Safety of Humanitarian Workers: Conflict Zones

Cameron Thomas Excerpts

Wednesday 30th April 2025 Westminster Hall

[Edward Morello (West Dorset) (LD)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Ms Lewell. I add my thanks to my hon. Friend the Member for Cheadle (Mr Morrison) for securing this important debate.

As a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, I have been fortunate in meeting those on the frontline of humanitarian responses, often in some of the most difficult and dangerous circumstances. They are individuals who willingly step into uncertainty. Many do so for less financial reward than they could find elsewhere; they are driven not by salary, but rather by the conviction that service to others is worth so much more. Their work is not getting easier. From Gaza to Sudan, from the DRC to Ukraine, humanitarian workers are confronting a growing number of complex emergencies, where conflict, displacement, disease, food insecurity and climate disruption are regular occurrences.

In 2024, the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data project estimated that one in eight people worldwide were exposed to armed conflict. Every day, thousands continue their work, delivering aid, supporting fragile health systems and helping communities rebuild. International humanitarian law exists to protect these workers, but in recent years that protection has been eroded. Eight convoys have been attacked, humanitarian staff detained and entire operations halted due to insecurity. The apparent lack of consequences for these incidents sends a dangerous message not only to those in the field, but to the international system as a whole.

The UK should be at the forefront of challenging that trend. We must continue to be a voice to uphold the Geneva convention, strengthen accountability mechanisms and press for practical tools, such as early warning systems in negotiated humanitarian corridors, that allow aid to reach those who need it most. The protection of aid workers should never be up for negotiation and must not depend on whether or not a crisis is in the headlines.

Sadly, the very resources needed to carry out this life-saving work are under threat. The reduction in the UK’s official development assistance from 0.5% to 0.3% of GNI by 2027 will lead to the closure of health programmes, education services and nutrition schemes in some of the world’s most fragile states. At the same time, cuts to United States Agency for International Development in the United States are significantly adding to the pressure that both aid organisations and workers are feeling.

What we are seeing, in real terms, is food rotting at the border crossings, vaccines that cannot be delivered, and aid workers unable to access food, fuel, shelter and basic supplies. The result is not only increased suffering on the ground, but a shrinking of the humanitarian space at precisely the moment when we need it to expand. That retreat is not just a budgetary issue; it is a strategic and moral one. When the UK steps back, others fill the void—often with radically different intentions. We risk weakening the international order that we helped to build; in doing so, we abandon those who continue to act in our name, under our flag and in line with the values we claim to defend.

The Government must also ensure that British citizens serving in humanitarian roles overseas are supported, recognised and valued. One of my constituents, who deployed as an aid worker to Ukraine, shared with me his experience of working under the threat of missile attacks without heating, running water or electricity. He was not seeking praise. He was asking whether this House values public service.

The introduction of the humanitarian medal was an important step, but the decision to exclude from eligibility those who deployed to Ukraine prior to July 2023 is deeply disappointing. For those who answered the call during the largest humanitarian crisis in Europe, the absence of formal recognition feels not only unfair but inconsistent with the spirit of the medal itself. The previous Government explicitly removed the five-year rule, and allowed eligibility only for events from 19 July 2023 onwards. Minister, how many of the British humanitarians who have deployed across the globe will be ineligible for the medal due to the 2023 cut-off point? I would like the Minister to use this opportunity to pledge to remove that cut-off, so that all those who answered the humanitarian call can be recognised.

[Cameron Thomas (Tewkesbury) (LD)]

Would my hon. Friend be so kind as to pass on my gratitude to his constituent, and echo my gratitude for anyone from our country who puts themselves in harm’s way—not for financial recognition, but for humanity, which transcends politics altogether?

[Edward Morello]

I thank my hon. and gallant Friend for his intervention. From someone who has in fact put himself in harm’s way, that is a wonderful sentiment.

