Retail Investment

Kanishka Narayan Excerpts

Tuesday 22nd April 2025 Westminster Hall

[Kanishka Narayan (Vale of Glamorgan) (Lab)]

It is a privilege to speak with you in the Chair, Mrs Hobhouse. It is a particular privilege to follow my hon. Friend the Member for Buckingham and Bletchley (Callum Anderson), who secured this debate and led it with expected expertise. I know that he brings a great deal of professional experience from his career prior to this place. It also a privilege to see the Economic Secretary to the Treasury in her chair. I know that she also brings vast expertise and experience to this debate from both her time in this place and prior to it. For those reasons, I will humbly keep a short focus on five particular segments of potential retail investors in my remarks.

My hon. Friend the Member for Buckingham and Bletchley was very accurate in noting the focus of the debate. For me in the Vale of Glamorgan, as will be the case for many other colleagues, the focus must be on ensuring that individuals can not only accumulate prosperity through retail investment but ensure dignity, and that is the first segment of particular interest. For millions of households, retail investment is a question of saving up for a rainy day. For many households in the third decile of wealth in this country, with average net financial savings of about £1,500, the path to retail investment is through a low-cost—or hopefully even a zero-cost—accessible money market or index fund. The fundamental focus for those individuals is on how we support not just the right level of interest rate provision from our retail banks, which is absolutely necessary, but the advantages of technology in distributing index funds in a way that is accessible and understandable to many of those households.

The secondary category is novel in its composition: the young in this country. While about 39% of adults in this country have invested actively, an overwhelming third of those started during the pandemic. The vast majority of those who started in the pandemic and afterwards are aged between 18 and 34. The patterns of behaviour in that category are radically different from others across the country: 58% of 18 to 24-year-olds hold cryptocurrency as their primary asset holding; among those aged between 55 and 65, holdings in that asset class are negligible. Cash ISAs are not particularly prominent for those young individuals at the moment. For them, the interesting and salient question is how to make sure that we have a bridge to wider responsible investing across asset classes, which builds for the long term, alongside doing what they want in holding cryptocurrency or other assets.

The third category is critical to the nation’s future and private investment in this country: those who do not invest in equity today. My hon. Friend the Member for Buckingham and Bletchley has come up with a series of good practical ideas on supporting them into equity markets, but given that most of our financial assets up until the seventh or eighth decile of wealth lie in pensions rather than direct financial assets themselves, I feel that pensions will be the primary gateway to ensuring that retail investors have a bit more of a say in allocation that supports the country’s long-term goals.

In the United States a 401(k) culture of people being able to exercise discretion in what happens with their pensions has led to a radical shift in retail holding in equities in particular. The Economic Secretary to the Treasury has been at the frontier of making reforms to our pension system in her prior role and now as well. In addition to supporting funds, shifting their allocation, really pushing ambition on the implementation of the pensions dashboard and in the movement to open pensions, the data, transparency and empowered control that will help many of us to make greater moves into supporting British and wider businesses is fundamental.

[Anna Dixon]

My hon. Friend makes excellent points about the older generation and their decision making on what to invest in. At the moment older people are often over-saving, particularly in cash ISAs or very low-risk products, because of the lack of funded social care. They are having to hold on to a lot of cash just in case they need to pay for care. Does my hon. Friend agree with me that better advice is needed for pensioners to make retail investment decisions, and a better range of products is needed that will deliver them security in old age in terms of social care, but also the returns in pension income?

[Kanishka Narayan]

Yes, absolutely. My hon. Friend speaks with a great deal of expertise on this and on the wider question of how we support people with care needs. She is exactly right.

I would be interested in how we support a market in the advice context that goes all the way from what I think the guidance on the boundary of the advice market will do, which is support people getting into the advice context in the first place and ultimately into the regulated part of that market. Again, as a fervent believer in what a reduced cost of delivery through technology can do, I think there is a huge amount of progress to be made in finding different sources of advice for different sets of people. Pensions are a primary point of leverage as we think about where we can make a mark in supporting greater retail investment.

