Iraq: Camp Liberty
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Lord Maginnis of Drumglass
To ask Her Majesty’s Government what steps they are taking to help expedite a resolution of the status of refugees currently in Camp Liberty, Iraq.
The Senior Minister of State, Department for Communities and Local Government & Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Baroness Warsi)
My Lords, in response to an appeal from the United Nations, we have agreed to consider the readmission to the United Kingdom, on an exceptional case-by-case basis, of those residents of Camp Liberty who have had previous residence in the UK as refugees. This is subject to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees first assessing their current refugee status. We cannot judge the outcome or duration of that process, but hope that it moves forward quickly.
Lord Maginnis of Drumglass
I am grateful to the Minister. Can she tell us what the UN Secretary-General’s special envoy Martin Kobler has achieved towards helping to relocate more than 3,000 refugees forced to move from Camp Ashraf to a virtual concentration camp at Camp Liberty? Are our Government alarmed by the resignation of Tahar Boumedra, the head of the UNAMI mission in Iraq, in protest at the distortion of the facts within Mr Kobler’s reports to the United Nations? Have our Government made representations to the UN to have Kobler sacked and replaced?
Baroness Warsi
The noble Lord raises some important issues. All noble Lords may not be familiar with the background to this matter but, effectively, the Special Representative for Iraq, Martin Kobler, has been accused by his adviser—according to his view—of not being entirely honest about the conditions in Camp Ashraf and Camp Liberty. I do not agree with the noble Lord’s description of Camp Liberty as a concentration camp. He will be familiar with the fact that Iraq signed a memorandum of understanding with the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq, UNAMI, at the end of last year to move residents to Camp Liberty, with a view to them being assessed by the United Nations as to their refugee status and being relocated. I have concerns, which we have raised with the United Nations, but we are assured that the conditions within Camp Liberty meet the basic humanitarian standards.
Baroness Turner of Camden
Is the Minister aware, as I am sure she is, that these people expected to be under UN protection and were transferred from Camp Ashraf where the conditions were absolutely appalling? They had every expectation that Camp Liberty would at least have slightly better conditions but this does not appear to be the case. No matter what the resolution of the situation ultimately is, the people there must be looked after properly. At the moment they clearly are not so what can be done to improve their condition?
Baroness Warsi
I looked at this matter in some detail and at the situation in Iraq generally. Sadly, not all the residents in Iraq have 24-hour electricity and not all the residents have running water at all times in the quantities they require. In the backdrop, despite the fact that many individuals living in this particular camp may not be happy with the conditions, they have 24-hour electricity and 24-hour running water. It meets the basic humanitarian needs.
Lord Avebury
Although my noble friend says again that the Government are not in a position to judge the outcome or duration of the UNHCR’s verification of the applications for refugee status by the former Ashraf residents, 10 months after the process was agreed in the memorandum of understanding between the UN and Iraq, did not the UNHCR issue a statement on 13 September saying that they were now asylum seekers under international law whose claims required adjudication? Will my noble friend therefore grant the 52, who were formerly refugees here, leave to enter so that the renewal of their status here can be confirmed by the UKBA after any necessary checks for that purpose?
Baroness Warsi
I can confirm that five residents have already been readmitted to the United Kingdom. They had refugee status in the United Kingdom and had relevant documentation. A further 52 do not have current regularised documentation but have had refugee status in the United Kingdom before. We are considering those applications, but I am sure that noble Lords would agree that time has passed since these people left the United Kingdom and their coming back in. It is right that we consider what they have been involved in in the mean time to ensure that any concerns that we may have are properly addressed.
Lord Hylton
My Lords, is it not the case that this business has been hanging on for far too long and does the noble Baroness agree that the United States has a considerable responsibility in the matter, having given Camp Ashraf people protected status?
Baroness Warsi
The noble Lord will be aware that the situation in relation to this group who are members of the Mujaheddin e Khalq has been ongoing in Iraq since the mid-1980s when they moved their headquarters there. It was right that the United Nations found a solution to this matter and it is right that these people are being properly considered for relocation. We continue to urge the United Nations to act with expediency.
Lord Clarke of Hampstead
The Minister may not agree with the description given by the noble Lord, Lord Maginnis, about the concentration camp status of Camp Liberty. Why does she think all those people around the world have been protesting about the high walls, the lack of sanitation and the denial of medical facilities that are commonplace in Camp Liberty? What is the Government’s view on the duplicitous role of the Iraqi Government in carrying out the Mullahs’ wishes from Iran in getting the residents of Ashraf moved, as they were, after promising that they would get proper treatment? Whether the Minister or the Government like it or not, the facts are that it is not the case that they have been treated properly. They have been treated appallingly and it is about time that we spoke out louder.
