already part of the Financial Services Authority’s code of practice for banking remuneration. It is particularly important to end the distorting effect of those kinds of incentives in the financial sector, but the additional powers that we are giving to shareholders, which my right hon. Friend the Business Secretary announced yesterday, will allow companies in other sectors to adopt that kind of practice, should they wish to do so.
I welcome yesterday’s announcement by the Government on mitigating excessive executive pay. With regard to the UK honours system, may I seek an assurance from my right hon. Friend that the Government will be more circumspect in regard to the honours that are suggested, unlike the—
Mr Speaker
Order. I think that the hon. Gentleman might have been groping his way towards order, but he had not quite arrived. We will have to leave it there for today. We are specifically talking about excessive executive pay.
(14 years, 3 months ago)
Commons ChamberUrgent Questions are proposed each morning by backbench MPs, and up to two may be selected each day by the Speaker. Chosen Urgent Questions are announced 30 minutes before Parliament sits each day.
Each Urgent Question requires a Government Minister to give a response on the debate topic.
This information is provided by Parallel Parliament and does not comprise part of the offical record
Mr Hoban
My hon. Friend makes an important point. Stringent conditions are linked to the packages offered to Greece, Ireland and Portugal, to ensure that the money is used well and wisely, and that the structural reforms that are needed to generate growth in those countries are implemented.
I am very pleased that my hon. Friend has said that Her Majesty’s Government are preparing contingency plans for the possible break-up of the eurozone, but can he confirm that they will not include the possibility of our joining the euro, as seems to be still the official policy of the Labour party?
Mr Hoban
I do not think there is any intention for us to join the euro at a time when it is breaking up. The only party in this House that seems to express an interest in joining the euro is Labour, whose leader, when asked when they would join the euro, said:
“It depends how long I’m prime minister for.”
(14 years, 3 months ago)
Commons Chamber
Mr Osborne
That is an easy assurance for me to give to my hon. Friend’s constituents. There was a euro preparations unit in the Treasury when I arrived. It was shut down and it will not be reopened.
Can my right hon. Friend confirm that when the previous Government signed this country up to the Nice treaty 10 years ago, they also signed away our veto on financial assistance to European nations?
Mr Osborne
I can confirm that we have lost our veto on financial assistance. That was one of the issues with the so-called EFSM—the European financial stabilisation mechanism—which was the EU27 bail-out fund, which we joined a couple of days before this Government were created. Getting us out of it—[Interruption.] The former Chancellor’s memoirs are very clear about this.
(14 years, 3 months ago)
Commons ChamberThank you very much, Mr Speaker. May I say how extremely grateful I am to have the opportunity to hold this Adjournment debate?
In this place I might be known as the hon. Member for Crawley, but my constituency is perhaps better known for being the home of Gatwick airport, the world’s busiest one runway, two terminal airport. It is also home to a number of significant aviation industry companies, such as Virgin Atlantic Airways, TUI Travel and British Airways. My arguments for not increasing air passenger duty and for simplifying the system are not simply parochial; Great Britain’s historical success has been not only as a politically assured, innovative country, but as a trading nation, and we have a unique set of global links. In addition, approximately 30 million hard-working Britons save each and every year to fly off on well-deserved holidays.
Like the debate we have in the Gatwick area about the future of the airport and whether or not it should expand, the debate on the future of APD is about balancing economic growth and the needs of environmental protection—I care passionately about both. It is right that aviation should contribute to dealing with its environmental impact, but that needs to be put into perspective and weighed against its economic contribution. Aviation accounts for about 5.5% of UK total emissions. To put that in context, road transport emissions account for about 18% and energy production emissions account for about a third of the UK total. In addition, it should be noted that the aviation sector contributes some £53 billion to UK GDP and employs almost 1 million people, in addition to the further 1.5 million employed in our tourism industry, and that about half of this country’s population fly each year.
The history of APD goes back to the early 1990s, when a charge of £5 was introduced for flights to EU countries, with a £10 charge for flights to rest of the world destinations. Under Labour, over the past decade, that was significantly hiked up to a point where British aviation taxation has become by far the highest in Europe—indeed, it is eight and a half times the European average. It is worth noting that only four other European countries charge a form of APD, with a further five European countries—Denmark, Belgium, Norway, Malta and the Netherlands—having abandoned the charging of APD. The Dutch Government abandoned APD as a taxation because it brought in the equivalent of £266 million to their exchequer but cost an estimated equivalent of £950 million to the Dutch economy.