There is a fourth, really important category of those who invest in equities, but do not invest as much in British equities. It is worth distinguishing them from those who do not invest in equities altogether. My broad suggestion there is that we focus as much on the pull as the push and think about why it is that when people in Britain invest in equities, they are not investing as much in British equities. It is very clear that North American funds have had very material inflows over the course of the last decade, compared with actively managed UK funds, which have had outflows since 2016. UK-based index funds also had outflows in the two years prior to 2023. It is probably not surprising that it is in large part down to the returns profile.

If someone invested in the MSCI USA Index, they got a 303% return over the last decade. Return in the MSCI World Index was 213%. If we look at the pattern of retail investment in US companies, we see that it is the highest growth, highest returning and often in some ways the highest engagement companies that get the greatest inflows. Some 30% of retail holdings in the “magnificent seven” tech stocks, as they are labelled, are radically lower in the rest of the S&P. Given that the median age of our top 10 companies in the FTSE is about 150 compared with 40 in the US top 10, it is probably not surprising that people do not feel as captivated by the possibility of investing in Britain.

When we think about retail investment in British assets in particular, we need to think about what we are asking people to invest in and make sure that the wider set of economic reforms that we are focused on are driving at pace a sense that technology and renewable energy—things that build the country’s future—grounded in communities like Hexham and the Vale of Glamorgan are the assets that we support people to invest in.

My final point is close to my heart as a Labour politician, which is that retail investors’ primary experience of a company is the company that they work in. There is a cause here that ties together the cause of worker dignity, worker engagement and retail investment for prosperity. It is a cause close to my heart from the technology sector, because the one thing that has been so remarkable about it globally has been the ability of the technology sector to create prosperity through employee stock ownership. I humbly suggest that the Government consider adapting a very successful enterprise management incentive scheme for employee stock ownership, to make it more attractive in the modern world of technology and artificial intelligence companies.

I am conscious that I have whizzed through those five categories, but at the heart of the issue is a fundamental focus: in supporting both the prosperity and dignity of people in the Vale of Glamorgan and across the country, retail investment will be fundamental.

Family Businesses

Kanishka Narayan Excerpts

Wednesday 26th February 2025 Commons Chamber

[Mel Stride]

I have made the position extremely clear. What is very clear is that we actually left the current Government with an excellent inheritance—[Laughter.] Well, where has it all gone now? We left the Labour party with the fastest growing economy in the G7. We left the Labour party with a near-record level of employment. We left the Labour party with a near-record low level of unemployment. We left the Labour party with 13 consecutive months of real wage growth. And we left the Labour party with inflation figures, which had gone up to over 11% in October 2022 due to the Ukraine war, of just 2%—bang on target—on the day of the general election. That is a decent inheritance. It has taken the Labour Government seven short months to completely trash it, so we will take no lectures from them.

We would do things very differently, because we recognise that small businesses and family businesses are the backbone of our economy. They are the life and fire of our economy, but there is no life or fire in the Chancellor—just tragic mistakes and miscalculations. The sugar rush of borrowing and spending that we saw in the last Budget further bloated the size of the state and forced taxes ever upwards. We have seen the Government failing to grasp the nettle of productivity, giving into those trade union paymasters, and awarding above-inflation wage settlements with no strings attached whatsoever. They have had absolutely nothing to say on the issue of welfare, the budget for which has been ballooning out of control. When we were in government, we reduced the welfare budget on my watch by £5 billion. The OBR recorded over 400,000 fewer people going on to long-term sickness and disability benefits as a result of the reforms that we brought in.

There was, however, more to be delivered. We went into the last election with a clear plan to save a further £12 billion every year as a result of our welfare reform. Where has the zeal for welfare reform gone? It has evaporated entirely under the Labour Government—in fact, it was never there. Simply, if the Government have the backbone to come forward with some serious proposals to deal with the welfare budget, such that the Chancellor says at the Dispatch Box on 26 March that she will unwind the national insurance increases, the Opposition will support her.

[Kanishka Narayan (Vale of Glamorgan) (Lab)]

I notice that the motion is on family businesses, but 96% of them have either no employees or a very small number. They are unaffected, if not helped, by the doubling of the employment allowance. Only 4% of family businesses have claimed BPR; most are unaffected. Moreover, the shadow Chancellor cannot name a single proposal under the Employment Rights Bill. Will he apologise to family businesses for the total irrelevance of his complaints to the theme that we are discussing?

