Football Governance Bill
Damian Collins (Folkestone and Hythe) (Con)
I am grateful to Members for enabling us to make enough progress, on this day of private Members’ business, to reach the Football Governance Bill.
The Bill has been a journey for me as a Member of this House. It started with my involvement with the Culture, Media and Sport Committee’s 2011 inquiry into football governance. The Committee’s work in that inquiry built on a number of reports that had been produced by the all-party football group, and by other Members of Parliament dating back very many years. Although I have sought to bring forward some measures that I believe will help in the administration and good governance of football in England—I shall go through those briefly—I would say that the Bill is the architecture of many hands in this Parliament.
When I presented the Bill I was grateful for the support of Members from across the House, many of whom have taken a particularly strong interest in issues of football governance because of problems in their constituencies.
Stephen Doughty (Cardiff South and Penarth) (Lab/Co-op)
I should be grateful for some clarification. The hon. Gentleman mentioned football governance in England, but obviously his Bill also extends to Wales and Scotland. That is crucial, because many of us in Wales have had very similar concerns to the ones that he has outlined.
Damian Collins
I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman. The 2014 Bill is an England Bill, largely because I was advised that in Scotland and Wales these were devolved matters. My original version of the Bill was a Scotland and Wales Bill too, and I believe that this Bill’s provisions could easily be extended to Scotland and Wales as well. I look forward to hearing Members’ remarks on that in Committee; I would welcome their views.
I want to mention the support for the Bill, when it was presented, of the hon. Member for Coventry South (Mr Cunningham), who has done much to highlight the plight of Coventry City football club in Adjournment debates; of a former Minister for Sport, my former colleague on the Select Committee, the hon. Member for Bradford South (Mr Sutcliffe); and of my colleagues on the Government Benches. My hon. Friend the Member for Portsmouth North (Penny Mordaunt) has been tireless in her campaigning to relieve the plight of Portsmouth football club. My hon. Friend the Member for Hereford and South Herefordshire (Jesse Norman) has raised issues to do with governance in non-league football, particularly in the case of Hereford United, which is one of the worst examples of a failure of football governance that could be seen. A great and fighting football club with a proud tradition has been completely trashed by its poor ownership. I am also grateful for the support of my hon. Friend the Member for Maldon (Mr Whittingdale), the Chairman of the Select Committee.
The Bill seeks to address what I believe are some of the major failings in the governance of football. I do not believe that it is the role of the Government or Parliament to seek to regulate and control football, which is a private enterprise. Football clubs are private organisations; they are community-based and run; and the Football Association is rightly an independent body. I do not believe that it is necessarily the role of the Bill or Parliament to seek to regulate and control football. A series of failures in governance has led to recurring problems, certainly with the failures of ownership and the financial control and regulation of football. The Bill proposes some measures that would address that and that are relevant to some of the issues that football clubs have faced.
Clause 1 deals with the public declaration of the ownership of football clubs. During our Select Committee inquiry, no one knew who the leader of Leeds United football club was. In fact, the club’s then chief executive—Mr Shaun Harvey, who is now chief executive of the Football League—told me in a Committee hearing that not even he knew who the club’s owner was. Since then, the Premium League requires the public declaration of the ownership of football clubs, but the Football League does not require that public declaration.
Such public declaration should be mandatory because fans have the right to know who owns their football clubs. We should have the right to know what other interests, either in football or outside football, that the owners of football clubs have, particularly as we have recurring problems with the business interests of football club owners seeming to prejudice their suitability to be the chief executives or presidents of football clubs. I therefore believe that, with public declaration, fans and investigative journalists can see and inquiries can be made into the nature and interests of the owners of football clubs.
Coventry City, I believe, has been poorly served by an ownership model whereby it was owned not by a named individual but by an investment trust. That club has been badly run and it is still trying to overcome some of the many issues that it has faced. I am pleased that Coventry City have returned to playing football in Coventry, but many of the issues about its running remain of grave concern to its fans.
I believe in such public declaration of interest in and ownership of football clubs. Anyone who has a 1% stake in a football club should be on a public register. That is in keeping with the reforms that the Government have put in place to ensure that the beneficial owner of any UK-registered company must be declared at Companies House, and it would ensure that football continued to fall in line with that requirement.