Baroness Warsi
As I said, I have looked into this matter in some detail. Allegations were raised and it was important that we assured ourselves, taking evidence from United Nations, about the current conditions in the camp. I assure the noble Lord that there is no appeasement of the Iranian regime in any of this. He will also be aware that this group, the Mujaheddin e Khalq, is not part of the opposition movement in Iran. We saw in 2009, when the Green Movement came to the streets, that it distanced itself from the Mujaheddin e Khalq.
Private Military and Security Companies
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The Lord Bishop of Wakefield
To ask Her Majesty’s Government what assessment they have made of the effect of their use of private military and security companies upon the United Kingdom’s reputation, and its diplomatic and military relationships with those countries in which such companies operate.
The Senior Minister of State, Department for Communities and Local Government & Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Baroness Warsi)
My Lords, the Government use private security companies to support UK missions in countries emerging from conflict, principally in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya and Yemen. They are not military companies and operate with the permission and co-operation of host Governments. We work with host Governments to address any concerns raised. We are working with the industry to raise standards globally by establishing a voluntary, independently audited and internationally recognised regulatory system that is practical, effective and affordable.
The Lord Bishop of Wakefield
My Lords, I am grateful to the Minister for her response but would like to press a little further. Has the use of such private companies instead of the Royal Military Police increased the risk of attacks by uniformed Afghans on Her Majesty’s government officials protected by armed contractors? I have in mind particularly the recent death of two British soldiers killed by an Afghan man wearing local police uniform. Does the Minister accept that such examples illustrate that it is now time for statutory regulation to ensure that the conduct of PMSCs does not aggravate local attitudes that may turn Her Majesty’s government officials into similar targets?
Baroness Warsi
The right reverend Prelate asks a very important question. He may be aware that private security companies are used in very specific tasks: they are used in a defensive not an offensive way, predominantly to protect embassies and provide close protection and sometimes rapid response. That is always done in conjunction with discussions with the states in which we work. The right reverend Prelate will also be aware of our obligations as a state under the Montreux document and the principles laid out in the international code of conduct which governs the conduct of private security companies.
Lord Wright of Richmond
My Lords, does the Minister accept that, in my experience, most diplomats regret the occasional need for close protection, whether by private companies or our own security personnel, since it constrains one of the main aims of diplomacy—to develop contacts as widely as possible and at all levels, and to travel round the country and not remain solely in the capital?
Baroness Warsi
The noble Lord makes an important point. As many noble Lords—especially those who have been provided with close protection either on behalf of the Government or by private security companies—will be aware, unfortunately it is a necessary part of some of the work that we do overseas. It enables us sometimes to travel beyond the capital to do exactly the kind of work that the noble Lord referred to.
Lord Chidgey
Is my noble friend aware that current research at Bristol University by Dr Higate shows that British companies generally operate on a low-profile basis, particularly in Iraq and Afghanistan, and their sensitivity to the reactions of the host populations reflects very well on the United Kingdom? Can she also address the serious shortcomings that have been found in the standard of and mandatory training for armed close protection roles undertaken by these private military and security companies?
Baroness Warsi
The noble Lord will be aware that many of the concerns in this area are historic and dependent on what happened not so much with UK private security companies but, predominantly, with US private security companies. Despite that, the UK led on the Montreux document, which laid out the obligations that we have. The UK was also one of the first to support the international code of practice, and one-third of the companies that have signed up to the code are British. We are also working with the industry to put forward standards so that the code is properly implemented and its implementation is audited. I am assured that we will be able to make an announcement in the next few weeks.
Lord Mackenzie of Framwellgate
My Lords, will the Minister comment on how the security industry will be regulated once the Security Industry Authority has been abolished in the bonfire of quangos?
Baroness Warsi
The Government are discussing that with the UK auditing service. It will propose an independent auditing body or bodies which will effectively then regulate and ensure that the code is being properly implemented.
Lord Hamilton of Epsom
Will my noble friend confirm that one reason why piracy has been reduced so radically is the use of private security companies on merchant shipping going through pirate-infested areas?
Lord West of Spithead
My Lords, is the noble Baroness content that there are adequate RoE and lines of accountability on board merchant vessels if one of those security companies should happen to kill some alleged pirates?
Baroness Warsi
I am not sure what the specific answer to that question would be, but I am aware that the whole point of having a code of conduct—and thereafter having international standards against which the code of conduct is implemented, and thereafter having an audit of those standards—is to ensure that there is voluntary acceptance of certain rules of behaviour that have to be applied by all private security companies.
Lord Hunt of Kings Heath
My Lords, on that point, having an audit is not a substitute for proper statutory regulation. Will the noble Baroness answer my noble friend’s question? Why are the Government getting rid of that regulation?