[Mel Stride]

With great respect, I think the hon. Gentleman should get out a bit more and speak to some of those businesses.

Politics is about priorities. For all their talk of being the natural party of business, the Government are instead simply reaching for the socialist comfort blanket of tax, spend, borrow and regulate. It has not worked before, it is not working now, and it will never work. The truth is that this Government are totally out of their depth, businesses are reeling, and we are all paying the price.

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[Kanishka Narayan (Vale of Glamorgan) (Lab)]

I will start by doing what the Opposition failed to do, which is to recognise the particular contribution of family businesses. I think family businesses in the Vale of Glamorgan will be disappointed that the shadow Chancellor trotted out a generic business conversation, rather than honing in on what is special about family businesses.

What is special about family businesses can be counted in the Vale of Glamorgan and across the country. Family businesses make up the majority of businesses in the Vale of Glamorgan, but their contribution cannot just be counted, it can be felt. I feel it on a weekly basis in the sandwiches of the Food for Thought deli on Barry high street, where I see the incredible effort that Nathan, Sarah, Leroy and the whole team put in. I felt it on a visit to Clive Edwards Contracts in Colwinston, where Josh Edwards is taking on what his father started. I have felt it in the coffee of the Welsh Coffee Company, best consumed on the coastline of Ogmore-by-Sea. And I have felt it very specifically in the joy delivered by the traders of Barry Island, the primary effort drivers who bring waves of tourists to our shores.

I have mentioned those contributions being felt, because they are the distinct contributions of family businesses. Many family businesses work way over time, putting a huge amount of personal and financial risk and wider collective effort into their businesses, but they make a wider contribution too. The median tenure of a FTSE chief executive officer is around five and a half years, but the tenure of family businesses is multigenerational. They are the drivers of patient capital decisions, they are the drivers often of conviction in those decisions, and they are the drivers often of both philanthropy and values in a number of business decisions, as Opposition Members have mentioned.

[Wendy Chamberlain (North East Fife) (LD)]

The hon. Member is highlighting the value that family businesses have in the community and beyond. I have a constituent who has been investing 80%-plus of all their profits back into their business for many years, but with the changes to business property relief, they are going to have to divest equity in the business. Does he agree that that is not the right way to guarantee growth?

[Kanishka Narayan]

I thank the hon. Member for her question; let me say something that I was going to come to later. In all my experience of business, the one thing I have learned is that businesses are nothing but collections of people. They are mums and dads who drive their kids to school. They are people who drive through the potholes created by the Tory Government. They are people on our NHS waiting lists who want a decent health service. Of course it is difficult when we have to bear some of the burden of paying for our public services, but the people who run our family businesses benefit as well.

Let me hone in again on the contribution that family businesses make, which I am passionate about in the Vale of Glamorgan. Family businesses are now looking at the fact that employment allowances have been doubled. We know that 96% of them are microbusinesses employing fewer than nine people. In fact, the vast majority are sole proprietorships. They are looking at the fact that the path of corporation tax has been fixed, bringing stability back after a decade and a half of total chaos. They are looking at the fact that late payments—the fundamental challenge for small and family businesses in the Vale—have now been cracked down on. They will look at today’s motion and feel the comfort of their pints being protected, too.

The fundamental decision that family businesses make often comes down to a question of endurance—a question, in particular, of how they can sustain themselves across generations and be productive. In that context, what the Government are doing on late payments is critical. British family businesses are limited in their use of external finance. They often rely on cash flow, so to be able to deliver greater cash flow by tackling late payments is a fundamental contribution by this Government.

Family businesses are also drivers of technological innovation. Almost half the family businesses in this country are users of accountancy software, moving to digital bookkeeping far ahead of many other businesses. I am passionate about what this Government are doing in driving the adoption not just of technology but of artificial intelligence software in businesses.

Let me end where I started in my response to the hon. Member for North East Fife (Wendy Chamberlain). Family businesses are indeed just collections of people. When we make choices on taxation, we are making choices on spending in our public services. Those choices are at the heart of driving the long-term health, prosperity, stability and, indeed, effort of our family businesses.

