Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill Debate
Full Debate: Read Full DebateLord Weir of Ballyholme
Main Page: Lord Weir of Ballyholme (Democratic Unionist Party - Life peer)Department Debates - View all Lord Weir of Ballyholme's debates with the Ministry of Justice
(1 day, 13 hours ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, the purpose of my amendments in this group is to ensure that all patients’ needs are taken into account and support is given so that people have a genuine choice. I am delighted that my noble friend Lady Campbell of Surbiton will speak to this group. Amendment 149 would ensure that the subject of assisted suicide is not raised within 48 hours of a terminal diagnosis. Perhaps this should be considered a cooling-off period. I have been with someone when they received a devastating diagnosis that they were dreading. They had not considered assisted suicide, but neither of us heard much after initially being told.
This is about a timing issue that could be seen to be a power imbalance or an implied endorsement. Options need to be very carefully discussed. If discussed straight away, treatments might seem so awful that assisted suicide is considered the best option. It might be quicker or easier to talk about this than a complex set of treatment options. To give patients choice, a multi-agency team assessment should take place to identify current support needs and ensure that steps are being taken to meet those needs.
This amendment would also offer some protection to doctors. If the conversation is discretionary, there may be a difficult legal dilemma: if it is raised at the initial consultation, it might be seen to be implicit coercion, but if doctors fail to raise it, that might be considered blocking access. There was a case in South Australia, mentioned in the Voluntary Assisted Dying (Voluntary Assisted Dying Board Annual Report 2022-23). Siblings said that, when they were with their relation, who was given VAD, it was the only time that doctors had shown empathy or understanding. The Medical Defence Union, which supports 200,000 healthcare professionals, is deeply concerned about the appropriate time to raise the subject.
This leads us into a grey area of suicide ideation. We fund suicide prevention; we do as much as we can to prevent someone dying by suicide. This Bill could lead to unforeseen consequences. As previously debated, it does not guarantee a quick or painless death, and if this process exists, the rate of suicide may even rise, as has happened in Australia in the over-65 age group.
There is also an assumption that if a terminal diagnosis is given, the process will be entered into, which might not be the case. ONS data from 2022 shows that people with terminal conditions can feel suicidal. One year after diagnosis for low-survival cancers or COPD, the suicide rate for patients was 2.4 times higher than the suicide rate for the matched controls. One year after diagnosis for chronic ischemic heart conditions, the suicide rate for patients was nearly two times higher than for the matched controls.
In oral evidence, Dr Price said that, of those who would qualify under the Bill,
“around 20% will have diagnosable depression, around 10% will have a wish to hasten death, and around 4% will have a more persistent wish to hasten death”.—[Official Report, Commons, Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill Committee 30/1/25; col. 270.]
She added:
“Those who had a wish to hasten death were 18 times more likely to also feel suicidal”.—[Official Report, Commons, Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill Committee 30/1/25; col. 276.]
The Royal College of Psychiatrists has raised issues, stating that doctors do not know how to assess the presence of depression. In a large-scale survey of professionals in England and Wales, co-authored by Professor Gareth Owen in 2021, only 6.9% of non-psychiatric doctors rated themselves as assessing capacity “very well”. When Fazilet Hadi from Disability Rights UK gave evidence, she said:
“We often find that doctors, because they cannot treat or cure us, do devalue our lives”.—[Official Report, Commons, Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill Committee 29/1/25; col. 180.]
She was referring to disabled people.
The VAD review board of the Australian state of Victoria says that doctor initiation might be the reason for increased take-up. Previously, there was a prohibition on doctors raising it, but that gagging clause has now been removed. A JAMA Psychiatry paper from 2019 also highlighted the heightened risk during the first week after diagnosis. It said:
“Clinically, our results identify specific cancers associated with significantly elevated risk of suicide”.
The combined literature suggests that the first week after diagnosis has the highest risk for suicide, and it falls thereafter. It therefore makes sense that those who have received a shock terminal diagnosis are most vulnerable and suggestible and may have low self-worth. Macmillan Cancer Support recommends a holistic needs assessment as part of cancer care. The Bill will be better for having this assessment built in and will lead to more patient-centred care. It is impossible to have true agency when only one realistic choice is offered. That is why it is crucial that the patient’s current support needs are identified after diagnosis.
I strongly support Amendment 155 in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Keeley. I feel very strongly that patients should be able to discuss their diagnosis and treatment with no fear of potentially being encouraged or having this process suggested to them.
On Amendment 176, we have covered complications before. The noble and learned Lord said in the Chamber that a discussion should take place before the first set of drugs are taken, and, if they do not work, the patient can choose to take a second dose of poison. But what is there to protect the doctor? Will the wishes be written down or witnessed? What should the doctors do if the drugs do not work? Should the doctor have a second dose with them? Will it be a doctor or, perhaps, a physician assistant? Is euthanasia the next step? It could be seen to be the next logical step in expansion. If one or two bad deaths are recorded, we might be told that we need to be more compassionate, and this is the best way to go.
