Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill

Debate between Lord Moore of Etchingham and Baroness Royall of Blaisdon
Lord Moore of Etchingham Portrait Lord Moore of Etchingham (Non-Afl)
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My Lords, the noble Lord, Lord Stevens, who speaks from great experience and professional knowledge, made a very clear case about how the assisted dying navigator is quite outside the normal purposes of the National Health Service. I guess it could be described, in effect, as a form of advocacy. In the ancient world, the dead were carried across the River Styx by Charon. It seems that role would be performed by the navigator, because where is he navigating you to? It is to the River Styx; he is not trying to navigate you to anywhere else.

If that is included in the National Health Service, it would create a quite different purpose from the normal purposes, as the noble Lord, Lord Stevens, described. I wonder, therefore, whether we should consider whether this actually amounts to the National Health Service trying to persuade people to accept assisted dying. If it does, and if you think of the vulnerability of the individual cases that so often will occur, could it be argued that it might become an institutionalised form of coercion?

Baroness Royall of Blaisdon Portrait Baroness Royall of Blaisdon (Lab)
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My Lords, I merely point out that this is not a choice between investing in palliative care or changing the law so that we have an assisted dying service. We need to do both. I am mindful of the point made by the noble Lord, Lord Stevens, about the lack of response from the Department of Health and Social Care. It would be very good if some others of us could press for that, because it would be interesting to know how, when and how much the Government are going to invest in palliative care. Whatever we believe about assisted dying, we all fundamentally believe that palliative care needs more investment and should not be a postcode lottery.

Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill

Debate between Lord Moore of Etchingham and Baroness Royall of Blaisdon
Baroness Royall of Blaisdon Portrait Baroness Royall of Blaisdon (Lab)
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My Lords, I recognise that the noble Baroness, Lady Fox, will have heard this before, as will have many others, but the fact of the matter is that the Bill talks about assisted dying. “Dying” tells you what it is all about, so I do not think that we need to have the word “suicide”. I say this because I have spoken with the families and loved ones of people who wish to have an assisted death; those who wished that their loved ones had had an assisted death, because they could see the suffering endured by the person who died and the people who were caring for them; and those who are left behind. I have had many conversations and those people all feel strongly that those who want to have an assisted death are not committing suicide; they want to regain some control and want to live for the last few months of their life with some comfort. Just because they ask for an assisted death does not mean that they are actually going to fulfil that, but it gives them and their families comfort. So, please, can we not talk about suicide? We are talking about dying and that is absolutely fine. I do not wish for the people who are already suffering or the people who are caring for them to have more distress in their lives.

Lord Moore of Etchingham Portrait Lord Moore of Etchingham (Non-Afl)
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My Lords, I find it strange that the noble Baroness, Lady Royall, should be making the argument that the word “dying” tells us all that we need to know. If that were so, we would not need the Bill. The Bill is about a very specific thing, which is choosing to end your own life and getting help with it. The importance of clarity and frankness in language in the making of law is very great. It must be distinguished from perfectly legitimate what I shall call political language.

Take, for example, the right to life, which is one side of the argument in another matter, and the right to choice. Those are both perfectly good phrases about the subject of abortion, but they were not suitable phrases for law. When you talk about law, the word that should be used is “abortion”. That is what is actually happening. I am not saying that there is any dishonesty here, but it is inappropriate for the making of law.

I strongly support what the noble Lord, Lord Frost, said about possible ambiguities and misunderstandings. I give an example, which is nothing whatever to do with assisted dying, but it just illustrates the point. As we ran up to the 1983 general election, Labour had a policy of unilateral disarmament. The Tories were against unilateral nuclear disarmament and attacked it. Somebody wrote a letter to the Daily Telegraph saying, “I do not think people know what the word ‘unilateral’ means, and if you call it ‘one-sided disarmament’, people will understand what this is about”. The Tories seized that, suddenly changed all their propaganda to talk about one-sided disarmament and the polls shifted very dramatically against one-sided disarmament. The importance of normal English is very significant. Again and again, we can see public confusion, which must be avoided, about what is actually proposed in the Bill.

Finally, there is a contradiction in the arguments made by supporters of the Bill—I think that the noble Baroness, Lady Royall, was in this situation. Since the greatest thing that is being argued for by supporters of the Bill is autonomy, it is important to have a word or phrase that embodies that autonomy and shows who is making this decision and whose agency it is. The phrase “committing suicide” exactly establishes the agency and exactly shows the autonomy. It is contradictory to advocate for autonomy and then to take refuge in euphemism.