There is also the broader issue of how we treat those who work on the frontline of global emergencies, often representing this country’s values abroad. That includes how we fund and support the organisations they work through. We should remember that humanitarian work is not only about crisis response, but prevention, resilience and stability. When that work is undermined, it is not just the world’s most vulnerable who pay the price; it is all of us, because the effects of conflict, poverty and displacement do not stop at borders. They shape our security, trade and the kind of world we leave behind. I hope that this debate will serve as a moment to reflect not only on what humanitarian workers do, but on what we owe them, in policy, in practice and in principle.

[Iqbal Mohamed (Dewsbury and Batley) (Ind)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Ms Lewell, and I extend my gratitude to the hon. Member for Cheadle (Mr Morrison) for securing this extremely important debate. Like others who have spoken, I cannot think of a more noble profession than that of humanitarian aid workers. These are the people who go into areas that everyone else is trying to flee; their work is driven by compassion, courage and commitment to the most desperate and vulnerable. That work is simply indispensable. It is all the more shocking that conflict zones have become deadlier for those trying to help. Aid workers have been kidnapped, injured and killed while performing their duties. Hospitals, paramedics and aid convoys, clearly marked and protected under international law, have been deliberately targeted or caught in the crossfire.

In some places, providing aid has become as dangerous as fighting in the war itself. The statistics speak for themselves. In Gaza, at least 418 aid workers have been killed since October 2023, almost all Palestinian, but including at least eight internationals. At least 1,400 health workers have been killed, although there may be some overlap with the previous number, but that includes health workers and aid workers such as those in the Palestine Red Crescent Society. At least 42 aid workers have been killed so far in 2025.

In Lebanon, Israel has killed over 200 aid workers. Last week I attended a viewing of a documentary called “Under Fire: Israel’s War on Medics”, in which we learned the tactic chillingly called the “double tap”. The double tap is where an invading force will attack a building or location, and wait until the aid workers, paramedics and first responders arrive. After they have arrived, it will then attack the same place again. That has resulted in the death and maiming of many, many aid workers.

[Cameron Thomas]

The hon. Gentleman makes an interesting point, which rang an alarm bell in my mind. What he is describing are the same tactics being used by the state of Israel, or at least its Government, as were exhibited by the IRA back in the 1980s: a bomb would be set off and once help had arrived, a secondary device would be set off at the point of evacuation. Does he recognise that as terrorism, as I do?

[Iqbal Mohamed]

That is the classic definition of terrorism, in my view. Some of the killings, such as the murder by Israel earlier this year of 14 emergency workers and a UN worker on 23 March, are reported, but many are not. In Gaza, the lives of those aid workers are casually and brutally taken by the Israeli regime, destroying the entire infrastructure of civilised life in Gaza, and especially the healthcare system. They are targeting and have deliberately targeted the healthcare system as a tactic in war, and to achieve their aims of ethnic cleansing. Their policy is to make life simply unliveable for the Palestinians.

I am not the only one who is struck by the contrast in how the Government respond to humanitarian outrages in Ukraine, with their calls for more sanctions and measures on Russia, and their apparent fatalism when such attacks take place in Gaza. Apparently, for this Government, some lives are more equal than others. That is not the case under international humanitarian law: a Palestinian life is equal to an Israeli life, which is equal to a Ukrainian life and every other life on this planet.

International law considers that all parties to a conflict are obligated to protect aid workers and ensure safe access to civilians in need. We must call for and provide greater accountability for those who target aid workers. We must support stronger security measures and better co-ordination in dangerous areas. Most of all, we must never normalise these attacks.

To that end, I support the calls from the humanitarian charity Islamic Relief for the Government to urge all parties to a conflict to comply with international law, including obligations that relate to the passage of humanitarian supplies, equipment and personnel, and respecting and protecting aid workers; to lead efforts and strengthen commitments to protect aid workers, finalise the political declaration on the protection of humanitarian workers initiated by the Australia-led ministerial group, and commit to concrete actions that go beyond rhetoric, including reporting mechanisms and the monitoring of compliance; and to increase the funding for international and local humanitarian organisations that operate in conflict zones, to ensure they have the resources and protection needed to deliver aid safely.

