Steel Tariffs: Northern Ireland

Gregory Campbell Excerpts

Tuesday 30th June 2026 Commons Chamber

[Mr Gregory Campbell (East Londonderry) (DUP)]

The Minister has been very clear and open about offering the problem companies that are having difficulties a meeting with his officials. He has heard the number of people who have requested meetings. Will he agree to inform each Northern Ireland MP before the summer recess in 14 days’ time that either those meetings have taken place or of the dates when they will take place, to avoid any possible ambiguity going forward?

[Chris Bryant]

If the hon. Gentleman is not prepared to take me at my word, I am sorry but I will never be able to satisfy him. The truth is that I have been very open: I came to the House to make a statement last Thursday; we laid a written ministerial statement as well, which is obviously available to all Members; and I made a commitment that any Member who wanted to meet me and my officials to talk about these things could do so. Sometimes it is other people’s diaries and sometimes it is my diary that is the problem. I will not make the specific commitment that he asks for, because I think all he is saying is that he does not trust me.

North Sea Oil and Gas

Gregory Campbell Excerpts

Wednesday 24th June 2026 Westminster Hall

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Ms Furniss. I thank the hon. Member for Bromsgrove (Bradley Thomas) for introducing the debate and support his ambitions to take this issue forward. It is no surprise that the hon. Gentleman and his party have been at the fore in pressing it, including the shadow Minister, the hon. Member for West Aberdeenshire and Kincardine (Andrew Bowie). I thank them and add my support to what they do.

It is a pleasure to see the Minister in his place. He always has a quiet demeanour and a smile. He sometimes even gives the answers we wish to have, even though we may not entirely agree. We thank him for acting in a way that endears him to all of us—that is quite a talent, and he does it well.

I want to highlight our real concerns about the oil and gas industry and the fact that we are highly reliant on international supply at a time, as the Holy Bible says,

“of wars and rumours of wars”.

That is clearly where we are now. The pastor at my church told us before Christmas that there are 67 wars in the world.

I speak for the hard-working families of Northern Ireland and the wider United Kingdom. We face a defining choice for our energy future. The North sea is not just a great geographical basin, as some seem to think, but a cornerstone of our national security and an economic engine, protecting our people from foreign reliance. Yet we hear voices in the Chamber demanding a premature end to domestic drilling. They want to shut down our fields and leave our resources in the ground. With respect, that approach is reckless economic self-harm.

I welcome the hon. Member for Aberdeen South (Douglas Lumsden), whose campaign was clearly fought on this subject. His resounding victory in that by-election indicates how people think, and we should take note. I say that with great respect to anyone else.

[Mr Gregory Campbell (East Londonderry) (DUP)]

On the issue of what people think, does my hon. Friend agree that the vast majority of people across the UK are keen to see us move towards net zero? What they are not keen to do is to pursue a net zero eco-fanaticism that means we must have it today or tomorrow, rather than there being a gradual move towards it that does not impact on the household and business costs of everybody in the United Kingdom.

[Jim Shannon]

My hon. Friend and colleague brings forward the exact motivations of many people who speak to me. I endorse what he says, as I am sure others will.

When it comes to our national future, security must always come first. Global instability proves that we cannot simply rely on foreign regimes for our oil and gas. If we abandon the North sea, we hand total control of our energy bills over to unpredictable international markets. We must remember the workers; I say that as a non-Labour man, but I mean it.

Royal Mail: Performance

Gregory Campbell Excerpts

Wednesday 18th March 2026 Westminster Hall

[David Reed (Exmouth and Exeter East) (Con)]

I beg to move,

That this House has considered the performance of Royal Mail.

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Twigg. I want to ask everyone to go along with me for a few seconds by closing their eyes and visualising what the Royal Mail means to them. I picture the intrepid and hardy postie battling through snow, hills, rain and fog to ensure that our post is delivered. I picture the regular encounters with my postie wherever I have lived, and the kind, warm and friendly conversations we have had on the doorstep. Members will be happy to know that I am not going to go round the room asking what they visualised, but I imagine it was fairly similar to what I just described.

If there was one word to sum it all up, it would be “trust”—trust in the Royal Mail service and in an institution that has been a constant in British life for over 500 years. But we all know that that trust is waning. We feel it ourselves, and we hear it from our constituents, families and friends. The institution that so many of us have known, valued and trusted is changing, and something must be done by us in this House to stop the decline.

