Complications from Abortions (Annual Report) Bill [HL]

Baroness Barker Excerpts

2nd reading
Friday 13th December 2024 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Barker (LD)]

My Lords, I am going to take the opportunity to explain the context of the Bill and say what it is really about. In doing so, I thank the noble Lord, Lord Moylan, for yet again giving me the opportunity to draw your Lordships’ attention to the right-wing, nationalist, countergender campaign which this Bill and his previous foetal sentience Bill are a part of. We have known for some time that there is an international campaign which has an overriding strategic objective of getting rid of human rights legislation and the organisations responsible for upholding it.

On a tactical level, it has a number of objectives: anti-LGBT campaigning—with a particular emphasis in this country on anti-trans work; anti-sex and relationships education, because the state should have no part in teaching people’s children about sex and relationships; anti-surrogacy, and particularly anti-abortion. People may have read or seen, most notably, the campaigns in places such as Hungary and Poland. It is all about a campaign to restore the natural order—a selective reading and interpretation of biblical order.

When I have said that in this Chamber before, Members of your Lordships’ House have thrown the jibe, “Well, that sounds like a conspiracy theory”. Well, it is not actually, and we have some growing evidence to that effect. I encourage all noble Lords to read Project 2025—it is a very easy and clear read. It says what the organisations behind it, such as the Heritage Foundation, the Alliance Defending Freedom and big supporters of the Conservative Party in this country have as their agenda for the Trump Administration. It is all backed up by billions of dollars going to Africa and billions of dollars coming to Europe including to the UK. It is a campaign which has evolved, just as the anti-abortion campaign has evolved from rather crude demonstrations outside abortion clinics; it has now gone into a slightly different phase. It is now setting up independent universities and colleges; it is producing research evidence; it talks using the language of rights, but all the conclusions go back to that same overall objective. It is very clever, very well organised and brilliantly messaged, but it is what it is: it is a very cynical anti-gender campaign about destroying human rights.

This Bill is an insidious part of that campaign. It is about challenging the medical evidence that does not suit its campaign objectives. I, like other people on my side of the argument, am all in favour of collection and improvement of data. What I am not in favour of is the corruption of medical science by the production of data for a purpose. That, I suggest, is the ultimate aim of the Bill in the name of the noble Lord, Lord Moylan. Therefore, I hope that noble Lords will not be taken in by this, will see it for what it is and work with people such as those at the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists who want to improve the data and to make sure that our services are safe for women.

Complications from Abortions (Annual Report) Bill [HL]

Baroness Barker Excerpts

Committee stage
Friday 6th June 2025 Lords Chamber

The facts in this case are that all medical opinion, from the BMA and the Royal College of Midwives to obstetricians, gynaecologists, nurses and GPs, is behind the decriminalisation of abortion and none sees the data issue as critical, whereas decriminalisation is critical because it is a healthcare matter adversely affecting women. The general population agree. Numerous polls since 2020 show that, whether it is 76% or 82%, the vast majority of people agree that abortion is a woman’s right to choose. By debating this in in your Lordships’ House even further, I fear we are getting more and more out of touch when we talk about data and not about the fundamental issues that the other place has been debating. I am very pleased to support the clause not standing part today, and I hope that the noble Lord, Lord Moylan, may, on reflection, decide not to continue with this Bill.

[Baroness Barker (LD)]

My Lords, I, too, spoke at Second Reading and I welcome the opportunity to speak again to set in context what the Bill is part of and is all about. I, too, have to disagree fundamentally with the noble Lord, Lord Weir of Ballyholme, though not on the necessity for accurate data and statistics. You cannot separate the Bill from the wider context of what is going on in the politics of reproduction, reproductive health and gender identity.

I spoke last time about the international campaign being organised largely by religious nationalists across the USA, Europe and Russia, which has a specific aim to destroy human rights, reproductive rights and the international organisations responsible for upholding them. If people wish to doubt me, I suggest they read any number of reports, but the one that sets out the fundamental basis of the campaign is from 2018 by the European Parliamentary Forum on Population and Development, Restoring the Natural Order, which sets out how a small group of people have set out to overturn the human rights framework that we developed following the horrors of World War Two and over the past 50 years in order to “restore the national order”. They have a number of specific objectives within that. Key among them are making sure that the definition of marriage and family pertains only to heterosexual people, and definitely overturning access to abortion and contraception. Overturning divorce laws is part of what they want to do as well as rejecting compulsory sex, reproductive and health education and, perhaps most interestingly of all, making sure that the first and primary educators of children must always be the family, even if that is to the exclusion of public education. It is a clear agenda.