I was absolutely flabbergasted when the Government decided to slash the aid budget to redirect funds towards the purchase of more bombs, bullets, tanks and drones. Will the Minister share the assessment of the impact of that decision on the safety and security of aid workers? Will it result in a risk of more conflict and wars than there would be if we actually supported the people in need?

Frozen Russian Assets: Ukraine

Cameron Thomas Excerpts

Monday 6th January 2025 Commons Chamber

[Joe Powell]

The hon. Member is absolutely right. There are things the UK can do to be the trailblazer and there are things we need to do in partnership with our international partners, and shortly I will move on to how I think we can do more on the assets specifically.

I also want to take the opportunity to welcome the personal and relentless campaign by the Foreign Secretary and the Minister in relation to sanctions, including the recent action on the shadow fleet. However, in order for those measures to be fully effective, we must ensure that sanctions cannot be evaded, and there are still loopholes that need to be closed. My hon. Friend the Minister will know that I have been following closely the progress of our overseas territories and Crown dependencies in finally following the will of Parliament by establishing public registers of company ownership, allowing us to follow the money and detect where sanctions evasion may be taking place, for example in places such as the British Virgin Islands. It also means that we need to consider incorporating trust-owned property into our registers of overseas entities, ensuring that trusts cannot be used to conceal property that could be subject to sanctions.

As we have said, our residents deserve better than living in these communities hollowed out by wealth and built on corruption, where my constituents are suffering at the sharp end of London’s housing crisis. In the next-door constituency of my hon. Friend the Member for Chelsea and Fulham (Ben Coleman) there is the case of Chelsea football club. Over two years ago, Roman Abramovich was forced to sell the club, with approximately £2.5 billion pledged to humanitarian programmes for victims of the war, yet not a single penny of that money has been spent. Those Chelsea funds amount to five times the UK’s total humanitarian assistance to Ukraine since 2022, and they remain stuck in an escrow account. That is a travesty, given that releasing those funds would not cost the British taxpayer a penny. It would save countless lives, at a time when 15 million people require urgent assistance in eastern Ukraine alone and humanitarian agencies face a shortfall of £1.3 billion.

I welcome the UK’s leadership in the G7 on securing the additional $50 billion of support to Ukraine using the profits from the holdings of immobilised Russian sovereign assets, with over £2 billion coming from the UK’s share. We have led on sanctions, we have led on freezing assets and we have led on mobilising the interest on assets, and now I believe it is time for the UK to lead a coalition of willing nations to take decisive action to seize those sovereign assets in full.

[Cameron Thomas (Tewkesbury) (LD)]

I invite the hon. Member to recognise that there is an international precedent for the seizure of Russian assets. Back in 1990, following the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, the US, the UK and France transferred Iraqi assets to Kuwait to directly correspond with reparations to Kuwait. Does he agree that should be the case with Russian assets?

[Joe Powell]

I agree. The moral and legal rationale for seizing these assets is clear. The total cost of Russia’s destruction of Ukraine has already far exceeded the total frozen state assets. It is inconceivable that Russia will ever pay for the irreparable harm it has caused Ukraine. Seizing these assets would not only increase Ukraine’s capacity to resist further destruction but help its leaders rebuild the country. It would be a downpayment on the reparations Russia will almost certainly be legally liable for, and will make it face the full consequences of its actions now.

Britain’s leadership on Ukraine—from military support to Homes for Ukraine to sanctions—has been exemplary and cross-party, but there is always more to do, so I ask the Minister to address my points about making our sanctions more effective by tackling evasion, closing the loopholes in our property register, releasing the Chelsea funds, and mobilising the international coalition to seize Russian state assets, so that we can support our friends on the frontline in Ukraine right now.