Clause 2 deals with the fit and proper person test—the owners and directors test—which has continued to be a problem for football clubs, and Leeds United is a particularly topical example. Massimo Cellino—a business man from Italy, with previous convictions for fraud, whose case relating to tax evasion is going through the Italian courts—sought to buy and take control of Leeds United football club. The Football League objected to his acquisition of the club. He successfully challenged that in the courts and was allowed to acquire it.
The football bodies have a real problem in that they have no discretionary power over how they administer the owners and directors test. If someone has convictions, such as Mr Cellino’s, for fraud-related offences, some people might think that they are unsuitable to own a football club. If the offence is considered spent in UK business law, there is no barrier in law to anyone taking over a club. The Football League would probably have been challenged in the courts had it sought to stop Mr Cellino taking over the club in that way. The club’s ownership could still be in balance. The fate of Leeds United could rest in the appeal courts of the Italian legal system: a final ruling against him would mean that he is in breach of the owners and directors test and unable to take over the club.
Many Leeds United fans are concerned about Mr Cellino’s background and whether he is a suitable owner. The Football League clearly had concerns but no power to do anything about them, and the Football Association seems to have no power to intervene either. I believe that here is a clear example of where some statutory underpinning of the owners and directors test would be of huge benefit to football as a whole to help to keep out bad owners.
I suggest in my Bill that the Football Association act as the governing body of football—all football clubs need to be members of the Football Association to play in the upper football leagues in England—and that it have a discretionary power similar to that exercised by Ofcom under the 1990 and 1996 Broadcasting Acts. Ofcom applies its own fit and proper person test to the issuing of a broadcasting licence. It has the power to remove broadcasting licences from broadcasters who have fallen foul of that test—indeed, it has done so. It is a discretionary test based on its view of whether a licence holder has complied with UK broadcasting regulations and whether it is likely to do so in the future. I believe that the Football Association, based on its own memorandum and articles of association, should have the same power when looking at a potential owner of a football club; to be able to say that in its view that person is not a fit owner.
We have had problems with people who are not considered fit owners. Carson Yeung, former president of Birmingham City football club, is a good example. He was found guilty of money laundering offences in Hong Kong, so it was ruled that he could not hold an executive office within the club, but the rules do not stop his son or other business associates being on the board. I believe that the Football Association should have the power to step in and say, “No, we do not feel this is right. We are not happy with this ownership model, so we will not allow you a licence to own this football club.”
There is also a question about new owners coming in. In the recent debate in the House on non-league football, the hon. Member for Wrexham (Ian Lucas) asked whether there should be a process of prequalification, whereby someone must be declared a fit owner before taking on the ownership of a club. I think that would have stopped many of the problems we have seen. I also agreed with the view, expressed by my hon. Friend the Member for Hereford and South Herefordshire, that there should be transparency when the Football Association investigates an owner under its own owners and directors test, and transparency on the outcome so that fans know what it is. I think that is very important. To set up those powers would give the Football Association, and with it the Football League and the Premier League, the power to have tighter controls over who comes into the game.
Mr Yeung’s money-laundering offences certainly make him a poor owner, but they also highlight a grave area of concern. Many people have raised the concern that football is open to abuse from money laundering. It is a sport and an industry that deals with assets of intangible value, with cash transactions through the gates, so tracking the money that flows through football is very important. We should rightly be very concerned about someone who has been convicted of money-laundering offences owning a football club. We should also be concerned about whether someone has heavy interests in gambling or other sporting interests around the world that might lead us to question their suitability to take on the ownership of a football club. This Bill would give the football bodies in this country discretionary power to intervene and prevent poor owners from coming into the game.
That point is particularly important when we look at clause 3, which deals with something called the football creditors rule. The Select Committee examined that in great detail during our inquiry and strongly recommended that it be abolished. Ministers have agreed at the Dispatch Box that the football creditors rule has had its day. It has been challenged by Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs in the High Court, unsuccessfully against the Football League. It remains a grave anomaly and, I believe, a shame on football in this country.