In Hawaii, a doctor allegedly completed the death of a patient after the woman began choking; it was reported in the Honolulu Star-Advertiser. That doctor was charged with second-degree murder. Legally, a patient needs to know the effect of the drugs. Clause 12(2) refers to the need to discuss the complications, but we cannot play down the risks. Data from Oregon from between 2012 and 2022 showed a complication rate of 11%. In the Netherlands, in one-third of cases it takes up to 30 hours for a patient to die. As I have said before, assisted suicide is often represented as painless and quick, allowing for a calm and meaningful goodbye, but the reality from cases around the world shows that it can be far from this. The case of Kurt from Colorado has been raised previously by my noble friend Lady Finlay.
There has been much said in this Chamber about the importance of words, and I strongly believe that the word treatment does not cover what we are talking about. Using “treatment” to mean a lethal mixture of drugs intended to end life is clearly an attempt to soften the blow of reality. That is why people are not aware of the frequency of complications, and of the need to know the wishes of the patient in the event of complications.
My Amendment 200 is very similar to Amendment 149— it just seeks to amend a different part of the Bill. Briefly, I will talk to Amendment 200A and the unique context around the preliminary discussion, because failure to comply with regulations is appropriately treated as misconduct and subject to existing disciplinary procedures. I know that the noble and learned Lord is not keen to ask someone why they would want an assisted suicide, but I think the question should be asked. People do not need to answer, but we need to ask, to understand the process and look at whether there are other ways that we can improve our health service.
In Victoria, in 2023, the reasons for accessing VAD were not recorded, so the nature and source of the suffering—which is a clear criterion for access to VAD—is not known. This information could help us improve legislation in the future, or close gaps. The impact evaluation of VAD is undertaken by researchers funded by time-competitive grants, which means the results can be piecemeal and the data not always accurate. In 2023-24, 10 doctors with the highest VAD caseloads consulted on 55% of all VAD cases. In Australia, the VAD substance is often taken in the absence of a health professional, and there are no specific requirements or procedures for gathering or publishing information, including on whether complications have occurred.
Turning to my Amendments 207 and 207A, I have previously quoted Tommy Jessop and his concerns for people with Down syndrome. People with Down syndrome put great store in people in positions of trust around them, and the Learning From Lives and Deaths report that was published in January 2026 discussed some of the challenges. The proportion of deaths of people with learning disabilities classified as avoidable was 40.2% in 2023; it was 21.8% for the general population in 2022, so the figure is almost double. That demonstrates that there are problems in healthcare for people with learning disabilities. Some 72.7% of adults with learning disabilities who died in 2023 were reported to have received the reasonable adjustments they required when they accessed care, but conversely, 27.3% were reported to have needed at least one reasonable adjustment that they were not provided with.
There are already deficiencies in our system, and disabled people are discouraged by ableist attitudes in our culture. In 2024, Autism Alliance UK reported that 91% of autistic people feel that society does not accept them, or only sometimes accepts them. That is the reason why my amendments would widen the definition, so that we should be looking to support from a “guardian, or independent person”. Many families are loving and caring, but we have to recognise that some are not, and we should ensure that people have the right protection and support around them. I beg to move.
My Lords, I will speak to my amendment in this group, Amendment 200B. It would insert a new clause to say that care professionals are not permitted to raise the subject of assistance. For the avoidance of doubt, the proposed new clause says that anyone who is engaged in patient care may not
“raise, suggest, encourage or initiate consideration of the subject of the provision of assistance under this Act”.
There are four main reasons why I have tabled this amendment. First, it would give clarity and absolute legal certainty to those in the medical profession and to care professionals regarding the initiation of discussion of the subject. We know that other parts of the Bill set out a clear position on what actions will be taken by medical professionals when it comes to the administration of the assisted death, but it is important that we have a clear legal position when it comes to the front end of the process. That is not simply to give assurance that there is clarity in the law; I think it would give comfort and certainty to anyone who is involved in the care profession. If I were a care professional, I would want to know with certainty what I am entitled to do and not entitled to do. My amendment would give a level of support to those people.
Secondly, the amendment is very much in the spirit of trying to create a distinction between healthcare and the provision of assisted death. A concern has been raised on a number of occasions in this Committee about the extent to which assisted death will alter the perception of the National Health Service and its mission statement. This amendment in and of itself would not solve all those problems, but at least it would go some way to having a level of protection for the National Health Service, which is very much the jewel in the crown of this society. It was created through probably the most significant legislation that a Labour Government ever put through, and it is important that we look at the implications of this.