Baroness Warsi
The Government feel that the best way to proceed in this area is to work on a voluntary system in which the trade organisations and the private security companies working in this area are involved. This is a matter which relates to the private security companies of many countries, and it is therefore important that we have an international standard against which companies can be audited.
Lord Dobbs
Is my noble friend aware that British companies operating in this difficult area have a high regard internationally? Can she give us an indication of how much money the British Government spend on those private security companies in the course of a year?
Baroness Warsi
I can, my Lords. The specific spend by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office on centrally awarded contracts to private security companies was approximately £47 million in 2009-10, £43 million in 2010-11 and £47 million in the current year.
Russian Federation: Council of Europe
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Lord Tomlinson
To ask Her Majesty’s Government what is their assessment of the report of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe The Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by the Russian Federation.
The Senior Minister of State, Department for Communities and Local Government & Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Baroness Warsi)
My Lords, the report is a detailed summary of the state of human rights in Russia today. It addresses some of the human rights issues of most concern in Russia, such as the new restrictive legislation on non-governmental organisations, the case of Sergei Magnitsky, the murders of human rights defenders and human rights violations in the North Caucasus region. We support the overall focus of the resolution, which gives recommendations to help to improve human rights protection in Russia.
Lord Tomlinson
My Lords, in view of the seriousness of this report, are Her Majesty’s Government concerned that the report was blocked from being sent to the Committee of Ministers because it did not attain the necessary two-thirds majority, largely as a result of the political group in which the Conservative Party sits in the Council of Europe voting against it? The group voted with Putin’s United Russia party and not for a proper examination by the Committee of Ministers. Therefore, will the Minister herself ensure that our ambassador to the Council of Europe in Strasbourg is instructed to raise this important report with the Committee of Ministers?
Baroness Warsi
The noble Lord will be aware that the UK Government are not part of the process by which the Parliamentary Assembly adopts reports and makes recommendations. He will also be aware that the government response to the report lays out those parts of it that we agree with and those parts that we may not. The process that is adopted thereafter as to whether this matter will be dealt with by a simple resolution or will go further in the form of a recommendation is a matter for the Parliamentary Assembly.
Baroness Falkner of Margravine
My Lords, the Minister will be aware that the report mentions Mr Sergei Magnitsky. She will be aware that the European Parliament passed a resolution that allows member states to impose a visa ban and to freeze the assets of the 60 officials who have been identified as being implicated in his murder. What are the British Government doing in terms of a visa ban or indeed of freezing the assets of those individuals?
Baroness Warsi
The UK’s position on the Magnitsky case is very clear: this was a terrible crime and needs to be fully investigated as soon as possible. We have made that clear to the Russian Government on a number of occasions. With regard to calls for a visa ban, we do not prejudge visa applications but, where there is independent, reliable and credible evidence that an individual has committed human rights abuses, that individual will not normally be permitted to enter the UK.
Lord Anderson of Swansea
My Lords, is the Minister aware that, in spite of the Litvinenko affair and the Magnitsky matter, the Conservative group in the Council of Europe has formed a very cosy relationship in its political group with Putin’s party? Indeed, on this occasion it protected the Russian delegation from that vote. Will she therefore remind her Conservative colleagues of the fate of the young lady of Riga who also formed a rather close relationship with the Russians?
Baroness Warsi
I do not know whether I can comment on that particular matter, but the noble Lord will be aware that we have a number of delegates who form part of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. They are not an extension of the Government; indeed, they have quite independent views. It is a matter for the Government to lay out their position, but that is not something that we can force upon those members.
Lord Flight
My Lords, I understand that this lengthy report, covering a period of seven years, has findings positive and negative, but in particular expresses concerns about changes in law this year that will inhibit democratic development in Russia. Do the Government take the view that the recommendation should have been adopted—the reason for it not being adopted still seems somewhat unclear—and, in the absence of an adopted recommendation, is Russia left free to avoid responsibility for its obligations as a Council of Europe member state?
Baroness Warsi
My Lords, we believe that the recommendation should have been passed, not to chastise Russia for its human rights record but to help to improve human rights protections within that country, as we would do for any Council of Europe member state. It is unfortunate that in this particular matter the procedural points became the focus of the debate rather than the real substance that was in the report. It is essential that every member of the Council of Europe, including Russia, respects the obligations and commitments that it signed up to on joining the organisation, whether or not there is a recommendation.
Lord Grenfell
My Lords, is the Prime Minister, in dismissing out of hand the European Court of Human Rights’ ruling on voting rights for prisoners, not giving aid and comfort to members of the Council of Europe such as Russia that see fit to pick and choose which of the undertakings they made when joining the Council they wish to honour?