Before I turn to some of the issues and recommendations, I want to address the elephant in the room: Royal Mail is facing significant external pressures—we all know that. Modern technology such as email and online messaging has gradually sidelined traditional letter mail. Royal Mail itself often says that it used to be a letters organisation that delivered parcels, and now it is a parcels organisation that still delivers letters. This challenge is not unique to the United Kingdom. Our friends in Denmark, for example, saw their state postal operator, PostNord, deliver its final traditional letter in December 2025, ending more than 400 years of national letter delivery. From 2026 onwards, PostNord will focus solely on parcel delivery, after letter volumes fell by around 90% since 2000. We have faced a similar trend here in the UK.

For all of us here, that raises a broader question for our country: in this increasingly digital world, do we still value physical letters? My answer—I imagine it is the same as that of everyone else here today—is a resounding yes. There is something secure about a letter passing through trusted hands on its journey to its destination. As we all know, digital systems can fail or be hacked or manipulated. At a time of growing international uncertainty and environmental disruption, it is imperative that we maintain a strong and resilient network of physical mail delivery. In this new era, with Royal Mail now operating as a privately owned company with overseas ownership, we must work with the company to ensure that the universal service obligation is fit for purpose and, crucially—this is the key point—understood by the British public.

I am sure this will come up in many Members’ speeches, but the failure to meet delivery targets is a significant problem. Under the current USO, Royal Mail is required to deliver 93% of first-class letters the next working day and 98.5% of second-class letters within three working days.

[Mr Gregory Campbell (East Londonderry) (DUP)]

I congratulate the hon. Member on securing the debate. The timelines he is outlining have not been met, but that has coincided with a remarkable increase in the cost, particularly of first-class stamps, in the past five years. Does he agree that that is what drives the downward trend in the community’s trust in Royal Mail to deliver, and it needs to modernise and be more efficient?

[David Reed]

I have been looking at the numbers over the last few years, and Royal Mail has gone from significant losses of about £400 million three years ago, to £200 million losses, to making a £14 million profit last year. Because it is a privately owned company—we will come on to that—it has cut a lot of fat away, but it has also cut away muscle. Prices have increased, but the service has gone down. That is completely unacceptable, and it is probably the reason why we are all here today.

Net Zero Transition: Consumer-led Flexibility

Gregory Campbell Excerpts

Tuesday 9th December 2025 Westminster Hall

[Jim Shannon]

No, no—upwards! Everything upwards. It is also a pleasure to see the shadow Minister, the hon. Member for Mid Buckinghamshire (Greg Smith), in his place and I look forward to his contribution as well.

Consumer-led flexibility is so important. It refers to ordinary households and small businesses adjusting their energy use to support a cleaner and more resilient energy system. Who does not want that? It is about how we make it happen, however, and whether there is a cost factor to it. Can people make the changeover—the transition, so to speak—in a way that achieves the goals but does not inhibit their pocket financially in the way it sometimes might?

The cost of energy has been such a huge issue nationwide. I know from my constituents that it is a real problem. The two things that affect them more than anything else are the price of foodstuffs and the cost of energy. Especially as we head into winter, the cost of energy becomes a critical factor. It is about balancing one’s income at the end of the month to ensure that all those things are covered. For my constituents, that is a real problem with increasing costs and consumption, so it is good to have an opportunity to represent them in this Chamber today.

I always add a Northern Ireland perspective to the debate, and I know that the Minister always endeavours to reply to us in Northern Ireland on how Westminster can help, so it is important to put that on the record. For a just transition in Northern Ireland, any move to low-carbon energy systems must be fair, affordable and supportive of communities reliant on older heating fuels.

[Mr Gregory Campbell (East Londonderry) (DUP)]

My hon. Friend has just touched on affordability. Would he agree that, by and large, people across communities—whether in Northern Ireland or across the UK—want to embrace green energy and be environmentally friendly, but they do not want to pay a massive premium to attain a goal that is unrealistic in the timeframe? The important thing is reconciling those two things to bring the community with us.

[Jim Shannon]

I thank my hon. Friend for that; it was my next point. He is right: I have not met anybody who does not want to improve the environment or support the net zero targets, but they want to do so in a way that does not disadvantage them inadvertently. It is very important that we try to achieve that.