Football in this country has never been wealthier; there has never been more money in the game. The Premier League, in particular, is a great success. It has taken the English game around the world and brought huge amounts of money into football in this country, and I would not for one moment decry it. However, since the Premier League was founded, over 40 of the professional clubs in the 92 top positions in the football leagues have gone into some form of administration. There is a problem at the heart of finance in football that creates a lot of the problems we have in club ownership today, and it is the fans and the communities who suffer and have to pick up the cost of the poor regulation of football finance.
I welcome the measures on financial fair play that have been introduced into football, particularly as a consequence of UEFA requiring anyone playing in its competitions to comply with financial fair play, but I think that we need to go further. I believe that getting rid of the football creditors rule will be an important step forward. It cannot be right that when a football club goes into administration, the football debts are honoured in full, whether debts of transfers to other clubs or payments to players, in order that the club can carry on playing, but any other debts that are owed, particularly to businesses in the community, are settled with whatever is left. A company that maintains the grounds or prints matchday programmes, for example, might get a penny in the pound or less, whereas all football debts are honoured in full. That is morally wrong. The former chairman and chief executive of the Football League told the Select Committee in evidence that there was no moral justification for the existence of that rule. Nevertheless, it persists.
I believe that the football creditors rule also has an important knock-on effect: it does not encourage any sort of financial responsibility in the way clubs deal with each other. A club selling a player on to another club, perhaps at an inflated price in the transfer market— most of the money that comes into football goes back out through transfer fees and payments to players—would not really be concerned about whether the other club could afford the transactions it had entered into. If the club was going to pay a transfer fee in instalments, it would not be worried about whether it could really afford to pay it, because it knows that the football creditors rule effectively guarantees it the value of the transfer fee. If there were some element of shared risk between football clubs, there would be more honesty and transparency in transactions, and they would require more public declarations from each other as to their true solvency. This could be an important measure to stop clubs getting into the sorts of financial difficulties that we want to avoid.
I have raised this matter with the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills, which oversees the Insolvency Service, which, ultimately, is the responsible body that would look into the football creditors rule. There are grounds for amending insolvency legislation, as set out in the Bill, to get rid of this power so that the administrators of a football club would have the right and the power to settle all debts equally. It would then be a matter for the football creditors to come to an understanding with the football club on how outstanding debts were settled and whether it would be over a future period, but at least all existing debts should be settled equally so that local communities do not lose out when their football club goes into administration, getting nothing while the football players, the other football clubs and the football agents get all the money. That cannot be right.
Clause 4 deals with the ownership of football clubs. I suggest that there should be no bar to community trusts owning and running football clubs in the upper leagues and that any restrictions in that regard should be lifted. I would welcome the views of other MPs on what we can do to encourage more community ownership of football clubs. Ultimately, we cannot and should not seek to impose ownership models on football clubs by legislation, but it is worth bearing it in mind that the community supporters trust is an excellent model that has served many football clubs in the lower levels extremely well. AFC Wimbledon and FC United of Manchester are great examples of clubs that have been transformed through fan ownership. Clubs that have previously got into difficulties, such as Exeter City, have been transformed by fan ownership. It is a very good model that we should look to progress.
I greatly support the view expressed by Supporters Direct that we should see whether there can be incentives in the tax system to give non-league football clubs a similar status to community amateur sports clubs. At the moment, because of the level at which they may pay their players, even if it is as little as £100 a week, they may fall outside the threshold. It would be good to give clubs the opportunity to enjoy some of the status of community amateur sports clubs as an incentive for them to adopt a proper, robust supporters trust model of ownership. I have suggested a starting point for that process, but, again, I would welcome the contributions and ideas of other Members as the Bill progresses.
The Government have been looking at football governance for some time. The previous Sports Minister, my right hon. Friend the Member for Faversham and Mid Kent (Sir Hugh Robertson), took up the challenge in response to the Select Committee inquiry. The time has come for the House to set out its own proposals and measures. I hope that I have started that process with this Bill. I certainly look for the contributions of other Members as it progresses. I believe that it would send out a clear message to the football authorities that unless they finally act on these measures, this House will intervene, as it has the right and the power to do. I commend the Bill to the House.
