Bangladesh

Gavin Shuker Excerpts

Thursday 16th January 2014 Commons Chamber

[Simon Danczuk (Rochdale) (Lab)]

I thank the Backbench Business Committee for providing the time to debate such an important issue—the debate is indeed timely. Let me thank, too, the hon. Member for St Albans (Mrs Main)—perhaps I should say hon. Friend—for helping to ensure that this debate took place and for her excellent chairmanship of the all-party parliamentary group on Bangladesh.

It is worth reminding ourselves that Bangladesh is the eighth largest country in the world and is an exceptionally important member of the Commonwealth. Closer to home, as I think has been said, there are around half a million British Bangladeshis living in the UK. We have very strong economic links with Bangladesh, and it is important to debate this today.

We are aware, not least from what previous speakers have said, that Bangladesh has a history dominated by political factionalism, which came to a head on 5 January this year, with much violence taking place on election day—the country’s 10th parliamentary election day. I believe that there should have been an interim caretaker Government—a point I made to Sheikh Hasina when we visited Bangladesh in September last year, but she was clearly not in favour of that. I believe that was a mistake. I understand why the Bangladesh Nationalist party boycotted the elections, failing to contest 147 seats. In a Parliament of 300 seats, the incumbent Awami League and its party allies now hold 232 of them. It is the first time in 23 years that there has been no political opposition in Bangladesh. We can only imagine what this place would be like if there were no political opposition—[Hon. Members: “Wonderful”.] Well, they would say that.

Reference has already been made to the fact that, as a result of the political turmoil, 180 people have died in Bangladesh since October. On election day, 21 deaths occurred and 47 constituencies were forced to shut down their voting stations because of the violence. It has been reported that voting booths were set on fire and that mob intimidation was commonplace. It is not surprising that the electoral turnout was exceptionally low; people were genuinely afraid of injury or death. As a result, Bangladesh’s economy and its general infrastructure have received a destructive blow and I am seriously concerned that if action is not taken soon, we could see a rapid deterioration.

[Gavin Shuker (Luton South) (Lab/Co-op)]

Is my hon. Friend as alarmed as I am that the International Monetary Fund has, as a result of many of the things he has mentioned, downgraded the Bangladeshi growth forecasts into 2014?

[Simon Danczuk]

I was not aware of that, but growth is a major concern to which I shall return, and I appreciate my hon. Friend’s point.

I have three main worries for Bangladesh at this time. The first is the impact on the country’s democracy. We are extremely fortunate in this country that we have a relatively peaceful political culture. That has grown over many years and generations, not by accident but through co-operation and the determination to have peaceful elections. We accept that the winner of our elections has the right to govern. Bangladesh is a young country—it was created in 1971—and it has been steadily making progress on building democracy. We should celebrate that, but I am concerned that this particular election may well derail democracy there. The irony is that the people of Bangladesh are crying out for their voices to be heard.

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[Richard Fuller]

I entirely agree with the hon. Gentleman. When issues persist under this Government, he rightly asks the Government questions in the House about how they are dealing with them—that is the right thing to do. Responsibility now lies with the Government in Bangladesh, who are allowing that force to continue its extra-judicial killing.

[Gavin Shuker]

I agree with much of the hon. Gentleman’s powerful speech. Is he aware that people who in are exile from Bangladesh following the most recent elections have themselves made allegations about the behaviour of the Rapid Action Battalion? One man said that he had been forced to leave the country as a result of a threat issued by the RAB that was simply, “Either you disappear from this country, or you will disappear.”

[Richard Fuller]

I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for bringing that to my attention. I think that it emphasises the need for accountability on the part of the Bangladesh Government, and the need for them to bring that force under control.

The second instance in which decisions were made and actions were required involves the sequence of political disappearances in Bangladesh. That, too, has been continuing for a number of years under different political parties. However, when a series of what might be called junior political operators—people who have just become involved in politics—start to disappear, it is the responsibility of any Government to take that very seriously indeed. It is their responsibility to use all the resources at their disposal to try to identify the circumstances that led to those disappearances, to find out who was responsible for them, and to bring whoever was responsible to justice.

This issue has particular poignancy for me because of the disappearance of Ilias Ali, the former Member of Parliament for Bishwanath. I met him in 2011 when he visited Bedford and brought to my attention the growing problem of political disappearances in Bangladesh. I listened to him intently. I was getting to know him and I thought that he was an interesting fellow, but I sort of thought, “Well, you would say that, wouldn’t you, because you are from the political opposition.” I wish that I had listened to him more. Then, in 2012, I saw him in Sylhet. He said “Richard, I am worried about the disappearance of one of my student political leaders.” I was a bit more concerned on that occasion, but I wish that I had listened to him then, because two weeks later, he himself disappeared.

Even now, no one knows what has happened to Ilias Ali. I do not believe that the Bangladeshi Government are wantonly trying to avoid bringing people to justice, but I do hold the Government of the day accountable for continuing political disappearances in a state that they are supposed to be governing.

Let me now give my third example. We have talked a little about the war crimes trials in Bangladesh. They, too, were begun with the best of intentions, with the aim of bringing about reconciliation; indeed, the international community was very happy with the structures that were established. It has taken a long time for the people involved in the wars of liberation in Bangladesh to be brought to trial.

I consider any system of justice that ends in the death penalty to be inherently flawed, because I do not believe in the death penalty as any form of justice. Notwithstanding the potential death penalty, however, the war crimes trials went from auspicious beginnings to become a very tainted process. Indeed, The Economist reported that the chief justice, Mohammed Huq, had to resign after he had

“prohibited contact with the prosecution and Government officials.”

The process was further tainted when the rules of trial, which permitted providing for a life sentence, were rewritten so that a death penalty could be imposed on someone, who was subsequently hanged. That undermines people’s faith that, when they are looking for justice, the Government of the day are on their side.

