Conflict in the Middle East

Lord Polak Excerpts

Monday 16th June 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I say to the noble Lord that our focus is not to shift away from what Iran is doing. We are absolutely clear. We supported President Trump’s initial statements in terms of dialogue. President Trump has focused, this time around, on ensuring that Iran complies with the commitments it has given in the past, particularly in relation to the JCPOA. I have already mentioned the fact that there are facilities in terms of the snapback that is still available at the United Nations.

We want to keep absolutely focused on de-escalation to avoid this conflict having a wider implication that is extremely dangerous, so we are urging both sides to step back so that President Trump can be absolutely focused on delivering that dialogue to ensure that they comply with those international obligations. The noble Lord asked me about how we can ensure that they will keep their word. The only way we can ensure that is by using the mechanisms that are available to us at the moment. One thing is clear: military action will not stop this. It will not resolve the long-term situation over nuclear development. It is only through the proper scrutiny that we have had in place before, and the appropriate sanctions that might be available if they fail to comply, that we can ensure long-term security.

[Lord Polak (Con)]

My Lords, I refer the House to my interests in the register. Will the Minister say where these sanctions get us? Together with a partial arms embargo, the refunding of UNRWA, which in turn funds Hamas, and ceasing trade talks with our ally, HMG have been consistently on the wrong side since they took office. Even the Minister, who campaigned for proscription of the IRGC when on this side of the House has seemingly changed his mind. He should apologise to the people of Iran and to Vahid Beheshti, who has campaigned so bravely outside his office. Is it therefore any wonder that Britain was not briefed before the attack on the Iranian military and nuclear facilities? It is also no wonder that the PM seems to have had only a brush-past conversation with President Trump tonight. It is clear what the Iranian regime would do if it had nuclear warheads on its ballistic missiles.

It took five or six hours on Friday for His Majesty’s Government to utter the words that Israel has a right to defend itself. What was the reason for the delay? Will the Minister tell the House which side HMG are on—the democratic, freedom-loving partner and ally, Israel, which is targeting military and nuclear facilities, or the Islamic regime led by the ayatollah, which supports Hamas, Hezbollah and the Houthis and targets civilians? They are the enemies of the people of Israel, enemies of the people of Iran and, frankly, enemies of all of us in this Chamber.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The noble Lord knows full well my position and that of this Government. We have been absolutely clear that Israel has the right to defend itself. There has been no hesitation or delay in relation to that. We have fully understood not just the threat that Iran poses to the State of Israel and its intent to destroy it but its malign influences everywhere else, including on United Kingdom soil. That is why we have been focused on dealing with Iranian nationals; we have arrested Iranian nationals and the Crown Prosecution Service, as I said, announced National Security Act charges against three of them. This is the first time that Iranian nationals have been charged under the Act. The independent criminal investigation will certainly be respected, but the CPS considers the evidence gathered sufficient to link the accused with the Iranian state.

We know what they are about and what they are trying to do, but there is a mechanism. Nobody accepts that the long-term solution to the nuclear threat that Iran poses is simply responding with military action. President Trump has made it clear that he sees dialogue and diplomacy as the long-term solution. Our position on the current military situation remains one of de-escalation, withdrawal, stepping back and thinking about the wider consequences and implications of how escalation can be taken out of our control. That is what the Prime Minister is focused on at the G7. He is absolutely engaged with all allies, and we are working towards being able to focus on all the actions we can take to ensure compliance with those international agreements. I stand fully behind the right of Israel to exist and to defend itself, but the situation at the moment requires us to focus on de-escalation.

Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories

Lord Polak Excerpts

Thursday 22nd May 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I understand my noble friend’s frustrations, but our efforts have been absolutely focused on building a strong international alliance and working with allies within the region to ensure that there is a longer-term political process that leads to a two-state solution. The immediate situation requires Israel to stop blocking aid into Gaza and to ensure that we can reach a situation where the political dialogue my noble friend referred to can take place. We are absolutely committed to that. Fundamentally, we urgently need a ceasefire now, we need application of that agreement and the release of hostages, but we also need that aid into Gaza.

[Lord Polak (Con)]

My Lords, I refer the House to my interests in the register. Truth matters. In the other place when the Statement was made, the following MPs repeated the lie that 14,000 babies would die within two days, and I hope that they will put that record straight: Joe Powell; Adnan Hussain; Debbie Abrahams; Ben Lake; Olivia Blake; Tahir Ali; Vikki Slade; Danny Chambers; Imran Hussain; Monica Harding; Carla Denyer; Yasmin Qureshi; and Josh Fenton-Glynn. Words have consequences. Yaron and Sarah, two young representatives of the State of Israel, were murdered in cold blood in DC. These were two beautiful souls gunned down as a direct result of toxic, antisemitic incitement against Israel and Jews around the world, and I register an interest as a Jew, a proud Jew. Yehi zichram Baruch: let their souls be for a blessing.