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[Kanishka Narayan]

The hon. Member talks of cutting one’s cloth. Perhaps he can tell the 14 million people employed by family businesses how he would cut the public services they rely on to fund the unfunded tax cuts he is talking about making.

[Bradley Thomas]

The hon. Gentleman’s intervention is a good one, in that he demonstrates that his party believes philosophically that it has to either tax or cut. The Government have no appreciation of the fact that money could be spent more effectively in the first instance. It is a fundamental ideological weakness of the Government.

Growing the UK Economy

Kanishka Narayan Excerpts

Wednesday 29th January 2025 Commons Chamber

[Madam Deputy Speaker (Ms Nusrat Ghani)]

Order. If Members’ questions are short and if the answers are to the point, I will do my best to get everybody in. To show us how it is done, I invite Kanishka Narayan.

[Kanishka Narayan (Vale of Glamorgan) (Lab)]

Harold Wilson said:

“The only human institution which rejects progress is the cemetery.”

Today, we can add to that the Tory party. Will the Chief Secretary ditch that Tory past, seize the spirit of Wilson and bring the white heat of technology back to Britain’s shores, including an AI growth zone in the Vale of Glamorgan?

[Darren Jones]

Pithy, Madam Deputy Speaker! Yes, I completely endorse my hon. Friend’s question. He knows very well that in the technology space there are huge opportunities for investment in the UK. Our AI investment zone announcement will be the first of many such announcements in the years ahead.

UK-China Economic and Financial Dialogue

Kanishka Narayan Excerpts

Tuesday 14th January 2025 Commons Chamber

[Rachel Reeves]

I raised a number of issues around human rights abuses, labour and, indeed, rights and freedoms in Hong Kong, including the case of Jimmy Lai. I raised that with all the Ministers I met in China, and I will always stand up for our values and interests.

[Kanishka Narayan (Vale of Glamorgan) (Lab)]

Unlike the bickering in the Conservative party, we are cutting deals in the national interest and putting Britain at the frontier—£600 million just over the weekend, and an AI opportunities plan just this week. Does the Chancellor agree that we are the party of action and the Conservatives are the party of rhetoric?

[Rachel Reeves]

We on the Government Benches are not going to apologise for getting a good deal for British businesses and the people working for them. I am determined to leave no stone unturned in ensuring that British businesses have the rights and freedoms to export and trade around the world, helping to create good jobs here in Britain.

Employer National Insurance Contributions

Kanishka Narayan Excerpts

Wednesday 4th December 2024 Commons Chamber

[Mel Stride]

I have heard the hon. Gentleman intervene in various debates, and I am coming to the conclusion that he is probably a rather sensible SNP Member, because he is absolutely right. [Interruption.] I did not opine on how sensible his party is. I just said that he is one of its most sensible Members.

It is very clear that this Government will not create firm foundations for the economy. They will actually create a vulnerable economy, because there are risks around the central forecast and downside risks around growth, inflation, net migration, economic inactivity, energy prices, interest rates and so on. There will also be risks around the spending envelope after the first couple of years, particularly for a profligate Labour Government who may find that constraint unbearable.

There are also external risks. We know that there will be a new Government in the United States, and there is talk of tariffs. It may be that the deficit financing of tax cuts leads to interest rates rising around the world as bond yields increase, and that could be imported to our shores.

All these things mean that we need a good level of headroom against our fiscal targets, yet, on the stability target, it is quite possible that the headroom has already evaporated. Why? Because, to my earlier point, the Government talked down the UK economy and, partly as a result, are paying more to service the debt that this country carries.

[Kanishka Narayan (Vale of Glamorgan) (Lab)]

I thank the shadow Chancellor for giving way; my interest was piqued by his talk of deficit financed tax cuts. Does he agree with his boss, the Leader of the Opposition, that the Liz Truss mini-Budget, which is the prime example of the thing he criticises, was the right package, but just with the wrong communication?

[Mel Stride]

If the hon. Gentleman has a look at the history of that time, he will see that I was the Chair of the Treasury Committee, and I had a great deal to say about the economic policies that were pursued in the so-called mini-Budget, so I will leave it at that.