Back home in Northern Ireland, this is crucial, because of the point that my hon. Friend referred to. We have a very specific issue in that 68%—two thirds—of Northern Ireland homes use oil heating, which is more than anywhere else in the UK. Fuel poverty rates are also historically high, I suspect, as a result. I have oil in my house, as do all the farmhouses in the countryside, and there is very little access to gas except on specific estates in Newtownards and perhaps a bit in Ballynahinch and Saintfield as well.

Furthermore, according to the 2023 update from housing statistics, only about 39% of dwellings have a rating of band C or higher, especially in rural areas, which is a very large section of my Strangford constituency. Few homes have access to gas in Northern Ireland and there are no alternative decarbonisation pathways, so we have to be realistic about trying to achieve the goals in a way that does not bring people down to not only fuel poverty but poverty overall.

I welcome the Government’s commitment to try to address some of those things, but perhaps the Minister can give us some ideas on how we can help our constituents in Northern Ireland—both mine and those of my hon. Friend the Member for East Londonderry (Mr Campbell).

Specialist Manufacturing Sector: Regional Economies

Gregory Campbell Excerpts

Wednesday 19th November 2025 Westminster Hall

[Josh Fenton-Glynn (Calder Valley) (Lab)]

I beg to move,

That this House has considered the contribution of the specialist manufacturing sector to regional economies.

It is an honour to serve under your chairmanship, Mrs Harris, and a privilege to open this debate on the contribution of the specialist manufacturing sector to regional economies. The number of colleagues who have joined us this early on a Wednesday morning is a mark of just how important this issue is to so many constituencies.

Manufacturing is the backbone of our economy. This country is unique. We do not mass-produce rubbish; we make specialist things that only our foundries and factories can produce. Decent manufacturing brings good jobs but also economic power to our country. Manufacturing contributed £217 billion in output to the economy last year—nearly 10% of GDP—and supported 2.6 million jobs.

Calder Valley has manufacturing in its history. The story started with wool, but has developed into chemicals and specialist manufacturing. As new businesses opened in old mills, we also focused on particular industries. Calder Valley has long been known for its engineering. We are home to what many call valve valley, a cluster of more than 20 firms that design, build and service valves that are used across the world. In the valve community, which I mainly discovered after becoming an MP, Brighouse and Elland are central hubs. These companies are not household names, but they are businesses that keep industry moving, from energy to water to pharmaceuticals. They employ local people, train apprentices and anchor our economy in towns that too often feel overlooked.

When I visit manufacturing and engineering firms in Calder Valley, I see the same thing again and again: highly skilled workers who are proud of the worldwide reach of their products, from 60% of water in New York city travelling through valves made in Brighouse to oil rigs in the North sea being made safer because of the expertise of workers in a West Yorkshire factory. I see innovation, with companies investing in new technology and tapping into various sectors such as defence, renewables and nuclear. I see resilience, because these businesses have survived downturns and global shocks, yet they continue to provide good jobs in Calder Valley.

But we cannot ignore the fact that the numbers working in manufacturing are falling. As of 2024, 15% of jobs in Calder Valley are in the manufacturing sector, compared with a national average of 7%, but that share has been declining. In 2007, just under a quarter of jobs in Calder Valley were in manufacturing. From the financial crisis to Brexit and the Tories’ disastrous deal, the past couple of decades have ripped the heart out of our manufacturing industry.

We will hear a lot in the next few weeks about growth and so forth. It will come as a relief to many Members that I am not in the Treasury, so rather than talking about statistics, I will share what local manufacturers tell me. They tell me that their order book has never been so bad, because of the impact of tariffs. The lack of stability means companies are not making long-term decisions that would see them step up. That is why we need a strong domestic manufacturing sector, but it is also why we need to be strategic in our support for the industry and how we spend our money on the infrastructure that we need to rebuild.

If we are serious about Labour’s promise that two thirds of young people will go to university or achieve a high-level qualification, this is exactly the kind of work we need to encourage. We need to make sure that those qualifications are linked to opportunities in advanced manufacturing, engineering and design. That means working with local authorities and businesses to understand the needs of industry in each region.

[Mr Gregory Campbell (East Londonderry) (DUP)]

I congratulate the hon. Member on securing this debate. On the point about training and upskilling, does he agree that we need to do more to develop the skills and competitiveness of our manufacturing base, and that that needs to spread beyond the large cities so that smaller towns and their residents can benefit?