Stephen Doughty (Cardiff South and Penarth) (Lab/Co-op)
I now find myself on the Back Benches. I do not want to detain the House long, but I feel particularly passionate about this issue. I pay tribute to the hon. Member for Folkestone and Hythe (Damian Collins) for bringing it before the House. I know of the extensive work that he and many other hon. Members have done. I pay particular tribute to my hon. Friend the Member for Eltham (Clive Efford)—the House will enjoy hearing from him shortly—who has set out an extraordinarily ambitious and progressive agenda for supporters’ involvement in their football clubs. I very much hope that that comes to fruition.
I should put on record a declaration of interest as a member of the Cardiff City supporters trust, Cardiff City supporters club, and Supporters Direct. As a Labour and Co-operative MP, I find this issue particularly interesting. I am a big supporter of community trust models and co-operative and mutual solutions in a whole series of areas, whether football or others.
I have a particular interest because of the recent, but also longer-term, experiences of my own football club, Cardiff City, which I have supported for 28 years this year, and for which I have been a season ticket holder. My father was briefly its club secretary during a quite turbulent period of ownership. The hon. Member for Folkestone and Hythe is probably aware of the series of owners the club has had over a number of years, all of which have involved significant ups and downs, including Tony Clemo, Rick Wright, the Kumar family, Sam Hammam, Peter Ridsdale and, more recently of course, Vincent Tan, who is widely known across the country and in football circles. He has made significant changes to the club, particularly to its colour, its badge and many other aspects of its heritage. Personally, I opposed those changes and I have made that clear to Mr Tan and in public. Indeed, I spoke about it in my very first speech in this House, when I made clear that my colours remain as deeply blue in my football as they are red in my politics.
A number of the issues addressed by the Bill are crucial and closely related to the ambitious plans that my hon. Friend the Member for Eltham has set out recently. We have to look at how fans and community figures can engage much more positively with clubs, so that they are not just left to those with the money and resources. I was reminded this week of one of the founding figures in Cardiff City’s history, Lord Ninian Crichton-Stuart, who was a predecessor of mine as a Cardiff Member of Parliament and who was sadly killed in the first world war while still serving as an MP. He is remembered fondly and his name was given to our original club home, Ninian Park. He was known as not only a great benefactor and fan, but a keen community supporter who engaged in the governance of the club. It is a shame that we have moved away from that sort of local involvement and understanding of the local heritage and the concerns of fans, and towards the current governance models and the challenges outlined by the hon. Member for Folkestone and Hythe.
As I have said, specific issues have included the change to the club’s shirt, colours and badge, and now red seating is being installed in the new stand being erected at Cardiff City football club, even though the traditional colour is blue. Cardiff City fans care deeply about such things and they go to the heart of the matter.
Many of us welcome the investment that Mr Tan has made, as well as his business acumen and a number of things he has done in the community. Indeed, he generously donated £1 million to local charities, which was a compelling offer. On other issues, however, including regular consultation with fans and the engagement of club officials below Mr Tan and the board, there has, sadly, been a lack of understanding. That makes me very sad, because, although Mr Tan has shown business acumen and invested money, and although he remains committed to the club, which is a positive thing, at the same time the heritage and history of the club have faced huge challenges and changes.
As the hon. Member for Folkestone and Hythe has said, we have to get the balance right between the principle of the rightful autonomy of owners and businesses to go about their business and the retention of the crucial involvement of fans and communities in their clubs. Football clubs are not like any other business: they are part of the heritage, community and history of many areas and are deeply related to other concerns in the local area, including those of the communities that immediately surround them. For example, I often deal with parking problems around Cardiff City stadium. Clubs also engage with local charities.
Unfortunately, we do not seem to be getting the balance right. That represents a contrast not only with the German model, where there is 51% ownership by fans’ organisations, but—I rarely praise other clubs in Wales, certainly not on the pitch—with the different approaches taken by Swansea, Merthyr, Wrexham and Newport.