The noble Baroness, Lady Bennett, was right. If you want to see how it is unfolding, just look at what is happening in states in America and in Hungary and Poland, because what is happening in the USA is not stopping there. It is funded by billions upon billions of dollars in Europe, mostly emanating from America but also from Russia, and in Africa. This is part of that.

It is important and relevant that we look at that today because the data you get relies entirely on the questions you ask, and the questions you ask are determined by the outcomes you want to achieve. As some of us watch this campaign unfolding in its different manifestations, one thing we have noticed is that it is moving on. The people behind it—the Alliance Defending Freedom, the Heritage Foundation and all those massive Christian nationalist organisations and Catholic and other religious institutions in Europe—have realised that, to make to make their campaign more widely palatable, they have to move away from being largely a bunch of male-led organisations. They have removed themselves through a number of different front organisations and changed the language they use to talk about rights and so on.

From those of us who have fought for human rights for 50 years, they have learned the importance of having your messages framed in terms of rights—the rights of people to resist a liberal elite that argues for things such as equality and equality laws, which are inevitably disproportionately affecting some people, particularly poorer people. They say, “Rather than relying on what we’ve done so far, we actually need to go further. We need to create the information that will back up our campaign”. Interestingly, in some cases they have set up private universities which produce research that appears to be proper academic research but is in fact grey research, always leading inevitably to the conclusions that support their back-up. They produce books and reports. This is not new. Noble Lords in this House have for years seen the dodgy dossiers that come from the Christian Institute—all that kind of stuff. That is what is happening and that is why it is important that we make sure that the statistics that we get on abortion—and, incidentally, access to contraception—are timely and accurate.

Noble Lords have mentioned this, and they are absolutely right: the politicisation of data in this area is really important. The increase in the number of women being prosecuted because they have had a miscarriage comes as a direct result of this campaign. I do not think that those of us on our side of the argument have anything to fear. We kept statistics when we introduced telemedicine and medical abortion. In advance of it, those on the other side of the argument were full of dire warnings that all sorts of crimes would be committed. They were not; the statistics and the data have shown that.

I have nothing against the improvement of the collection of data in the health service, but my plea to the noble Baroness, Lady Merron, is that, when the Government look at this issue—and I believe that we should—I ask her to ensure that the statisticians are able to resist the political pressure being exercised across all the different parts of government and organisations because of this campaign, which is being waged on a number of different fronts. Ultimately, it is a pernicious campaign that will damage all sorts of people, including minorities, but will be particularly harmful to women and girls.

[Baroness Boycott (CB)]

My Lords, I join this debate to follow up the powerful speech by the noble Baroness, Lady Barker. I have been involved in women’s rights for a very long time; I started a magazine called Spare Rib in 1972 and within that we campaigned all our lives for things such as abortions. I can honestly say that I think the life facing a young woman today is more frightening than the life that faced me as a young woman.

I look at what is happening online, where you can download a very simple app. I had a lunch for Laura Bates the other day, which many noble Lords came to. She explained that I could download an app, take a photograph of the noble Baroness, Lady Freeman, right beside me, press a button and have a photograph of the noble Baroness naked—not with Kate Moss’s body, but with the noble Baroness’s body. You can do this at 11 or 12. It is really threatening being a young woman today. There are many things that are out of our control. We, as older women who have had successful lives, have to fight fantastically hard to protect this next generation from a lot of the stuff that is coming down the pipe.

I very much listen to and know about the conspiracies and the power happening in America to try to alter fundamental rights such as abortion. I find it extremely distressing that measures such as this should come to the House of Lords and even be debated seriously, and that there should be a politicisation of women who face abortion. Frankly, nobody wants an abortion; I cannot think why people ever thought that. Nobody wants one. There are several things you do not say when you ask yourself, “What do I want to do in my life?” No one says, “I want to be an alcoholic”, or, “I want to have an abortion”, or, “I want to be a druggie”. You do not put those on your wish list. They happen and we should protect women and support them all the way through, as the noble Lord, Lord Patel, spoke about in his fantastic debate earlier. These are people who need our protection and our love. I really support the noble Baroness, Lady Thornton, in bringing this forward. I will take part in any further debate because this is vital, and we are vital to this. Our voices really matter here.