Baroness Warsi
As I now have the human rights brief at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, I see that there is an interesting dilemma in terms of human rights records around the world and the position that we adopt on them. There is also the question of how we implement human rights decisions in relation to the UK. However, I am very front-footed and clear when I say that abuses that are taking place in places such as Russia, which form the basis of the report that noble Lords are aware of, are very different from the case of voting rights for prisoners.
Lord Alton of Liverpool
My Lords, is the Minister aware that at a meeting in your Lordships’ House this morning, Mr Peter Horrocks, who runs the BBC World Service, expressed concern about the blocking of the BBC by Russia? In the context of the right to free speech and the importance of information and encouragement to those who uphold democracy in Russia, what are Her Majesty’s Government doing to raise our concerns about the blocking of the BBC World Service?
Baroness Warsi
The noble Lord can be assured that we raise these matters frequently. Specifically in relation to human rights defenders, many of whom are serving sentences or have paid with their lives, we raise specifically freedom of speech, which is becoming even more important when looking at some of the controls that have been introduced on online discussions of politics and other matters. The Government regularly raise these matters with the Government of Russia, especially around freedom of expression.
Baroness Symons of Vernham Dean
My Lords, the Minister has sought to distance herself and the Government from the decision of the Conservative Members who sought to block the report. Can she tell the House what action the Government have taken to engage with those Conservative Members who sought to block the report and how they are hoping to persuade them to adopt a more sensible and, indeed, proper attitude on these issues in future?
Baroness Warsi
I do not seek to distance myself from any Conservative Members of this House or another place. However, Parliamentary Assembly Members, who are cross-party and not representative of any single Government, have their views and opinions, and in those circumstances we cannot enforce government views. However, what we can do—and the noble Baroness is quite right to raise this—is to engage with them and put forward the Government’s position.
Baroness Farrington of Ribbleton
My Lords, would the Minister care to reconsider—
Piracy
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The Senior Minister of State, Department for Communities and Local Government & Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Baroness Warsi)
My Lords, it is a pleasure to participate in this debate and I pay tribute to the noble Lord, Lord Luce, for raising these important issues, and for managing to gather such great experience and expertise around the House to partake in this debate. The noble Lord, as with other Lords, brings a significant depth of knowledge of the region, and the debate has been richer for that. Other noble Lords have spoken from the perspective of their valuable experience, and I thank them for their contributions.
The noble Lord, Lord Triesman, summed it up at the end, in terms of what can be done in a region which has multifaceted challenges: how is what we are doing co-ordinated, and where are we in applying specific British expertise? Are we dealing with the underlying causes, and are we going after the small number of people who are the real kingpins at the top of this chain? I hope I can answer most of those questions, but if any remain unanswered I will write to noble Lords.
Piracy is not a new phenomenon. It is a type of criminality that has existed for hundreds of years. First and foremost there is the human cost that comes as a result of piracy, and that was vividly outlined by the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of St Edmundsbury and Ipswich.
However, it also has an economic impact. British shipping generates £10.7 billion of our GDP. The impact that piracy off the coast of Somalia has had in recent times affects each of us in our everyday lives. Some 90% of global trade moves by sea: the food we eat, the gas and oil we use at home, in our cars and in industry, and the clothes that we wear all pass through there. The stretch of water between South Arabia and the Horn of Africa—the Gulf of Aden—is one of the busiest waterways in the world. Nearly $1 trillion worth of trade a year passes through the Gulf of Aden to and from European ports. This illustrates the seriousness of the threat both to the UK and other nations.
The existence of piracy stems from wider issues of instability in the Horn of Africa and South Arabia. Many of those were spoken about in the debate today. In February, at the London conference on Somalia, we reiterated the importance of supporting communities to tackle the underlying causes of piracy, such as poverty, instability, and a lack of opportunities. It is those that are contributing to the problem. This is precisely why the Government’s approach to countering piracy is robust and multifaceted. We are working closely with partners in the region and beyond.
My noble friend Lady Nicholson asked about government co-ordination of activity. The UK continues to take a leading role in international efforts, including through the Contact Group on Piracy off the Coast of Somalia—the CGPCS—which has been referred to a number times today, which has over 65 participating nations and more than 25 international organisations. We contribute to all three international naval counter-piracy forces: the European Union’s Operation Atalanta, referred to by the noble Lord, Lord Luce, has also been referred to by other noble Lords; NATO’s Operation Ocean Shield; and the independent US-led Combined Maritime Forces, which include over 20 independent deployers including India, Russia, Pakistan and China. These nationalities, as the noble Lord, Lord Teverson, and the noble and gallant Lord, Lord Stirrup, said, have come together and not always been given credit for this unified work. Their combined efforts have contributed to reducing pirate attacks by over 65%. We also invest in building further capacity in Somalia and the region to police, prosecute, and detain those behind piracy.