We are concerned about the situation in Gaza, which was, I remind the House, caused by Hamas. The USA and Israel have been working on an alternative delivery agency to address legitimate concerns about aid diversion, confiscation and abuse by Hamas, so can the noble Lord confirm whether the UK has been involved in developing this scheme, or have the UK Government refused to take part?

Conflict in Gaza

Lord Polak Excerpts

Monday 24th March 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The Minister for the Middle East has been in regular contact with neighbouring countries and regional allies. We are absolutely focused on that. To repeat what I have said on numerous occasions, we welcome the United States’ action in securing the ceasefire agreement and the release of the hostages that we have seen so far. We remain committed to speaking with allies to look at all possibilities, so that we can remain focused on the ceasefire to ensure a much longer-lasting peace. The noble Lord is right: we must work with our allies to ensure that they understand the importance of this, and particularly all regional neighbours.

[Lord Polak (Con)]

My Lords, I refer the House to my registered interests. Last Thursday, in New York, I had a humbling experience at the UN Security Council, to which the Minister has just referred, where I heard the brave, eloquent and moving speech of the freed hostage Eli Sharabi, whose British wife, Lianne, and daughters, Noiya and Yahel, were brutally murdered. I urge all noble Lords to read his speech. Many noble Lords have already spoken about aid to Gaza. I will quote a short extract from Eli Sharabi’s speech:

“I saw Hamas … carrying boxes with UN and UNRWA emblems … into the tunnel. Dozens and dozens of boxes paid by your governments. Feeding terrorists who tortured me and murdered my family. They would eat many meals a day from UN aid in front of us and we never received any of it”.


In the light of Eli’s remarks, I want to ask the Minister a question that the shadow Foreign Secretary asked the Foreign Secretary last week. What is HMG’s assessment of reports of Hamas stockpiling aid?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I repeat that Eli Sharabi’s statement was incredibly moving and had a huge impact on all members of the Security Council. Our Statement afterwards was clear that Hamas must be held accountable for its despicable actions, and we certainly reflected that in all of the UN Security Council’s resolutions. The problem is that aid is not getting in at all at the moment. That has to be the focus of our attention. We are looking at all ways to ensure that aid gets in, not only through UNRWA, which is an important agency in the delivery of aid, but, as the noble Lord raised, through the ICRC. We are absolutely focused on ensuring that. The real problem at the moment is the fact that we cannot get aid across the border into Gaza. That is the shocking situation that we need to focus on.

International Engagements

Lord Polak Excerpts

Thursday 31st October 2024 Lords Chamber

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

Let me be clear that we are committed to supporting overseas development and those countries that face challenges today. That is what we will do. I do not have a problem with words when committing to that partnership for growth and delivering economic development. We need to acknowledge the genuine feelings that exist. It was an abhorrent trade, and its consequences are still being felt by people today. If we do not acknowledge that then we are not part of the human race.

[Lord Polak (Con)]

The Statement talks about the Prime Minister announcing

“a new UK trade centre of expertise”,

based at the Foreign Office. Do I read into that the demise of the Department for Business and Trade? My second question is on the Disasters Emergency Committee in the Middle East. Can the noble Lord be confident that the money will reach the people who need it, not those who have a history of abusing it?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I will address the latter point first. We are absolutely committed to ensuring that the hundreds of thousands of people affected get that aid. Our problem currently is getting it in. I assure the noble Lord that, like the previous Government, we are absolutely determined to ensure that those most in need get it, and we will continue to do that.

My absolute common narrative with the eight African countries I have visited in the last three months has been how we develop a partnership for economic growth. That win-win situation develops from trade too. I see myself not in competition with the Department for Business and Trade but rather in partnership. We are taking a one-government approach, working together.

Horn of Africa

Lord Polak Excerpts

Tuesday 29th October 2024 Lords Chamber

[Lord Polak (Con)]

My Lords, I thank the Minister, the noble Lord, Lord Collins, for initiating this debate and for his collaborative nature, involving us in these discussions. I look forward to the maiden speech of the noble Baroness, Lady Harman, who I am sure will play a full part in your Lordships’ House.

I must question the title of today’s debate. Although His Majesty’s Government may not formally recognise Somaliland, failing to acknowledge its 6.2 million people does not make them invisible. To speak of tensions in the region while omitting the most democratic and stable society within it is, in effect, to disregard an entire nation from our discourse. Somaliland’s people are committed to democratic principles that outshine any of its neighbours, yet they find themselves absent from the very title of our discussion.