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[Kanishka Narayan]

The Vale of Glamorgan, and Wales more broadly, is full of small and micro businesses. The Office for National Statistics and the OBR have both told us that most small businesses and micro businesses will be better off or the same as before. The Vale’s businesses get not only better public services but a good tax set-up. Does my hon. Friend agree that this is a great Budget and a great proposition for small businesses in the Vale?

[Louise Jones]

I could not agree more. I have heard from so many small business owners in North East Derbyshire who are so thankful for the changes that we are making to support them.

If we fail to make these decisions today, we risk the prospect of cuts to crucial services or an increased burden on future generations, which would fall on the most vulnerable in society.

Finance Bill

Kanishka Narayan Excerpts

2nd reading
Wednesday 27th November 2024 Commons Chamber

[Daisy Cooper (St Albans) (LD)]

It is an honour to follow the hon. Member for South Derbyshire (Samantha Niblett), and I congratulate her on her very heartfelt maiden speech. I commend her for her commitment to the NHS, and for her desire to be a role model for the next generation of women, who will follow up the ladder behind us. Her skills in data and tech will be incredibly helpful in this House as we grapple with the challenge of online harms, and the threats and opportunities of AI, and I wish her well in her career in this House.

There is no doubt but that the Government have received a terrible inheritance. Under the former Conservative Government, our economy flatlined, people’s living standards plummeted and our public services were left on their knees, so inevitably the incoming Government have had to make some difficult decisions. [Interruption.] Conservative Members might like side B. [Interruption.] Steady on. Some of those decisions we Liberal Democrats agree with. To start with, the Government have decided to borrow for productive investment, and in principle we agree with that. They have raised the levy on the oil and gas giants and closed the loophole, and we agree with that. They have decided to invest in the NHS, and we also agree with that. However, we cannot support the Bill, for many of the reasons set out in our reasoned amendment.

The first question is who should pay for fixing our NHS and social care. We Liberal Democrats have always said that it should be those with the broadest shoulders. Unfortunately, the Government’s Finance Bill does not reverse the tax cuts given to the big banks by the Conservatives; it does not raise the digital services tax on the big tech companies; and it does not increase the remote gaming duty. Those three measures, outlined in our reasoned amendment, would have raised billions of pounds to help fix our NHS and social care, and that money could also have been used to reverse the cut to the winter fuel payment.

The inheritance tax measures are not included in the Finance Bill, but it does pave the way for them. I must say that it is a bit rich of the Conservatives to pretend suddenly to be the friends of the farmers when they ushered in the very trade deals that have undermined so many farmers. However, I urge the Government in the strongest terms to think again about the family farm tax. That measure is badly thought through and leads to the worst of both worlds. It does not close the loophole that results in big equity companies and investors buying up land—it is still more tax-efficient for them to do that than to place their money elsewhere—yet family farms are being caught up as collateral damage. There are rumours that the Government may be thinking again, and I urge them to do so. It is possible for them to look at introducing a genuine family farm test, as exists in France and Ireland. If the Government look at this issue, the Liberal Democrats will, in the spirit of constructive opposition, work with them to get this right and to protect family farmers.

Our reasoned amendment also outlines our opposition to the increase in alcohol duty, because it will hit not only consumers, but small businesses—and not just any businesses. The businesses in this sector are bastions of new craftsmanship and innovation in our small-batch distilleries.

In summary, we know that the Government had an awful inheritance and had to make difficult decisions, but we Liberal Democrats would have made different choices.

[Kanishka Narayan (Vale of Glamorgan) (Lab)]

Has the hon. Member reflected on the fact that the Liberal Democrats, instead of being just the party of no, were the party who enabled the coalition Government, which she is criticising?

[Daisy Cooper]

I think we can all say that a lot of water has passed under the bridge since those times. Since 2015, we have seen what the Conservatives did when they were left in government on their own. I hope that people will have seen at the most recent general election that we Liberal Democrats put health and social care front and centre; that led us to become the largest third party in the last 100 years.

To conclude, we Liberal Democrats would have made different decisions from the Government, and for that reason, we will not support the Bill.