[Josh Fenton-Glynn]

The hon. Gentleman is absolutely correct. The point about smaller towns is so important, because as well as creating brilliant jobs in the smaller economy where they will make a difference, they give a sense of place and value to what we produce. People are proud of what their town produces, whether it is valves or textiles, and they think of those things as defining their town. That commitment is something that only a small town can offer, and it really makes a difference.

Businesses in this country are ready to grow, but they need support with skills, infrastructure and investment. They need to know that their order book is guaranteed for the long term. The Government have made really positive noises about encouraging skilled apprenticeships; that is welcome, but apprenticeships work only if the companies can afford to hire and train young people. We need to ensure that small and medium-sized manufacturers, which are the lifeblood of Calder Valley and other small towns, have the support that they need to take on apprenticeships without being too financially stretched.

In September, I visited the Brighouse-based training charity West Yorkshire Manufacturing Services, as part of National Manufacturing Day. It showcased a range of firms in Calder Valley to school students. I also met Stuart Billingham, who is set to become the managing director of KOSO Kent Introl next year. The company, founded in Brighouse, employs about 150 people and exports specialist valves across the world. Stuart started at 16 on a youth training scheme and has worked his way up the company to become its managing director. His journey is a brilliant example of how skills and apprenticeships can lead to as rewarding, lucrative and challenging a career, with as massive a global impact, as we are often told that universities can. It shows that those careers have progression and responsibility. I want this Government to produce 1,000 Stuarts, albeit that some of his close friends might not want that many Stuarts.

At that event, there was so much interest from young people and so much curiosity about the opportunities that a career in manufacturing could bring. That spark of curiosity must be nurtured into a flame of ambition, especially at a time when too many young people feel pressured into pursuing degrees that may not suit them or lead to secure employment.

Oral Answers to Questions

Gregory Campbell Excerpts

Tuesday 18th November 2025 Commons Chamber

[Michael Shanks]

My hon. Friend is a fantastic champion of her community and of the potential of businesses in her community to contribute to this. We have been clear as a Government that we want UK supply chains to benefit from these projects and to deliver their world-leading expertise across all our civil nuclear projects, including the SMR programme, Hinkley Point C and Sizewell C. To achieve this, we will continue to engage with industry right across the country and to address any barriers to entry into the nuclear sector, particularly for small and medium-sized enterprises who might not know exactly how to enter the supply chains, to ensure that they are in the best possible place to take advantage of the huge number of opportunities that will be created by this new golden age of nuclear in the UK.

[Mr Gregory Campbell (East Londonderry) (DUP)]

The Minister has outlined his determination and urgency on nuclear power. I hope he is able to confirm that everyone across the United Kingdom will benefit from lower costs as a result of the construction of mini nuclear reactors.

[Michael Shanks]

We know that to bring down bills for everyone, we need a clean power system that includes nuclear providing the stable baseload across the country. That also benefits Northern Ireland through the interconnectors, but obviously energy decisions are reserved in Northern Ireland. We are committed to bringing down the cost of these projects as much as possible, and also to ensuring that we get the economic advantages. When these projects are on the system, they will deliver clean, secure power made here in the UK for generations, and that is how we will deliver energy security and get us off the volatility of fossil fuels, which is what has been driving up bills for the hon. Gentleman’s constituents and mine for so long. This is the answer for our energy security and for good jobs right across the country.

Hydrogen Supply Chains

Gregory Campbell Excerpts

Tuesday 9th September 2025 Westminster Hall

[Tom Collins]

The hon. Member is entirely right. Ammonia is a very important part of the future energy mix. It is interchangeable bidirectionally with hydrogen and it is a very compact energy carrier. It is a liquid—it is relatively easily handled and stored—but it also, vitally, provides direct injection into the agricultural fertiliser chain. That makes it a vital asset in our future energy system, as agriculture currently plays a very large role in our total carbon emissions.