We are the largest bilateral donor to the UN Office of Drugs and Crime’s counter-piracy programme, and we encourage our partners to match our support. Through UNODC, the UK is helping to build and renovate prisons in Somaliland and Puntland. We also work with regional states such as the Seychelles and Kenya in furthering their counter-piracy efforts and continue to support the regional prosecution of pirates.
The noble Baroness, Lady Warwick, was right to say that we must deal with the root causes of piracy, and I am sure that the noble Baroness will welcome the fact that in Somalia we are implementing a £250 million development programme, focused on institution-building, jobs and opportunities, health, and humanitarian assistance. The hope is that it will prevent people being driven into piracy. In practice, this means supporting the creation of Somali-run ministries to allow the Somali people to manage their own affairs; the continued health and humanitarian assistance means we are keeping over a million people from starving. Through developing jobs and opportunities we are offering communities hope for themselves, their children and their future.
We continue to support the African Union Mission in Somalia—AMISOM—and the EU Training Mission for Somali national security forces. AMISOM, with the support of Somali forces, is doing an excellent job in very difficult circumstances. Their efforts to increase security in Mogadishu and southern Somalia are essential to enable progress on other fronts. Also, just last month, my right honourable friend the Secretary of State for International Development announced support of £38.3 million over three years to improve the Government of Somalia’s core functions, and my right honourable friend the Foreign Secretary announced a further £10 million to help the Government with their immediate needs following the end of the transition period.
We are providing crucial support to other regional partners too. In Yemen, we are working with our Gulf and international partners to support transition, including through co-chairing the Friends of Yemen. This co-ordinates international efforts to support Yemeni-led political reform.
We are the third largest humanitarian donor after the US and the EU. My noble friend Lady Nicholson asked about that financial assistance. DfID has committed £28 million of humanitarian aid to Yemen. In Kenya, we have provided more than £11 million to support the implementation of the new Kenyan constitution, as well as police reform and training and conflict prevention activities. In Oman, we are helping the Government to invest in the coastguard, with new UK-supplied patrol vessels to be delivered early next year.
A new initiative is the unique multinational, multiagency centre, referred to by the noble Lord, Lord Hannay, which is being established in the Seychelles to investigate the kingpins of piracy. Evidence suggests that there are about two dozen individuals behind the piracy business model—if we can call it that—and prosecuting them will have a huge impact on further reducing the levels of piracy. The noble Lord, Lord Hannay, also spoke about money laundering and suspicious activity reports. I can inform the House that officials tell me that the Home Office is planning to provide the noble Lord, Lord Hannay, with an update. If that update does not arrive, I am sure the noble Lord will bring the matter to my attention and I shall ensure that he receives a full response.
My noble and learned friend Lord Howe and the noble Lord, Lord Luce, referred to piracy and terrorism. Thankfully, to date we do not have evidence that terrorists are using piracy as a means of raising funds or that pirates are engaged in their activities in order directly to support al-Shabaab. There is strong evidence to suggest that pirates continue to seek to distance themselves as much as possible from al-Shabaab activity or control. However, it is possible that some personal clan or other links may exist between individuals who are involved in pirate groups and individuals who may also be affiliated with extremist or insurgent groups in southern Somalia, including al-Shabaab. It is a matter on which the Government keep a keen interest.
The noble Lord, Lord Luce, also asked specifically whether drones are being used against pirates in the Indian Ocean. I can confirm to the noble Lord that they are not. The noble Lord, Lord Avebury, raised the issue of the Chagos Islands. I can confirm that there is no link between the issues of piracy and the Chagos Islands. The noble Lord also asked about the local facilitation of talks in Somalia. The Intergovernmental Authority on Development, IGAD, has been in negotiations with local clan leaders for some months now and the new Government of Somalia and IGAD are working towards a solution, following the fall of certain areas which were originally al-Shabaab strongholds.
The noble Lord, Lord Greenway, raised the issue of ransom payments. The noble Lord will be aware that the British Government do not facilitate or take part in concessions to hostage-takers, including the payment of ransoms. Although there is no UK law against a third party paying a ransom, we counsel against that, as we believe that that encourages future kidnappings. The noble Lord will also be aware of the piracy ransom task force, which brings together policy makers from 14 countries to gather evidence, develop an analysis and agree a set of preferred options. The final meeting for that task force is to be held in London tomorrow. As part of that process, industry has been consulted and we have taken on board its views and expertise throughout the lifetime of the task force. I cannot say what the outcome of that meeting tomorrow will be; there are no predetermined outcomes for the task force. We will not know the final outcome until after tomorrow’s meeting, but the task force will deliver a series of policy recommendations to policy makers. Any decision will need to be taken by the international community outside the context of the task force.