I do not want to make the speech of my hon. Friend the Member for Eltham for him, but we have set out ambitious plans, which I thoroughly support. The plans have been welcomed by many supporters trusts across the country. Indeed, they were developed as a result of a very strong and lengthy consultation with those trusts and other organisations. The Cardiff City supporters trust welcomed them and I am sure the measures proposed by the hon. Member for Folkestone and Hythe will also be welcomed.
As I asked in an intervention, will the hon. Gentleman, when he responds to the debate, clarify the extent of the Bill? The Bill clearly states, if I have an accurate version, that it
“extends to England and Wales, and Scotland.”
It also makes it clear that it relates to English football authorities and the Football League. Cardiff, Swansea and other clubs are in an unusual situation in that they are based in Wales but play in the English football pyramid, as they have done for many years; Cardiff is the only club to have taken the FA Cup out of England, geographically, as it famously did in 1927. It would be useful to understand such issues, but they can perhaps be explored in detail in Committee, should the Bill reach that stage.
I certainly want many of the hon. Gentleman’s measures to apply to Welsh clubs, and I am sure that my hon. Friend the Member for Eltham does as well. I pay tribute to the hon. Member for Folkestone and Hythe. Such concerns matter very much to the people of Cardiff, Cardiff City fans and the Bluebirds alike. I very much hope that the Bill and the wider discussion can proceed apace in the House, and that some serious changes are made to get the balance right and to increase fans’ involvement in the ownership and operation of their clubs.
Clive Efford (Eltham) (Lab)
I congratulate the hon. Member for Folkestone and Hythe (Damian Collins) on his Bill. I commend him for his consistency on this issue—he has frequently spoken out, particularly on the football creditors rule—and for being a consistent fighter on behalf of football clubs and fans.
I also congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Cardiff South and Penarth (Stephen Doughty) on his speech. I am grateful to him for his comments about our policy, which we announced a couple of weeks ago, on fans’ involvement in the management of football clubs. As he said, we undertook an extensive consultation over a long period.
Like the hon. Member for Folkestone and Hythe, we concluded that fans should be given more powers, and that they should at least be represented at board level in football clubs. That is not to give fans a veto over what an owner does with their club—that would be foolish—but to give them a voice. In our consultation, they were quite clear that they wanted to be heard, so we concluded that they should have the power to elect representatives to the board of directors of a football club. They should be able to elect up to 25% of the members of the board, and be able to remove them when necessary.
We recognise that it is a two-way street: the policy is not just about giving fans the keys to the sweet shop; they must be held responsible. We have spoken to fans about that. They must ensure that they have a proper democratic process, and that the people they elect are representative. They must be responsible in carrying out the functions of a board member, and they must respect the confidentiality of matters that are under negotiation. We are very much in tune with the hon. Gentleman, and our proposals have been very much welcomed by fans, trusts and supporters groups across the country.
We have also said that fans should have the right to buy a stake in their club. When 30% or more of a club is up for sale, fans should have the right to buy up to 10% of the shares on offer until they own up to a limit of 10% of the club. That cannot be used as a means to take over a club, but it is a means of taking a stake in it. In our consultation, fans were quite clear that they wanted to be able to do that. We would welcome such a right.
We welcome the fact—I am sure that the hon. Gentleman, a former member of the Culture, Media and Sport Committee, does so too—that the Government have finally set up the expert working group. They said they would do so in their response to the Select Committee’s report in 2011, but it took three years to the month for them to do it. We have all been very patient, and it has finally been set up.
In their response, the Government said that they would investigate and deal with the issue of fan ownership. Just before the announcement about the expert working group, the Minister said that it would also look at ticketing and ticket prices, seating, the naming of grounds and so on, but those consumer issues were not part of the original proposal. Will he shed some light on the scope of the expert working group, and about whether it will consider the issues raised by the hon. Gentleman in his Bill? I am sure we would all like to know whether the Government intend to deal with those issues.
On the detail of the Bill, the hon. Gentleman is right to call for a declaration of ownership of football clubs, because there is widespread concern about people who are completely anonymous—as he pointed out, at one stage the chief executive of Leeds United did not know who owned the club he was running. That is a ridiculous situation, and it is a surprise that football associations have not tried to sort it out before. The hon. Gentleman is right to try to move clubs down that road with this Bill, and he has Labour’s full backing.