We find ourselves addressing a matter of both immediate and long-term consequence in the Horn of Africa. Specifically with regard to Somaliland, there exists a unique opportunity for the United Kingdom to act in accordance with our moral responsibilities and strategic interests. As I said, Somaliland’s democratic development offers a stark contrast to the persistent instability of its neighbour, Somalia, and it presents a prospect for stability across a region long beset by conflict. With our support, Somaliland could contribute to the security of one of the world’s most vital maritime corridors.

Since declaring independence in 1991, Somaliland has demonstrated a steadfast commitment to democratic governance. This is not an abstract ideal but a tangible process, evidenced by elections such as the one poised to be held on 13 November 2024—in two weeks’ time. This is its fourth presidential election since 2003. This commitment to democratic values must be viewed against the backdrop of rising tensions in the broader Horn of Africa.

The region is marked by significant security challenges, including the influence of the Houthis in Yemen, al-Shabaab and ISIS, all of which threaten stability. The ongoing Houthi conflict, fuelled by Iranian arms, disrupts shipping routes across the Gulf of Aden and now poses an increased threat, as the Houthis have begun collaborating with al-Shabaab, arming it with Iranian weapons to extend its reach across borders. Al-Shabaab continues to present a major threat, particularly in regions close to Somaliland’s borders, such as Sool, where the group exploits weak governance for recruitment and cross-border incursions.

Furthermore, ISIS has established a presence in Puntland, raising alarms about potential infiltration into Somaliland’s contested areas. These security dynamics are exacerbated by the region’s fragile governance and the vulnerability of marginalised populations, whom terrorists of course exploit for recruitment. Here, the UK’s engagement in counterterrorism and governance enhancement is not merely beneficial but essential.

Moreover, the geopolitical landscape is complicated by the actions of key players in the region. Djibouti, a strategic nexus hosting military bases for countries such as the United States, China and France, plays a crucial role in supporting the economic stability of landlocked Ethiopia. However, Djibouti faces challenges in balancing relationships with these foreign powers while managing regional refugee flows. Eritrea, under President Afwerki’s one-party state, has seen a normalisation of relations with Ethiopia since 2018, yet remains embroiled in human rights abuses and regional conflicts, notably in Tigray.

Ethiopia itself is beset by internal conflicts, including in Tigray, as I have said. In Somalia, the persistent threat of al-Shabaab, coupled with political instability and corruption, further complicates the regional landscape. The reliance on the African Union mission underscores the need for a concerted international effort to address these governance challenges.

At the heart of these rising tensions are territorial and border disputes, for example between Ethiopia and Eritrea, and clashes over contested regions, such as Sool and Sanaag, between Somaliland and Puntland. The dispute between Djibouti and Eritrea over the Dumeira mountain and island further illustrates the fragility of regional stability. Internal ethnic tensions in Ethiopia, exacerbated by the Tigray conflict and violent clashes among various groups, pose additional risks of escalation.

Somaliland, amid these challenges, continues to seek international recognition and investment, highlighting its relative peace and democratic governance compared with Somalia. The recent provision of iris biometric technology by Taiwan marks a commendable step toward ensuring electoral transparency, and Somaliland faces considerable challenges from foreign interference in its elections. Both neighbouring states and external actors see these elections as opportunities to advance their geopolitical interests. Thus, it is critical to support Somaliland in strengthening its electoral integrity and ensuring transparency and fairness while preventing undue foreign influence.

Additionally, external influences from Middle Eastern powers, such as the UAE and Qatar, further complicate local politics. China’s expanding presence in the region, particularly its military base in Djibouti and strategic investments, highlights the competing interests of global powers. As these dynamics play out, we must remain vigilant against the potential for escalating conflicts to ignite broader regional wars, which would of course have devastating humanitarian consequences, including famine, disease and mass displacement.

In this complex context, I believe that the United Kingdom, with its historical ties and global standing, is uniquely positioned to play a constructive role in Somaliland’s future. Recognising independence would not merely acknowledge a political reality but would strategically align with our objectives in the Horn of Africa. Such recognition would signal our commitment to supporting democratic governance, reinforcing stability and ensuring secure trade routes. Critics may argue that such recognition could destabilise the region, yet we must question whether adherence to outdated paradigms serves the cause of peace and progress. Supporting Somaliland’s independence is not just a matter of principle; it aligns with our strategic interests in a region marked by volatility and uncertainty. I spoke in your Lordships’ House on 25 July about the Ethiopia-Somaliland Memorandum of Understanding, which the noble Lord referred to. I hope it will turn into a full-scale agreement.

I will end as I began. The people of Somaliland should not be invisible, especially here in the UK, and while we do not officially recognise their home country, we owe it to them to recognise them and support their most basic human rights, wishing the country well in its democratic elections in two weeks’ time.