Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill

Calum Miller Excerpts

Friday 13th June 2025 Commons Chamber

[Dame Siobhain McDonagh]

Its potential is to alter everything in a very undemocratic manner. In this very Chamber, Nye Bevan told us that the NHS would

“lift the shadow from millions of homes...keep very many people alive who might otherwise be dead...relieve suffering...produce higher standards for the medical profession”

and

“be a great contribution towards the wellbeing of the common people”.—[Official Report, 30 April 1946; Vol. 422, c. 63.]

We have a duty in this place to defend that promise. We cannot allow the promise to be reworded without the full voice of Parliament. We owe it to the public, to patients and to the NHS staff who dedicate their lives to this service, to stand firm and protect what is sacred.

The amendment is simple but its impact is profound. It would ensure that any future changes to the core principles of the NHS must be debated openly, transparently and with the full consent of every Member—no short cuts, no sidestepping, no ministerial overreach. I urge colleagues across the House to support amendment 12, to stand with our NHS and with the people it serves. I urge my side—the Labour side—not to allow the assisted dying Bill to be the trojan horse that breaks the NHS, the proudest institution and the proudest measure introduced by our party in 120 years.

[Calum Miller (Bicester and Woodstock) (LD)]

I rise to speak in support of amendments 21, 103, 104 and 42, tabled by my hon. Friend the Member for Twickenham (Munira Wilson), the hon. Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Adam Jogee) and my hon. Friend the Member for Wimbledon (Mr Kohler). As other Members have said, this is a deeply consequential Bill. I want to record my thanks to the hon. Member for Spen Valley (Kim Leadbeater), to all members of the Bill Committee, and to all those who have contributed to its careful scrutiny through the tabling of amendments and debates over them.

The Bill is about the end of life. It is an emotive and sometimes painful topic, and I am grateful to the many constituents who have generously shared with me their experiences and opinions. I have also taken some time to consult palliative care practitioners, including those providing hospice care in my constituency. Those conversations reinforced the awe and admiration I hold for these caring professionals. Their expertise and deep commitment are always impressive. Contrary to the points made by the hon. Member for Gosport (Dame Caroline Dinenage), they are adamant that they can provide sufficient pain relief to the vast majority of those receiving end-of-life care. The issue is about not the efficacy of treatment, but access to it. In this, I echo the powerful points of the hon. Member for East Renfrewshire (Blair McDougall) on the present inequality of access to palliative care.

Amendment 21 would ensure that the availability, quality and distribution of palliative and end-of-life care is published within one year of the Act being passed. When assessing the provision of end-of-life care, it is critical that this House and the public can see how palliative care is being delivered. For the measures in the Bill to provide a genuine choice to those at end of life, palliative care must be much more widely available.

The hon. Member for Spen Valley (Kim Leadbeater) argues that there should be no false choice between palliative care and assisted dying, yet she and health Ministers know that there is a choice as resources are limited. When so many hospices have closed beds due to funding shortages and receive more than 70% of their funding from donations, I am concerned that we may see significant expenditures on a new regime for assisted dying, funded by the state as a health treatment, while the palliative care sector and hospices in particular remain chronically underfunded.

[Josh Fenton-Glynn (Calder Valley) (Lab)]

rose—

[Calum Miller]

I will not give way.

Only by having the assessment of the palliative care system that is proposed in amendment 21 can we be confident of knowing whether access to palliative care is sufficient. If we are to provide a true choice at end of life, that is critical.

I also stand in support of amendments 103, 104 and 42. Amendments 103 and 104 would give this House a say over the key decisions that still remain to be taken on the implementation of the Bill. Given the significance of the Bill and the importance of the many questions still to be resolved, these amendments are critical.

Amendment 42 would ensure that we do not career towards the enactment of this Bill in four years whether or not the system is ready to operate safely and fairly. Taken together with amendments 21, 103 and 104, this would ensure that this House has the chance to consider whether those at end of life can access the full range of support, advice and protections intended by the Bill, and which they deserve from palliative care services across the country.

Like so many in this House, I have direct personal experience of the issues addressed by the Bill. My father was diagnosed with stage 4 cancer in May 2002. Over seven weeks, he and my family benefited from the incredible care of our local hospice. Sharing my dad’s life, care and death has shaped me, so I fully understand why so many of my constituents have asked me to vote on this legislation in the light of their and their loved ones’ experience.

Yet our task is to legislate for a new system that will affect thousands of people and society as a whole. However this House votes on this Bill, our debates must result in a new focus on the provision of palliative care, so that all people at end of life truly have options in the management of their care and death.

[Dr Rupa Huq (Ealing Central and Acton) (Lab)]

I rise to support amendments 34 to 36 and new clause 6, tabled by my right hon. Friend the Member for Walsall and Bloxwich (Valerie Vaz), who sadly cannot be here today.

Health inequality shapes life expectancy and outcomes —covid deaths illuminated that—but it is absent from the Bill. A younger me would have been 100% behind this Bill. I am very pro body autonomy when it comes to abortion, but 10 years of being an MP has exposed me to coercion, duress, the billionaire price of London property, and elder abuse. It is no coincidence that, like me, the majority of London MPs and of black and minority ethnic MPs oppose the Bill.

Let us look at amendment 34. The experience of my aged parents—now no longer with us—opened my eyes to a world of pills, incontinence pads, hoists, power of attorney, key safe boxes and carer worries. I saw how non-native English-speaking pensioners—I am not talking about Welsh speakers—have their agency denied, perhaps unconsciously, by health professionals in a stretched system. My mum’s GP had a clear contempt for her accented words. At every appointment she would say to her, “One question only”. As my mum grew frailer and began to lose the power of speech, she reverted to her mother tongue and was seen by hospital teams as an annoyance, a time waster, and bed blocker. Similarly, the disabled are often written off. People cannot see beyond the wheelchair or the non-verbal. Amendment 34 would place a duty on the chief medical officer to provide information at every step of the way