I agree with the hon. Gentleman about the fit and proper person test. Mr Cellino was able to enter into a financial arrangement with Leeds before it had been determined whether he was acceptable to the Football League. I am sympathetic to the view that we should have some sort of pre-test. We should be able to determine whether somebody is acceptable as an owner of a football club before they enter into any financial transaction, because football authorities have to make a decision about whether they plunge the club back into more financial turmoil, or accept the person who has already put money into the club, as seems to have been the situation with Leeds at that time. I am sympathetic to the idea of having some sort of pre-examination of whether someone is a fit and proper person, and I look forward to considering that in detail in Committee—I sincerely hope that the Bill makes it that far.
On the football creditors rule, the hon. Gentleman makes the powerful point that extraordinarily wealthy footballers can be further ahead in the queue than some local small business person. That cannot be right or fair. There are always unintended consequences to changing rules such as this, but the hon. Gentleman has raised an important point that is worthy of further examination and discussion with the leagues and football authorities, while we deliberate on the matter in Committee. Current arrangements frequently fall into disrepute when clubs go into administration, and there is clearly a strong moral case for changes to the rules. We can examine in detail what those changes may be in Committee, and the hon. Gentleman is right to raise the issue. It has been Labour policy to encourage more fan ownership of clubs through co-operatives or provident societies, and we are sympathetic to and welcome clause 4 on the community trust aspect of that.
I commend the hon. Gentleman for introducing this important private Member’s Bill. He raises a number of issues that are worthy of detailed discussion, and I look forward to having those debates in Committee should the Bill make it that far.
Madam Deputy Speaker (Mrs Eleanor Laing)
I call the Minister, Eddie Vaizey.
The Minister for Culture and the Digital Economy (Mr Edward Vaizey)
Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. Your use of the name “Eddie” indicates how long we have known each other. I have gone from being Edward at school, Eddie at university, to Ed today, as Hansard will record. [Interruption.] As the hon. Member for Cardiff South and Penarth (Stephen Doughty) says, it is no doubt only a matter of time before I move on to Teddy.
This has been an important and lively debate on an important subject, and I register my interest as the president of Didcot Town football club, the winners of the FA Vase in 2005, and now flying high in their league following an astounding 7-0 victory against one of their opponents the other day. As many in the House have already done, I pay tribute to my hon. Friend the Member for Folkestone and Hythe (Damian Collins) who has done such an amazing job over the past three years to bring this issue to the attention of the House. As he knows, I take a keen interest in all his constituency work. I will not repeat the joke I normally trot out about his appearance in Folkestone with Prince Harry. I was tempted to repeat it simply to prove that almost anything said in this House never gets noticed, and it would be treated as a new joke, but I will not do that. I will, however, commend him for his ability to tweet about the Folkestone job fair he hosted and attended yesterday while also speaking in the Chamber on the matter of football governance. If anyone underestimates the talent and ability of my hon. Friend, that is proof of his phenomenal ability to be present in the digital and physical worlds at the same time.
My hon. Friend will also know that the other reason I take a keen interest in his constituency is my passion for culture and the work of Roger De Haan on the Folkestone Triennial, which sadly I missed this year. Given that it only comes around every three years, that is a pretty poor show by me. I had not quite got the dates in my head. Funnily enough, I was planning to visit last Monday only to find that it had closed on the Sunday. Such is life.
Damian Collins
Does the Minister agree that it is a matter of great regret that the Banksy artwork was removed from Folkestone, instead of being on public display?
Mr Vaizey
Yes, I do agree. Sometimes it makes one wonder about the motivation of one’s fellow man that, when Banksy is prepared to be public spirited enough to create community artwork in public spaces for the benefit of the local population who take it to their hearts, somebody should seek to use that windfall because it happens to be on their private property. I very much hope it will be returned and donated to the community in Folkestone and Hythe, showing the same public-spirited approach that Roger De Haan has shown in supporting and regenerating Folkestone.