How we get to the future energy system is similar to how we got to this point: economics is overtaking technology as the driver for change. It is not about choosing technologies; it is about choosing these key energy vectors and then facilitating markets to grow around them. If we look more closely at that challenge and at the current UK energy system, we have seen electricity decarbonising, but if we look at electricity use in comparison with other vectors in the UK, it plays a relatively modest role. If we look at our energy use over the course of a year, our daily electricity consumption is pretty flat, but if we overlay on to that the amount of gas we use as a country—remember, gas is providing a vital part of our electricity production, and indeed the responsive part—and we see waves with peaks in the winter and troughs in the summer. The peaks of those waves are three times higher than our day-to-day electricity use. Gas is doing the lion’s share of moving energy around the UK and supporting our electricity system, and oil, which is primarily used for transport and is our main vector for transport, sits at about the same level as electricity. That is the picture of how energy is split across the UK energy system.

What we can learn from that is that UK energy demand is peaky. It varies very rapidly, seasonally and throughout the day, especially for heat applications. As we move into a renewable world, we need to recognise that renewable production is also subject to these synchronous peaks and troughs. The UK is a small enough country that one weather system can influence the production of all our renewables. We are therefore subject to fluctuations both in the supply of renewable energy and in demand. We also know that global prices for energy will continue to fluctuate, and part of our Government’s strategy to make the UK rightly more energy independent is informed by our vulnerability to variations in international energy prices.

Whatever our vector mix, and however we cut up the pie of our future energy system, we absolutely will need storage to navigate these variations. The transition has rightly been described as a chicken-and-egg problem: how do we build a new energy system out of an existing one? We are led by economics, which means that we need a price for the new system. We need a price that breaks the cycle by providing producers with a way to sell their energy and by providing people decarbonising at the end-use point with the ability to buy the energy they need for decarbonisation and to make long-term investments. That price enabler is made stable by storage. The crux, therefore, of building this future energy system is to build transmission and storage of the key vectors that we want to use in the future. Therefore, it would be very valuable for the UK to develop a plan to commission and build out a strategic national clean energy reserve. That can be left to markets, but the Government need to drive it with an extremely strong and firm grip and with a clear vision. I urge the Minister to look at the ways that we can build on our current work in storage, while expanding it with a very clear and ambitious vision.

We can also start blending. Blending is sometimes misunderstood. There are currently investigations into blending hydrogen into our natural gas supply. That has a small benefit for decarbonisation, but it has a huge benefit for allowing us to build out production of hydrogen, because it gives producers a large and available sink for their hydrogen to be produced and sold and it allows them to build large-scale production with the certainty of a market. Blending is therefore a key enabler not of decarbonisation but of building production for a future energy system with hydrogen playing a major role.

It is also vital that we take action to fill the remaining gaps. Through my experience as an engineer working in research and development I have seen personally how powerful it is when the Government set goals and work in partnership with industry to try to meet those goals. Goal setting cuts through the noise of the usual business of research and development and the competition for investment, and it allows us to move forward. It has put the UK in an incredibly strong position.

The UK is already the leader in hydrogen standards, and with the publicly available specifications 4444 series, it is leading the way in establishing technical standards. We have an opportunity to build those out up to the norms of the British Standards Institution and the International Organisation for Standardisation. The UK has led and is leading that. The UK has led on technology with a series of first-in-the-world projects in hydrogen over recent years, and we have an opportunity to lead through our geography with a well-established oil and gas industry ready to transition with fantastic geology for salt cavern storage.

[Mr Gregory Campbell (East Londonderry) (DUP)]

The hon. Member refers to geography. In Northern Ireland, particularly in my adjoining constituency of North Antrim, hydrogen buses have become a phenomenon that was unheard of 15 or 20 years ago. This week, with the tube strike taking place, buses are being used inordinately in London and are making very slow progress through the congested streets. Hydrogen buses emit much less pollution than diesel or petrol vehicles. Does he agree that we need to promote hydrogen in all aspects, but particularly transport, whenever difficult times come?

[Tom Collins]

I thank the hon. Member for his point—he is entirely right. Hydrogen is a key enabler for industrial processes that need high temperature, high power and reducing atmospheres. It is a vital feedstock for a large part of our materials supply chain, and it is a key enabler for future heavy transport, with buses being an excellent example. I share his passion—my constituents will be the first to tell everyone how important buses are to me, and I desperately desire our current oil-fuelled buses to be replaced by some form of electrified transport, be that energised by batteries or by hydrogen and fuel cells.

