Baroness Chapman of Darlington
Main Page: Baroness Chapman of Darlington (Labour - Life peer)(1 day, 3 hours ago)
Lords ChamberTo ask His Majesty’s Government what assessment they have made of democratic resilience in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
My Lords, Bosnia and Herzegovina’s democratic resilience matters for regional stability and European security. We are working with international partners to strengthen the rule of law and democratic processes, promote political pluralism and counter malign influences. We condemn attacks on the country’s constitutional framework, including by former Republika Srpska President Dodik, and we support the role of the high representative and empowerment of domestic institutions and leaders to end the political crisis and uphold the rule of law.
My Lords, as we recall the initialling of the Dayton peace agreement on 21 November 1995 and appreciate the progress that Bosnia and Herzegovina has made in NATO and EU accession efforts since, and while remaining concerned about the ongoing threats to the country’s peace, security and constitutional order by Russian-aligned authorities in the Republika Srpska entity, can my noble friend the Minister assure us that the Government will maintain their sanctions against Bosnian Serb secessionist Milorad Dodik and Zeljka Cvijanovic and expand the same to others in their regime if there are further threats to the integrity of the Dayton agreement?
We are of course aware that other countries have decided to lift their sanctions, and that is a matter for them. For the time being, we are going to keep our sanctions in place. These were taken after careful consideration and we have no plans to lift them at this stage, although, as my noble friend will appreciate, we do not make any comment on future plans or designations.
Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon (Con)
My Lords, following on from the noble Lord’s Question, it is 30 years on from the Dayton accords and we have recently seen a snap election in the Republika Srpska, so what is His Majesty’s Government’s assessment of the stability within greater Bosnia and the integrity of Bosnia-Herzegovina? Linked to that, given the recent developments in Ukraine and Russia’s support for Republika Srpska, what assessments have been made of further instability in that part of the world?
We are now 30 years on, almost to the day, from the Dayton peace agreement. Noble Lords should know that we are concerned by developments in the western Balkans and the fragility of the situation there—which, I have to say, is not helped by the now former leader in Srpska or by the activities of Russia in the region, which are aimed at destabilisation, misinformation and undermining democracy. We work closely with our allies and partners, and we are part of the Quint and a signatory to Dayton. It is our responsibility to maintain that focus so that the agreement, which was signed 30 years ago, can continue to maintain stability and peace in the western Balkans.
My Lords, do Russia’s divisive activities in support of Republika Srpska not underline once again the importance of taking a strategic approach to countering Russia’s malign influence on the international scene more widely? What discussions are His Majesty’s Government having with other Governments to develop such an approach, and what practical measures are they putting in place in this regard?
We talk with very many of our allies and partners, I suppose most notably the United States, France, Germany and Italy, and through the EU and NATO. We have some programming in the region specifically aimed at countering Russian activities and misinformation, and we need to continue to do that. We work also on democratic institutions and strengthening those, including through the Westminster Foundation for Democracy, which many noble Lords will have worked alongside in the past.
My Lords, the election in the Republika Srpska, which resulted in a margin of less than 2% on a turnout of under 35%, hardly clarifies the mood on the ground in that republic. But, as has been said, Russian interference there is surely a call to everybody to understand that Russia will disrupt European democracy at every opportunity, wherever it can. The idea that we should surrender to its intimidation is just not acceptable.
The noble Lord put that extremely well, and I agree with every word he said.
My Lords, it is perhaps salutary to remember that the GDR lasted for only 40 years, that the 30 years since the Dayton accords is not a very long time, and that what can be built up over a period of time can be demolished very quickly. Can the Minister say what the UK Government are doing to hold particularly Serbia to account in the public arena, exposing what is going on and what its influences are—from Russia in particular but not from Russia alone?
We have put a lot of diplomatic energy into our relationship with Serbia, and there have been visits from the Foreign Secretary. My honourable friend Stephen Doughty, the Minister with responsibility for Europe, has convened several meetings, which we think have been helpful and are moving things in a more positive direction. Nevertheless, it is important that we are realistic and clear-eyed about our relationships and the need to continue to work very closely with Serbia, because it is vital to maintaining the stability of the region.
My Lords, Siniša Karan, who is a close ally of the dismissed President of the Republika Srpska, Milorad Dodik, has criticised what he calls foreign intervention in its politics. Can the Minister explain whether that fear of foreign influence will perhaps undermine efforts to strengthen democratic processes in the region, and how her department intends to manage that challenge?
Well, I think anyone who is a close ally of the former leader in Srpska probably would say something like that, and they would not be someone we would look to for guidance on this issue. We feel that we need to stay very close to what was agreed at Dayton, working closely with our allies and partners, as we do, to support the Office of the High Representative. I realise this is controversial in some places, but this is the way stability has been maintained for 30 years. As the right reverend Prelate reminded us, in the scheme of issues such as this, that can be seen as not that great a length of time. It is essential that we stick with the institutions and models we have for as long as we feel they are necessary.
My Lords, will the Minister say whether the Government have given or are giving any consideration to the possibility of strengthening the peacekeeping operation in Bosnia and Herzegovina—Operation Althea—which is currently being conducted by the European Union?
We talk to our allies in Europe about EUFOR, which is vital in maintaining peace and stability. We work with it, examining how we can support it further and make sure that we maintain our closeness to it, because it is vital to keeping the peace that we have been able to stick to for 30 years now.
My Lords, having travelled to Bosnia shortly after Dayton, I saw the devastation for myself and was asked to witness the uncovering of a mass grave. I therefore know where hateful rhetoric and weakened institutions can lead. Today, Bosnia’s resilience is threatened by not only disinformation and external influence operations but a quiet hollowing out of its future as young people leave in large numbers. In this fragile setting, the lifting of US sanctions on Mr Dodik risks sending the wrong signal to those who challenge Bosnia’s constitutional order. Will the Minister say how His Majesty’s Government intend to help strengthen Bosnia’s democratic resilience, especially with other international institutions, and how we can help to stem the flow of young people who are leaving Bosnia?
I thank the noble Baroness for reminding us of the need for Dayton and the horrific events that took place not so long ago, between 1992 and 1995. It is vital that, as a signatory to Dayton, we continue to maintain our support for the principles, institutions and positions that were agreed at the end of that process. As for the movement of people and the decisions made by young people in the western Balkans more generally—she mentioned Bosnia specifically—there are many drivers for this. We seek to understand them as fully as we can because, as she says, it is not great for a society that is still recovering from the after-effects of that devastating conflict to lose so many of its young people.