My hon. Friend has made football governance, which is so close to his heart, such an important subject that I sometimes wonder whether, if he wanders into a football stadium, the fans start chanting, “There’s only one hon. Member for Folkestone and Hythe, there’s only one hon. Member for Folkestone and Hythe.” That may not happen because, of course, he is a Manchester United fan. We know that Manchester United fans do not sing, because very few of them actually come from Manchester. The point is well made by my hon. Friend, who grew up in Hereford and represents a constituency on the south coast, yet claims to support Manchester United. Leaving that aberration to one side, there will be a lot of sympathy for the motivation behind the Bill. The examples of Leeds and Coventry have been mentioned. Transparency in our national game is of huge importance for the health of the sport, the fans and those participating at the grass roots.
The Under-Secretary of State, who has responsibility for sport and tourism, meets the Football Association regularly to talk about a whole range of issues, including governance. Recently, she heard updates on the steps taken to ensure clarity on ownership of football clubs at all levels. She has been updated on the cumulative progress in the handling of the thankfully increasingly rare number of clubs going into administration, the adoption of the financial fair play rules and improving the financial monitoring of clubs, particularly in the lower leagues where clubs are often operating in the most challenging financial circumstances. She also asked for further consideration of the owners and directors test, the current mechanism by which potential owners are approved by the football authorities.
Individual clubs must play their part in the ongoing stewardship of their heritage. I note what the hon. Member for Cardiff South and Penarth said about the interesting developments in the heritage of the great football team of Cardiff. I think all of us were interested to see that the colour of the football shirt was changed at the behest of the new owner. Certainly as a supporter of Chelsea football club, another great team that plays in blue, I would be surprised and perturbed should an owner decide to change the strip to red, but I digress.
It is critical that football authorities continue to play their part in protecting our long-standing clubs from undesirable owners. Most recently, the Government launched an expert working group to consider the barriers to supporter ownership and engagement. The group was developed in partnership with Supporters Direct, whose mission is to increase the influence of supporters through ownership and involvement in their clubs and with the support of football authorities, and relevant experts and stakeholders will be called on to contribute to the discussion of the group’s agreed priorities—I hope that the hon. Member for Eltham (Clive Efford) will take part in that discussion and bring to it the benefit of his considerable expertise, gained over many years.
The sport and tourism Minister will continue to press football authorities for reform, and she will support their ongoing efforts, but she stands ready to legislate should they fail to deliver progress. It is important to make that point—that we would be prepared to legislate—and that is why the Bill is well made in principle. I echo the hon. Gentleman’s comments that we stand ready to intervene, but in the first instance we want the football authorities to get their own house in order. We believe they need more time before legislation is considered appropriate.
Use of the football creditors rule is in decline, because all the relevant football authorities encourage a more responsible framework of financial operations. We have considered a thorough exploration of the barriers to supporter ownership and continue to discuss wider governance reform with the football authorities. These measures show significant progress and we are confident at this stage that we should continue to work with the football community, rather than bring in legislation.
Damian Collins
On the scope of the Bill, this version was intended to apply to England only. I was advised by the Public Bill Office that these were devolved matters, and I would not seek to interfere with the devolved Administrations in Wales and Scotland. However, I believe that the provisions could easily apply across the whole of the UK, and I would certainly welcome the views of the House on that.
I am grateful for the support of the hon. Member for Eltham (Clive Efford) and to the Minister for saying that the Government supported the principle of the Bill but wanted more time to work with the football authorities. I hope they will continue this active dialogue, but I think it would be helpful for the authorities to see the collective view of the House. It was the opinion of my right hon. Friend the Member for Faversham and Mid Kent (Sir Hugh Robertson) that a football Bill need not be a Government Bill, but could be a private Member’s Bill with cross-party support, and it would now be helpful to see how the Bill takes shape in Committee so that the football authorities can see the will of the House and understand its desire to see action taken and to legislate if the authorities do not deliver that reform. I will be the first to applaud them if they act without Parliament’s needing to intervene, but so far they have seemed reluctant to do so. Therefore, I ask the House to give the Bill a Second Reading.
Question put, That the Bill be now read a Second time.