My noble friend Lord Teverson was right to say that successful attacks are overwhelmingly against ships that do not comply internationally with approved best management practice. Self-protection measures remain the most effective method for avoiding a pirate attack and the Government strongly encourage flag states and the shipping industry to adopt and to adhere to BMP standards. We are working with international partners, the insurance industry and ship owners, via the contact group on piracy, to examine ways to encourage BMP compliance by the strongest means possible. However, I can confirm to the noble Lord that 98% of UK shipping is BMP compliant.
The sharp reduction in pirate activity that we have witnessed in the past 12 months—from 46 successful attacks last year to just five so far this year—is testament to the enduring commitment of the international community to tackle piracy and its causes head-on. We recognise that the work of the international community has been effective because it has been collaborative, co-ordinated, and in close co-operation with regional partners. A unique and positive part of the London conference was the role played by the Somali diaspora, referred to by noble Lords today. My right honourable friend the Prime Minister and I hosted key engagement events with the Somali diaspora, which has an important role to play in supporting the stabilisation of Somalia, through offering networking opportunities, investment and technical and financial assistance.
The Government are clear in their resolve to support our partners in the Horn of Africa and South Arabia in their efforts to address causes of instability in the region. There should be no room for complacency. Countering piracy is important to us all. It affects our economy, the safety of our citizens and it creates a climate of instability in a region where stability is very much required. However, as recently as Monday, reports show that we are achieving success. The International Maritime Bureau report was very positive. We are achieving success in difficult circumstances and it is in our interests to stay the course.
Cyprus
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The Senior Minister of State, Department for Communities and Local Government & Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Baroness Warsi)
My Lords, I am grateful for the opportunity to respond for the Government to this debate brought by the noble Lord, Lord Sharkey. I start by endorsing his words of congratulation to my noble friend Lady Hussein-Ece.
The noble Lord, Lord Liddle, quite usefully laid out how the previous Government dealt with some of these challenges, and once again I am reminded of the great experience and expertise in this House on foreign relations and Foreign Office matters. I know that the noble Lord, Lord Liddle, missed me yesterday at Oral Questions, but I am sure that he will agree that campaigning for re-election to the Human Rights Council in Geneva was as important.
Cyprus has been too long divided, as I am sure all Cypriots and friends of Cyprus would agree. The current round of settlement negotiations, under way since September 2008, unfortunately is in hiatus. The United Nations is doing what it can to move the process along in the absence of political-level meetings. It is focusing on the work of the technical committees, trying to make them more productive and focusing on practical co-operation. Alexander Downer, the UN Secretary-General’s special adviser on Cyprus, believes that there has been some success.
The Greek Cypriots continue to express willingness to continue talks, but not constrained by a timeframe. The Turkish Cypriots say that they want to continue talks but wish for a timetable that would include a deadline for a multilateral conference in order to create the environment for give and take, which they say is necessary to address the internal aspects of the negotiations. The leaders of the two communities have not met since March this year and it seems unlikely that any such meeting will take place until after the presidential elections next February.
Her Majesty’s Government continue to take a keen interest in the situation in Cyprus. We are very aware of our role as a guarantor power, but we must not lose sight of the fact that this is a process by Cypriots for Cypriots, and that it is for the leaders of the two communities, whoever they may be, to work constructively together to deliver a new future for Cyprus. We will continue to support this process and to encourage all who have a role to play to seize the opportunity of a new political era to find a solution to this long-running human tragedy.
As a guarantor power, the UK has undertaken by treaty to prohibit,
“any activity aimed at promoting directly or indirectly, either union of Cyprus with any other State or partition of the Island”.
A settlement will bring long-term stability, peace and security for all the people of a united island within the European Union, supporting the prosperity of all Cypriots and ending the isolation of those who live in the north of the island. More widely, it will create an arc of greater stability from the Aegean to the eastern Mediterranean by removing the major impediment to good relations between Cyprus, Turkey and Greece.
Only through a fair and lasting settlement can we ensure that all the people on the island are the beneficiaries of a fair and sustainable future and that the EU acquis can be extended to the whole island. It would deliver significant economic benefits for both communities, opening up greater opportunities for regional trade and investment. Reunification would also provide the space for civil society to flourish and for leaders to look outwards, spending time on the global issues that confront us all, such as climate change and energy security.
Living on a divided island cannot be a situation that any Cypriot would want to continue without a long-term solution. Ordinary citizens cannot move around the island as noble Lords would move around the UK, and this was raised today in the debate. There are checks on persons as they cross the Green Line that divides the two communities, and checks on the movement of goods have an inevitable negative impact on the prosperity of the island as a whole.