For our own Government’s part, I very much welcome the announcement that my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer made in the last Budget on the freezing of APD. I also very much welcome the taxation of business jet aviation for the first time ever, so long as the collection of that tax does not cost more than it brings in. I very much congratulate the Government on their consultation on the future of APD in order to get the widest possible view on that. That is all in stark contrast to the Labour party, which did not even mention the issue in its pre-election manifesto and does not seem to have a plan B, although we are quite used to Labour not having a plan A on the economy.
This is the second time I have come to listen to what the hon. Gentleman has to say and I had hoped that his speech would be somewhat non-partisan. I remind him and the Minister that the Conservative party said in its manifesto that it would move to a per-plane duty and would not keep the current banding system, which is seen to be wholly unfair. I hope that both the hon. Gentleman and the Minister will address what will be done to remove the unfair anomalies in the system.
I thank the hon. Gentleman for his intervention. He is absolutely right that a per-plane duty was discussed and I understand that there were some legal problems with it. It is important that we as a country should finally get right the future of aviation taxation in the round, not only for the sake of hard-working families who want to enjoy a holiday now and again but, most importantly, for our economy.
Quite apart from what we think in this place about the future of APD, let me quote what a few others have said. Southern rail has added its concerns about a future increase in APD by saying:
“Any tax regime that has the potential to impact negatively on Gatwick Airport’s growth plans also has the potential to impact on Southern’s growth plans. We work closely with the airport and in recent months we have seen growth in airport passenger numbers and growth in its public transport market share. We would not want this momentum to be lost or hampered as this will impact on the medium term growth aspirations of our business”.
The airport has said:
“Gatwick is a family airport. Our passengers pay £400 million in APD every year, which goes straight into the Treasury’s coffers. It is difficult to understand why hardworking families, whose household bills are rising every month, should pay so much extra just to go on holiday. For many of them, it’s a luxury they save all year to afford.”
The Gatwick Diamond Business Association, which represents all the economy and not just the aviation sector in the sub-region, has said:
“The tax regime is having a negative impact on the UK’s ability to connect with emerging markets.”
In his speech in Manchester just a couple of weeks ago, my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister pointed out how one of the keys to UK economic growth is the need to connect better with the growing markets in Asia and South America. The Gatwick Diamond Business Association went on to say:
“Increasing tourism from the Far East is important too and in total the hospitality sector is the fifth largest in the UK. This could grow by 10% over the next five years alone…provided they are given the ability to derive their fair share of the forecasted growth in global travel.”
Another local firm in the Gatwick diamond area, CGGVeritas, has taken about 1,500 flights to meet its global customers in the past year and estimates that it has paid up to £50,000 of its budget just on the APD portion of those air tickets.
Virgin Atlantic, headquartered in my constituency, takes the view that aviation has a critical role to play in UK tourism and the wider economic recovery through encouraging visitors to these shores ahead of the Olympic and Paralympic games, but this economic potential is being stifled by ever increasing levels of air passenger duty, which are already the highest in Europe.
I congratulate the hon. Gentleman on securing this debate not once, but twice, not least because it gives me the opportunity to welcome the Economic Secretary to the Treasury to her new role—a well-deserved promotion. Does the hon. Gentleman agree that part of the problem with this issue, with which I am very sympathetic, is the fact that there is a gap between the Treasury and the Department for Transport in that the Treasury leads but the Department for Transport is required to produce plans for airports and aviation?
I am grateful for that intervention. The holy grail of government is joined-up government, with all Departments and the Treasury working together. My right hon. Friend the Minister for the Cabinet Office and Paymaster General is doing a great job in trying to achieve that.
The World Economic Forum’s international tourism competitiveness report ranked the UK 134th out of 138 nations for air taxes, and we are beaten only in the amount we charge by the west African countries of Senegal, Ivory Coast, Mali and Chad. The chief executive of British Airways said:
“Aviation in the UK is the most undervalued and overtaxed industry in Britain. We want to play our full part in assisting Britain’s economic recovery, but we are held back by levels of tax on flying which are higher than anywhere else in the world”.
and added that the increases would cost BA an extra £100 million and put more pressure on ticket prices. At the recent launch of a new Air Asia X route from Kuala Lumpar to London Gatwick, its chief executive stated that it is commercially more difficult to operate from the UK than from France. He pointed out that 10% to 12% of its passengers flying from Paris to Kuala Lumpar are British nationals. That gives a sense of the shift that passengers are already starting to make.
Naomi Long (Belfast East) (Alliance)
We in Northern Ireland have an interest in airport duty. Does the hon. Gentleman agree that there is an irony that we, as island nations that have to use air transport to make those important international connections, are taxed so highly in comparison with many other regions? There is also a challenge in trying to join up what happens not just with Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs and other Departments, but, particularly in terms of the growth of our economy, with the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills.