So, what next? There are quick wins available in the space of hydrogen. Reviewing some of our safety regulations, which are slightly outdated for a world where hydrogen will become more commonplace, could make a big difference, particularly on exclusion distances and ammonia, which is currently treated as a chemical for storage. Introducing regulations that treat ammonia as a fuel and allow its storage under simplified guidance would make a huge difference. I have already mentioned blending. It is time for the Government to work in an agile and innovative way with other Departments—as they are doing—to build out this capacity.

A longer-term road map for heavy transport and for heat would be very helpful. These are hard-to-abate sectors. I would like to see recognition that heat has proven one of the hardest areas of our economy to decarbonise. It is important that, while we have ambitious targets to electrify heat, we keep the door open to hydrogen providing that fallback, as gas does now for many electrified projects, to allow us to get there with confidence, rapidity and depth of decarbonisation.

Our planning reform is doing fantastic things for the energy transition, allowing us to build out our electricity transmission system and future storage. There are opportunities for us to echo that in gas and liquid fuel transport and storage, alongside electricity, for hydrogen and ammonia in particular. As I have mentioned, innovation support is vital as we work cross-Department to bring this transition. I have seen at first hand how powerful it can be when Government set goals and work in close partnership with industry, but I have also seen where there is room for us to strengthen our innovation offer around hydrogen to make this transition even more successful.

There has never been a more important time for the agile, mission-led approach of our Government. There is a need for ambition in this space. Investment is currently following vision, and the UK has an opportunity to present a powerful vision. We have seen some of our work around hydrogen and the investment rounds slipping. This is the time for Government to be agile, mission-led and work in partnership with industry to accelerate that, bring shared focus and work in closer partnership with industry, with a goal-setting approach, to cut through the administration and bureaucracy and, with confidence, build out the future economy that we can start to more clearly envisage. With ambition and decisive action, the UK can prosper, and a vital part of that is our hydrogen supply chains prospering.

UK Modern Industrial Strategy

Gregory Campbell Excerpts

Monday 23rd June 2025 Commons Chamber

[Jonathan Reynolds]

I very much appreciate my hon. Friend’s question. She will see a whole range of tools in the place section that are available to both mayoral and non-mayoral areas, which will help to shape local economic plans. She will also see measures to attract inward investment and to strengthen its voice in all the regions, and a whole range of policies that speak directly to business. We are building on the tremendous history and expertise in her area; it will be good news across the board.

[Mr Gregory Campbell (East Londonderry) (DUP)]

The Secretary of State will be aware of the future towns funds, one of which is in Coleraine in my constituency. I want to see many more apprenticeships created through that fund. Will the modern industrial strategy that he has unveiled today be flexible enough to allow funds like that to utilise it to get additional resources, to make them even more successful than they have been so far?

[Jonathan Reynolds]

There are parts of the skills package that allow for short courses, more flexibility and more foundational apprenticeships, which I think speaks exactly to the challenge the hon. Gentleman puts. If he writes to me on any specific issues relating to the towns fund in his constituency, I will get those answers.

Non-disclosure Agreements

Gregory Campbell Excerpts

Wednesday 2nd April 2025 Westminster Hall

[Zöe Franklin (Guildford) (LD)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Betts. I thank the right hon. Member for Sheffield Heeley (Louise Haigh) for securing this important debate. As we heard in her eloquent speech, the use of NDAs across all industries is far too prevalent, but I would like to focus my comments on the creative industries.

Back in 2017, the #MeToo movement exposed the pervasive issue of workplace sexual harassment and shone a light on the insidious role of NDAs in silencing victims. Despite the movement’s spotlight, abusive NDAs continue to thrive in the creative industries, serving as tools of coercion rather than legitimate business protections. These agreements do not just limit disclosure; they enable perpetrators, protect abusers and perpetuate cycles of harm.

The creative industries, with their reliance on freelance and temporary employment, irregular working hours and lack of employer accountability, are particularly vulnerable to exploitation. In this environment, NDAs have been weaponised to cover up harassment, discrimination and abuse. They do not exist to protect trade secrets or intellectual property in these cases—they exist to protect the powerful from the consequences of their actions. When 80% of individuals who report misconduct in the music and film industries are silenced by NDAs, the question is not whether these agreements should be regulated but whether they should be allowed at all.

The continued use of abusive NDAs is an outrage. They strip individuals of their right to speak out, forcing them into a cruel dilemma: stay silent or risk financial ruin.