The division of the island has resulted in the dislocation of ordinary Cypriot families, and the resulting disputes about the ownership of property continue to impact on people today. Many Cypriots born after 1974 do not know anyone from the other community. Where there is no contact there can be no understanding, and negative stereotypes tend to dominate the image each community has of the other.
My noble friend Lady Hussein-Ece raised some valid points about views on the issue not being fully informed. She always speaks with great passion and expertise and expresses very personally the frustration felt by so many in Cyprus. My noble friend also asked specifically what the UK is doing in relation to alleviating the isolation of Turkish Cypriots. The UK is in contact with many civil society groups in Northern Cyprus. It supports the direct trade regulation blocked in the EU and is working to support a comprehensive settlement as ultimately the most effective way of ending the isolation of Turkish Cypriots.
There are some positive signs and it is important that we do not lose sight of them. Following the dreadful explosion in July last year which killed 12 people and knocked out the main electricity plant in the south, the two communities were able to come to an agreement which saw the north of the island supplementing the electricity supply for the south. This mirrors the arrangements made in 2006 when the Government of Cyprus agreed to supply the north with electricity after an explosion in the main power plant. That type of co-operation and practical assistance shows that it is possible to move forward from the difficulties of the past.
The noble Lord, Lord Anderson of Swansea, referred to the recent gas finds. The UK is optimistic that efforts to achieve a settlement will eventually be successful. The gas finds and the presidential elections next February are a part of this. In this difficult and long-lasting situation, my noble friend Lord Sharkey is absolutely right to say that civil society within and between the two communities has an important role to play in developing the key missing ingredient, that of trust. Civil society can reach out to those beyond the bounds of politics to establish practical working relationships and foster co-operation that will lay down the grounds for a long-term improvement in relations.
Perhaps I may give some real examples of where civil society contacts and initiatives are working. Over the past five years, our high commissioner has worked closely with Sir Stelios Haji-Ioannou’s Stelios Philanthropic Foundation to encourage bicommunal business. It also directly supports the bicommunal Committee on Missing Persons through financial and practical support. This important committee is working on one of the most difficult and distressing aspects of the whole situation, seeking to identify bodies and find resolution for families who do not know what happened to their loved ones. There are also important locally driven initiatives looking at best practice and learning lessons from other long-running, complex intercommunal conflicts, such as those in Northern Ireland and South Africa. Valuable efforts are also being made to bring the two communities together that include school children.
Lord Maginnis of Drumglass
I just want to point out that the Minister is in error when she compares Northern Ireland or South Africa where the language is the same, the people live side by side, and they have not been deliberately divided for almost 50 years.
Baroness Warsi
I take the noble Lord’s point, but there are lessons that can be learnt. The FCO funds a small number of projects to support this.
I agree that more could be done, and I turn to the specific point raised by the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Guildford on bringing together religious communities in order to foster reconciliation. The UK would support any efforts made to encourage the coming together of the Muslim and Greek Orthodox communities on the island. The right reverend Prelate is aware of the work I support in relation to inter-faith understanding.
My noble friend Lady Knight spoke of the important case of Meliz Redif. Her Majesty’s Government do not recognise the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and so we were unable to make representations to the International Olympic Committee about the inclusion of Northern Cyprus as a participant country in the Olympic Games. Turkish Cypriots are able to compete under the Cypriot flag, but I am afraid that I must presume that that is not the answer my noble friend wished to hear.
The noble Lord, Lord Harrison, asked what help could be offered through the Cypriot presidency of the European Union. The Government have provided support through practical assistance, including the provision of secondees across government. The noble Lord, Lord Kilclooney, raised the issue of the employment of Turkish Cypriots in Brussels. Who is employed has to be a matter for the Republic of Cyprus. However, the British high commission employs staff from both communities.
Lord Kilclooney
I was not talking about the British high commission. I was talking about the so-called Cyprus Government, the Greek Cypriot Administration, which totally discriminates against Turkish Cypriots in Brussels. The United Kingdom is a guarantor power. Are we doing nothing, as a guarantor power, to exercise our powers in respect of fair employment by the Cyprus Government?
Baroness Warsi
The specific question that the noble Lord asked was in relation to employment in Brussels. We, of course, only have a say in relation to the people that we employ at the British high commission. It is therefore important to stress that we employ staff from both communities. The high commission represents—
Lord Kilclooney
Is the Minister saying that the United Kingdom is washing its hands of its position as a guarantor power for Cyprus?
Baroness Warsi
No, my Lords, the British Government are not saying that. I must move on as a number of matters were raised by noble Lords. The noble Lord, Lord Northbrook, raised the issue of the Immovable Property Commission. We support that commission and agree that property is one of the key and most complex areas for any final settlement.