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[Kanishka Narayan (Vale of Glamorgan) (Lab)]

It is a pleasure to speak while you are in the Chair, Madam Deputy Speaker. It was also a pleasure to hear the brilliant maiden speech from my hon. Friend the Member for South Derbyshire (Samantha Niblett). We are colleagues and partners in crime in the cause of technology. I know that she has a glittering career in front of her, and I look forward to witnessing it.

In view of the instruction from your predecessor in the Chair, Madam Deputy Speaker, I studiously read the Budget briefing from the House of Commons Library, which explained the history of the Finance Bill. Broadly, that history commends this country’s stability and its financial institutions—broadly, but with one great blip. Let me start by recognising the context of the Bill: the wreckage from which we emerge—the wreckage of the “growth plan”, as the Conservatives called it under their Prime Minister Liz Truss. The briefing, for which I thank the Library’s staff, tells us that not setting out the prospective flow of a Finance Bill from that was a total aberration. From the wreckage, however, has come the return of stability.

In fairness, I recognise that at the time, the present shadow Chancellor—the right hon. Member for Central Devon (Mel Stride)—called the party leader out. He said that she was “flying blind”, and others were following her blindly. It seems that blind flight is contagious on the Opposition Benches today. The right hon. Gentleman talks about opposing, about being the party of “no” rather than the party of government. He did not tell us how he would fund public services; he did not tell us what taxes he would raise if he opposed all of ours. I am conscious that he also once called the pension triple lock “unsustainable”. This is not someone to be trusted with government or with opposition.

I note that the right hon. Member for East Hampshire (Damian Hinds) has just left the Chamber, having said that he was not interested in choosing. He stands for the 100%. As my hon. Friend the Member for Darlington (Lola McEvoy) said, to govern is to choose. To avoid choice is to play the fantasy politics of opposition, and I am glad that the right hon. Gentleman has found the warm Benches opposite.

[Dave Doogan]

The hon. Gentleman says that the Tories have no plan for public services. I accept that the Labour Government do have a plan, but it is completely unbelievable, so where does that leave us?

[Kanishka Narayan]

May I recognise, with warm comfort, the traditional place of the Scottish nationalists as total enablers of Conservative Governments? The hon. Gentleman talks about fiscal credibility. May I point out the absolute wreckage of the Scottish Government, who have wasted almost half a billion pounds of offshore wind proceeds on day-to-day spending because of their fiscal mismanagement? If he is taking tutorials alongside the Conservative party, may I ask him to invite his colleagues in Scotland to them? Those will serve them very efficiently.

From my experience of the City of London, and of investing in this country and abroad, the broad lesson I have learned is that finance is always contingent, but the fundamentals matter. For that reason, the Bill has to be seen in the context of what it enables. Where the Conservatives treated the working people of this country as their cash machines, we are protecting payslips. Where they did not support healthcare in this country and wrecked the waiting list system, as I experienced growing up in this country, we are supporting the NHS. Where they slashed public investment and took cowardly decisions across their Finance Bills, we are investing in our future.

I want to mention a proposal in the Bill that is close to my heart: the relief on draught duty, which will affect the Lamb and Flag in Wick, the Three Golden Cups in Southerndown and, closest to my heart, Finnegans on Barry Island. When the “Gavin and Stacey” Christmas special is shown, I will make sure to make the most of the draught duty relief—particularly at Finnegans, but across the Vale of Glamorgan.

Let me return to the choice at the heart of this Bill. As the Treasury’s distributional analysis shows, the overall context of what we have done, both in the Bill and more broadly, is that 90% of households in this country will be better off. That is the amazing distributional context, after 14 years of what we experienced under the Conservative party.

What a daffodil-laden Budget we have! The Bill offers the biggest ever budget settlement for Wales; it means £1.7 billion for Welsh public services. Some 70,000 minimum-wage workers in Wales will be better off. There is £100 million for our coal and steel communities, and a timely £25 million of support for coal tips. For the daffodil-laden Budget and the Bill that undergirds it, I am very grateful to the Chancellor.

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[Jerome Mayhew]

There were a number of points in the hon. Gentleman’s intervention. First, how much money should be spent? Secondly, what should it be spent on? And thirdly, where should we get it from? I will go straight to the heart of where we can get the money from: if we return public service productivity back to 2019 levels, there are tens of billions of pounds to be saved; if we return the size of the civil service to the 2019 level, before the big covid expansion, there are tens of billions of pounds to be saved; and if we return welfare spending on disability back to pre-covid levels, which my right hon. Friend the Member for Central Devon (Mel Stride) was in process of doing before the general election, there are tens of billions of pounds to be saved.