The hon. Lady makes a very good point. I have been pleased to see that in the context of Ireland, between the north and the south, there has been some improvement. Her point about our being island nations and relying on trade—and therefore in this day and age on aviation—is extremely well made.
The chief executive of the Association of British Travel Agents has said:
“It is vital that the Government understands the damaging impact that APD is having on the tourism industry in the UK. We already pay the highest levels of aviation tax in the world, and if the Government goes ahead with its double-inflationary increase and levies”—
as will happen on 1 January with the European emissions trading scheme tax—
“on top of this…we will see another eye-watering increase in the tax burden on the industry and on holidaymakers”.
The CBI has also rightly highlighted the fact that aviation is a critical pillar of the UK economy. Crawley-based companies such as TUI Travel, which is perhaps better known in the domestic market as First Choice and Thomson Holidays, are world leaders in developing biofuels to mitigate their environmental impact. Indeed, I am delighted that just a couple of weeks ago, they started regular biofuelled flights. Virgin Atlantic, another local company, has invested in the very latest new aircraft with the highest environmental standards.
In addition to those quotes from the industry, I should like to outline some figures that clearly demonstrate how the UK’s aviation tax burden is significantly in excess of those of our nearest competitors. As I have said, we already charge by far the highest in Europe. To fly from the UK to a European destination, we charge £12 in APD, whereas Germany charges £7 and France charges just a single euro to travel within the EU. To travel from the UK to New York, we charge £60 in APD, whereas the Germans charge £22 and the French charge just €5. To travel from the UK to Sydney, Australia, we charge an APD rate of £85 at the moment, whereas Germany charges £39 and France charges just €5. I do not think that anyone can accuse the Germans of not being astute in economic or environmental policy.
If APD were to increase from next April, there would be a huge percentage increase in just six years. For example, a family of four travelling on holiday to Florida in economy class in 2006 paid £80 in APD, whereas they would currently pay £240. If the increase goes ahead, they would pay £260 in 2012, representing an increase of 225%. A business party of four travelling to Shanghai in premium economy in 2006 were charged £160 APD; currently they are charged £600 and in 2012, if the increase goes ahead, the charge will be £656, representing a percentage increase of 310%. My final example is that of a retired couple travelling to Australia to visit family, again in economy class. In 2006, they would have been charged £40 in APD, currently they would be charged £170 and in 2012, if the increase goes ahead, they would be charged £186, representing the biggest percentage increase of 365%.
Simplifying APD would benefit not only citizens of the UK but Her Majesty’s subjects in the overseas territories. For example, the Government of the British Virgin Islands are rightly concerned that, as currently structured, APD is charged at a higher level to travel there than to fly to the west coast of the United States because the system is based on where the capital of a country is. It should not be forgotten that there are five British overseas territories in the Caribbean, as well as the many other Commonwealth countries around the world.
Before I conclude I wish to refute one suggestion mooted recently, which is that London and south-east originating flights should pay an enhanced amount of APD compared with the rest of Great Britain. I am very much opposed to that proposal because it would be unfair, unnecessary, economically misguided and environmentally dubious. It is unfair because, as I have said, we already pay one of the highest duties in the world. Millions of people living in the south-east and London should not have to pay extra just to fly from their local airports. It is unnecessary because the proposed growth of regional airports between now and 2050 is significant.
The proposal is economically misguided because while proponents of the policy say that it would rebalance the UK economy by moving key business routes to regional airports, it misunderstands the fundamental economics of long-haul business routes and ignores the fact that London’s airports serve the whole British economy. Indeed, London is a global-class city and, with the south-east, a world-class region, connecting with and competing against the likes of southern California, the east coast cities of Japan and China, the greater Frankfurt area and the Ile de France among others. Finally, the proposal is environmentally dubious because it perversely risks increased carbon emissions if south-east passengers drive hundreds of miles to regional airports for cheaper flights. More indirect flights—for example, London Heathrow to Manchester; Manchester to New York—would result in more movements and more take-offs and landings.
In conclusion, I believe that if APD is increased further and not simplified we risk damaging growth by increasing the tax burden on families and by giving our European competitors an unfair advantage in a global market. Additionally, it could create an unintended, negative environmental impact when we are already more than off-setting our aviation carbon emissions, and that is before we join the European trading scheme in the new year. Indeed, the TaxPayers Alliance, using the Department for Transport’s own figures, has highlighted the fact that, following the APD increase in 2007, aviation more than covers the cost of its environmental impact by at least £100 million. It also points to research by the Economic and Social Research Institute which found that doubling APD back in 2007 might have actually increased emissions because it reduces the relative price difference between near and far holidays.
In welcoming the Minister to her position and congratulating her, I appeal to her and the Treasury to think again, for the sake of our economy and our hard-working families, about increasing the APD burden further still.