Assisted Dying Bill [HL]

Lord Vinson Excerpts

2nd reading
Friday 22nd October 2021 Lords Chamber

[Lord Vinson (Con)]

My Lords, as you pass 90 this matter becomes somewhat personal, so perhaps I should declare an interest. I wholly agree with the purpose of the Bill, but I think it does not go far enough; it is still too restrictive.

When I became a Member of this House, I chose for my motto, “No freedom without choice”. In this current day and age, more than ever, we should be vigilant in protecting freedom of speech and freedom of expression, but freedom can be expressed not only in words but in deeds. Freedom is the right to have choice, hence the great significance of this debate, as previously mentioned.

If nowadays we can choose the date of birth, I see no reason why we should not choose—subject to reasonable, but only reasonable, constraints—the date of death. Whose body is it anyway that someone else should control? Why should my departure be overruled by somebody else?

I so appreciate the concern of those who think that the disadvantaged will be exploited and talked into an early demise. Their touching letters show deep anxiety for what might happen, but there is little or no evidence that this is likely. I believe that their understandable concern is more imagined than real and that harm will seldom be done.

On the other hand, the heartfelt letters from those who have witnessed the cruelty of prolonged suffering and the inadequacies of palliative care totally convince me that the Bill is necessary. Yes, I accept that there are occasions when any Bill or piece of legislation will be abused—nothing is watertight—but we should not so entangle the law with safeguards, to prevent some perceived abuse, to the extent that it frustrates the deeply needed reform that the Bill calls for.

Finally, I very much recognise the sincerity of those who believe deeply in the sanctity of life. I am a Christian myself, but I remind them that, when on the cross, Christ was put out of his agony by a kindly Roman centurion, who pierced his side with a sword. His death was assisted.

Armed Services: War Crimes

Lord Vinson Excerpts

Tuesday 1st March 2016 Lords Chamber

[Lord Faulks]

I am sure that the noble Lord will not have forgotten the margin of appreciation. Provided our British Bill of Rights respects the European convention but tailors it to suit the particular challenges that the military faces, it is likely that Strasbourg will respect our interpretation. Of course, we will continue to protect human rights under any regime that exists, and also to respect our international humanitarian law obligations.

[Lord Vinson (Con)]

My Lords, is the Minister aware that the French, much earlier on, exempted their armed forces from prosecution under the Human Rights Act, so we would be following an excellent precedent?

[Lord Faulks]

I am grateful to my noble friend. We are aware of that and it is a matter that shall be taken into consideration.

Assisted Dying Bill [HL]

Lord Vinson Excerpts

Friday 18th July 2014 Lords Chamber

[Lord Vinson (Con)]

My Lords, I support the Bill and come from a background of active churchwardens and general practitioners. I am now 80 and am beginning to do a bit of forward planning.

My doctor forebears, in a much less regulated world, applied common sense when coping with life and death. They applied the Hippocratic oath, but they also had at the back of their mind:

“Thou shalt not kill; but need’st not strive

Officiously to keep alive”.

Rules designed to prevent inappropriate outcomes often prevent doctors doing what they think is right, leaving little room for natural morality for fear of prosecution—a point well made by many other speakers today. I hope that this Bill, if it passes—which I believe it will, no doubt with amendments—will help them with their duties and enable them to be even more compassionate.

However, like other noble Lords, I have received many heartfelt letters from those who are against these measures. The common theme is that we must not introduce the Bill because the vulnerable might—I repeat, might—suffer. I understand the concern, but does it not beg the question what one is to do about those who are suffering both mentally and physically? Should their needs not also be looked at and should they be denied? However, so anxious are those who oppose the Bill to prevent the vulnerable suffering, which I understand, that they sent me a series of letters. Perhaps I may quote from some of them. The key view that they promoted—like the reverend Prelate the Bishop of Bristol, who I am sure is not a callous man—was that “suffering should not trump all other considerations”. I felt that this was a choice example of preaching what you do not practise. That is carrying the precautionary principle too far. Others have rights, too, and I think that the relief of suffering should trump all other considerations, and that is as near an absolute as one is likely to get. That is why this Bill is important.

When I was ennobled, I chose as my motto, “No freedom without choice”. People should have the right to choose. Freedom begins with freedom of choice and should be extended as widely as possible into all areas of society at all levels. The proposals in the Bill, sensibly regulated, will give greater freedom to people to control their lives—and whose life is it anyway? They will relieve suffering, both mental and physical. The prospect of palliative care in itself gives no reassurance against suffering, but the provisions in the Bill can give that reassurance if the option is either used or unused.

This is an important Bill. It achieves many things. It advances choice; it deepens compassion; and it reduces suffering. We should support it.

EU: Police and Justice

Lord Vinson Excerpts

Tuesday 8th February 2011 Lords Chamber

[Lord McNally]

Again, I agree. The practical way in which we have operated since coming into office is to look at the merits of the case, to put our decision before the two Select Committees of both Houses and to listen to their advice. It makes no sense at all to have knee-jerk reactions or to play to various galleries. We are looking at these matters in Britain’s interests, consulting as far and wide as we can and listening to Parliament. That is the best way in which to get the best decisions.

[Lord Vinson]

My Lords, under the guise of anti-terrorism and protecting society, many measures throughout history have been introduced that chip away quietly at many of our ancient liberties as enshrined, not least, under habeas corpus. I hope that the Minister will take very seriously the widespread anxiety about the continual erosion of the rights of the British citizen, which is done possibly for good short-term reasons but, in the long run, is chipping away at many of our basic and fundamental liberties.

[Lord McNally]

My Lords, one of my responsibilities at the Ministry of Justice is as Minister for civil liberties. I assure my noble friend that the concerns that he expressed are never far from my thoughts. Our civil liberties will have to be protected and guarded.