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[Gavin Shuker (Luton South) (Lab/Co-op)]

I am extremely grateful for the opportunity to speak in this vital debate and I congratulate the hon. Member for St Albans (Mrs Main) and my hon. Friend the Member for Rochdale (Simon Danczuk) on securing it.

It is right that we in this country, in all humility but with an active sense of participation, should work for the peace, stability, good governance and prosperity of the people of Bangladesh, not just because of the great warmth felt towards the Bangladeshi community living in this country but because Bangladesh has a fantastic series of opportunities to succeed in the forthcoming years. If we get the governance of Bangladesh right, the generation that is growing up there now could see its nation pushing towards becoming a middle-income country and tackling many of the issues that will arise as a result of climate change.

I am reminded today that the transition to a democratic system is not just about how people vote but about all sorts of other forms of civic engagement and processes. Becoming a democratic country does not just require majority rule; it also requires minority rights. It requires a political system that emerges, respects differences and tolerates alternative opinions. At its heart, it should require people to come together in a way that does not ignore difference but says that there is a future available to a country that would not be birthed without people coming together to achieve those aims.

Today, our thoughts are dominated by the concerns about the 10th general election, held on 5 January. The lack of widespread support for it from the world community and from the parties that would have participated in that election is troubling, and rightly so. I think that it was right for the US and the EU not to send observers, which would have lent legitimacy to a process that has clearly been discredited. Indeed, only four international observers participated in the election.

The tension between the Awami League and the BNP led to around half the seats going uncontested. Of course, it is a feature and not a bug of the Bangladeshi political system that the first-past-the-post system further accentuates the disconnect between the proportion of people voting for one party and the number of seats it wins. It has led to a pendulum effect, with power going backwards and forwards between the parties.

I associate myself with the sentiment expressed by the hon. Member for Bedford (Richard Fuller) when he warned against falling into the trap of thinking that it is six of one and half a dozen of another, because it is not about choosing sides. Fundamentally, it is about saying that political leaders have a responsibility, when given the opportunity, to set the conditions. It is not just about what benefits us in our parties; it is about the long-term prosperity of a nation.

Setting the right tone is incredibly important. That is something we need to be aware of in this House, which is why I hope that today’s debate will be welcomed by all those with a genuine interest in the future of the Bangladeshi people. We offer it in a spirit of humility, acknowledging that in no country are democratic processes perfect—we are all trying to improve things. However, where attention can be drawn to human rights abuses, where, as hon. Members have said today, concerns point towards a system in which injustice can be institutionalised, and where the abuse of power can lead to large groups of people feeling completely frozen out of the democratic process, it is right to point that out and condemn the situation that allows it to come about.

It has been asked today whether it was right to press on with the election or whether it would have been better to have an interim Administration until such time as full and free democratic elections could be held. I think that it was right that, as a nation, we chose to put out a series of statements making it clear that we did not believe that the election was free and fair, but surely the time ahead will be vital.

Today’s debate is taking place in the Parliament of a country that has strong links with the Bangladeshi nation, not least through the diaspora in our constituencies and communities. If we ever needed a statement on the incredible strides that that young nation—young demographically and young given its date of birth—can make, we need only look to the entrepreneurial spirit of the many people of Bangladeshi origin in our nation. They are a fantastic group of people and a fantastic work force. They are working incredibly hard, delivering the kind of growth that Bangladesh will need to see in the coming years to tackle many of its problems.

Those people in our communities will rightly say that for the world community to look on Bangladesh as though it should not have to live up to our expectations of democratic nations is deeply offensive to its people. Sometimes we view parts of the world as though they should not step up to what they could be—true participants in the world community, with processes and systems that reflect their leadership role.

Our partnership with Bangladesh involves not only business links, but international aid, development and support. I believe that there is a strong story to tell about our involvement, but there are also strong expectations. Bangladesh is one of the top five nations that we support through DFID. There are a number of figures available, but roughly £250 million of UK taxpayers’ money is spent in Bangladesh, and around 10% of that goes to big programmes aimed at strengthening political participation and safety and justice. I for one would never argue that we should go around the world with a big stick, trying to increase leverage in places where that is inappropriate, but surely it must be right, in the light of recent deeply concerning events, for DFID to review not only the viability of those programmes, but their effectiveness.

We provide direct funding for the Bangladeshi Government, and the NGOs and multilateral agencies are, by and large, very successful in their much-needed work, and in strengthening governance and participation in the political process and civic society. However, we must ask how we can make those programmes more effective to ensure that the leverage that is rightly being exercised by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office is backed up with participative support from DFID.

Finally, I want to say a few words about international trade links with Bangladesh. The all-party group’s report has rightly been widely welcomed by Members on both sides of the House for its instructive message. I think that we have a fantastic trade relationship. We must acknowledge that there is an economy coming through—the garment industry and other industries—that benefits us as well as them, and that is vital. That is why I believe that it was so short-sighted for the Government to defund the work being done by the International Labour Organisation, the body that ensures decent standards and working practices in those places. I welcome DFID’s approach in acknowledging that the ILO was an important participant in the process of raising standards in Bangladesh and urge it to increase the amount of money once again going into the ILO’s work.

Our relationships with Bangladesh are obviously political. They cross diaspora communities. They come from a deep-rooted sense of values and a shared history. But the future of those relationships relies upon us treating Bangladesh as a country that can step up to the requirements of being a modern world economy. Through our participation and all the ways we can exercise our agency here in the UK, we should work with a clear sense that majority rule, minority rights and true shared decision making will create the only future path for the people of Bangladesh. In that light, I hope that this debate will go a long way towards pointing out the future direction for the people of that fantastic country.