[Kanishka Narayan]

On that point, will the hon. Gentleman give way?

[Jerome Mayhew]

In a moment. If we add that all up, there would be £50 billion that could be spent on the frontline. However, the problem with the Labour party is that it takes money and spends it on inflation-busting wage rises for its union paymasters, but not on increasing and improving the outcomes for the people who use services. That is the big difference between the Conservative party and the Labour party. The focus of our spending is not the people providing the services; we are for the people who use those services—the people of this country.

[Jerome Mayhew]

My hon. Friend is entirely correct: over the course of the forecast period, the Office for Budget Responsibility estimates that growth will be cut by 0.7%. It is worse than that, however, because we also have an increase in taxes on businesses of £25 billion through the national insurance contributions, which the OBR tells us will be paid for overwhelmingly by reduced pay for workers, amounting to £7.5 billion. It also forecasts that more than 50,000 full time-equivalent jobs will be lost as a result of the policies that Labour Members plan to vote for.

[Kanishka Narayan]

Will the hon. Member give way?

[Jerome Mayhew]

I will on that point.

[Kanishka Narayan]

The hon. Member keeps talking about his Government having been in the process of making a mark on productivity. Having left us with the worst productivity slowdown in 250 years, will he tell us how long the process would have taken?

[Jerome Mayhew]

The hon. Gentleman’s intervention was not on the point that he rose for, but there is one thing that he does not mention, and that is the covid impact. [Interruption.] Hon. Members can laugh about it, but we spent £400 billion supporting the economy and the people of this country in a once-in-a-century impact on our economy.

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[Josh Simons (Makerfield) (Lab)]

May I start by congratulating my hon. Friend the Member for South Derbyshire (Samantha Niblett) on her excellent maiden speech? As a fellow technologist, she has done so much to make sure that women in particular are part of the technology sector. That is vital as we work to get more women involved in the technology sector and in technology policy.

Last week, a constituent who had voted Labour at the election came to see me. She was an elderly woman and she asked me this very simple question: what makes this a Labour Budget? As a corollary of that, she said, “If I were to vote now, why should I vote Labour to make sure that we have another Budget like the one you have just passed?” And I had a particular answer for her. We talked about some big things. We talked about the big choices that were in the Budget underpinned by this Finance Bill. We talked about, for example, the choice to make hard decisions in order to fund our NHS properly, to make sure that we shift from a national health service to a neighbourhood health service, so that, in my constituency we can ensure that there is proper health provision in towns like Hindley Green and Orrell, which over the past 14 years, have lost all their primary care provision. She thought that was compelling.

I then said that another of the bigger choices that we made in the Budget, which this Finance Bill underpins, is to invest, instead of accepting the slow decline that the Conservative Members have presided over for 14 years. We then discussed some of the less well covered measures that this Finance Bill supports, and it is those that I wish to talk about today. In these measures, we can see the values that make the Budget, and this Finance Bill, a Labour Budget: care, respect, and pride in our communities. These are the measures that answer her question: what is it that made the Budget that this Finance Bill pays for a Labour Budget?

Let me talk about a few of the smaller things that will benefit my constituents and working people right across the country. Most importantly for those I represent, we will end the injustice of the mineworkers’ pension scheme. Just yesterday, my constituents remembered the Springs colliery disaster in Hindley. Tens of thousands of people who used to live in the constituency of Ince, which preceded my own, came together in what was a powerful and emotional moment for them. By ending the injustice of the mineworkers’ pension scheme, the Chancellor ensured that as we build the next generation of energy, reducing bills and ensuring that foreign dictators no longer have a hold over energy production in this nation, we also remember the last generation of energy production: the workers who powered our industrial revolution and built this nation’s wealth.

[Kanishka Narayan]

Does my hon. Friend agree that the proceeds from the Finance Bill will allow us not just to invest in the future but to recognise our heritage, compensate mineworkers, and in particular support coal tips in Wales?