[Mr Gregory Campbell (East Londonderry) (DUP)]

Does the hon. Lady agree that it is an even more significant abuse of NDAs when public money is used by public sector employers such as the BBC, which is paid for by the licence fee, to try to silence those who have a case against them?

[Zöe Franklin]

I agree; we need to look carefully at this issue, particularly where public money is being used. Across the board, we need to end the practice of abusive NDAs. It is an outrage, and I ask the Government today to act decisively. We have waited too long for a ban on NDAs in cases of abuse, harassment and discrimination. Protecting corporate reputations should not come at the cost of human dignity.

Since its formation, the Creative Industries Independent Standards Authority has been a crucial force in fighting this abuse, working to expose harmful practices and advocate for transparency and accountability. If its efforts to become a prescribed person are successful, it would provide legal safeguards for whistleblowers, helping those bound by NDAs to speak out without fear of retribution. By its very existence, CIISA makes it harder for misconduct to be hidden away, forcing perpetrators and institutions to think twice before engaging in exploitative behaviour.

Unfortunately, despite its vital work, CIISA faces the threat of closure due to financial barriers. Its request for just 0.1% of a company’s profits—a mere fraction of what other regulatory bodies operate on—is being met with obstruction, delays and shifting goalposts. If CIISA is forced to shut down, it will send a clear message: creative industry workers, despite generating £124.6 billion in 2022, do not deserve a safe and respectful workplace.

I have two requests for the Minister. First, will he please act to ensure that CIISA has the funding it needs to continue its work to protect people in the creative industry and prevent the industry from sliding back into silence, fear and impunity? Secondly—we will hear this again and again today—will he please take the action we have been waiting far too long for and ban abusive NDAs outright? No one should ever be forced to choose between their career and their dignity, so it is time to end the use of NDAs as a weapon against justice, and ensure that those who have suffered can speak their truth without fear, without penalty and without being erased.

Closure of High Street Services: Rural Areas

Gregory Campbell Excerpts

Wednesday 5th February 2025 Westminster Hall

[Jamie Stone]

I love the words “banking” and “hub”. I also know from my past experience what a lovely town Monmouth is; I had some much-loved cousins who lived just outside the town, and I knew it well some time ago.

Coming on specifically to the closure of banks, face-to-face banking is an essential part of the community, from preventing fraud and helping people who think they have been scammed to conversations about complex financial issues, which we cannot simply pick up from a letter or online. Those are fundamental functions of banks—not privileges that should be reserved for those who live in more urban areas. We know there has been a shift towards digital banking in recent times, but for many in our rural communities, including the elderly, there is not good internet access for a start, and they cannot really use those services, let alone use them to their maximum power. I know of many old people who are totally bamboozled by them.

I am not alone in these concerns. Lloyds Banking Group has recently announced the closure of 136 branches across the UK—that stopped even me in my tracks. The closures include several Bank of Scotland branches. I think that banks have a duty of public service to support local people with their financial needs, but that is a function that I fear many banks seem to have forgotten; I know not why. But there have been some reassuring solutions to the issue of banks closing, which takes me back to those welcome words “banking hubs”.

Run by the Post Office and Cash Access UK, the shared spaces have done amazing work in providing banking services in collaboration with an array of different banks.

[Mr Gregory Campbell (East Londonderry) (DUP)]

On the roll-out of banking hubs, does the hon. Gentleman agree that, although that is good, it needs to happen faster, particularly in smaller towns? Today seems to be high street retailing day—I have a debate this afternoon that concentrates on similar issues—so does he agree that the matter requires innovative, fresh thinking to try to help rural and small-town communities that do not have the services of large cities?

[Jamie Stone]

Indeed. The hon. Member makes a sound point. My wife hails from Northern Ireland, and I know that the problems there are very similar to those in Monmouth, the highlands of Scotland or wherever.

Recently, my splendid team and I had the pleasure of visiting the Acton banking hub. We were mightily impressed by its operation and commitment to making cash accessible to the community. The good news, turning to the point made by the hon. Member for East Londonderry (Mr Campbell), is that we are going to get a banking hub opened in Wick in my constituency this summer. That will be most welcome. The organisation in charge met the local people last week and the reception was very warm indeed. There is a sense of relief that banking hubs are at long last being rolled out, but the point about the speed of rolling them out is well made.