My noble friend Lady Scott raised the issue of direct trade for Turkish Cypriots. The UK is committed to liberalisation of trade with the Turkish Cypriot community but the relevant draft EU regulation is being blocked at the moment by the Republic of Cyprus.
Many of the issues surrounding any debate on Cyprus are understandably difficult and emotive. The noble Lord, Lord Maginnis, outlined some of these, including issues such as the fate of missing persons and the loss of one’s home, things that thankfully most of us will never have to face. Those who lived through the events in Cyprus’s turbulent past, and their children and grandchildren, are now living with the legacy of those events. It is absolutely right that we do not forget the past and that we acknowledge the pain suffered by the ordinary people of Cyprus, but we must also look to the future and continue to have faith in the UN-led settlement process. We must look to the leaders of the two communities, who ultimately are responsible for working together to deliver a package that the Cypriot people can believe in and which will secure the future for the reunited island, so that her people can live together in peace.
Until that future is secured, we hope, through the work of the technical committees, confidence-building measures and grass-roots initiatives such as the Stelios award for business co-operation, that the everyday lives of Cypriots can be improved and, in parallel, that trust between the two communities can regrow. It is only through building such trust that a stable and prosperous future for all Cypriots can be assured. I am sure that I have not answered all questions raised by noble Lords—
Lord Maginnis of Drumglass
I wish the Minister well in her new position in Government. However, it is a huge disappointment when we get a response to a debate that has been pre-prepared and does not answer a single question that has been raised. I would have thought that, at a time when the Prime Minister is talking about remembering the sacrifices of 1914, she might at least have had the initiative to address the matter I raised about 371 of our soldiers who died during the Cyprus emergency. I am disappointed that she has failed to do so.
Baroness Warsi
I was about to say in conclusion that I am sure I have not answered all the matters and questions that have been raised by noble Lords in an hour’s debate on such an important issue, about which there is so much expertise in this House. I can assure noble Lords, including the noble Lord, that I will respond to them in writing on any specific questions that have not been answered today.
Antarctica: Centenary of Scott Expedition
Baroness Warsi Excerpts(11 years, 6 months ago)
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The Senior Minister of State, Department for Communities and Local Government & Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Baroness Warsi)
My Lords, this is an interesting moment in which to address the third debate in my new job but the first in this Chamber. Before I turn to the debate, I pay tribute to my noble friend Lord Howell, who is a hard act to follow, but I will try. As the noble Lord, Lord Gilbert, said, I am quickly learning that Members of this House invariably will always know more than me in almost every debate.
I am grateful for the opportunity to respond for the Government on this debate brought by my noble friend Lady Hooper on the centenary of Captain Scott’s death and Britain’s enduring scientific legacy and physical presence in Antarctica. I am proud to say that the Government share the strength of feeling in this House on the importance of Scott’s legacy and the great scientific and strategic value of Antarctica to the United Kingdom’s long-term interests. Recently, there has been speculation that possible changes to the British Antarctic Survey may result in a downgrading of British interest or capacity. I want specifically to reassure noble Lords that Ministers are absolutely committed to maintaining and developing a physical presence in Antarctica.
Let me start with a few words on Captain Scott and his brave team. Despite the tragedy of their final journey, their moving story is one of bravery, endurance and good fellowship, and, importantly, of their commitment to scientific discovery. The noble Baroness, Lady Warwick, eloquently narrated the poignant story, as did my noble friend Lady Sharples in relation to her personal connections to “Discovery” and “Endeavour”. It is those attributes that have been such a source of pride as we remember and celebrate this centenary year of Scott’s achievement.
The Foreign and Commonwealth Office is proud to have been able to support the organisation of the memorial service in St Paul’s Cathedral for Captain Scott and his colleagues in the presence of Her Royal Highness the Princess Royal. We have also marked the centenary in other ways. My right honourable friend the Prime Minister recorded a message that was broadcast to all those working in Antarctica. My right honourable friend the Foreign Secretary signed an agreement with his Norwegian counterpart to celebrate our shared polar history and increased co-operation on heritage and science issues. The Minister for the Polar Regions at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office hosted a reception for the descendants of the Scott expedition. On behalf of this House, I thank everyone in the Antarctic community who made the centenary such a success.
The centenary has been about remembering the bravery and sacrifices of Scott’s expedition and the truly world-class scientific legacy that endures to this day. Both the British Antarctic Survey and the Scott Polar Research Institute are world-leading centres of excellence, supporting the United Kingdom’s strong record on science, discovery and education about Antarctica. My noble friend Lord Avebury and the noble Lord, Lord Giddens, are right to raise the impact of the science of Antarctica on our understanding of climate change. It was the long-term monitoring of activities in Antarctica that allowed British scientists to discover the ozone hole in 1984. There is no doubt that the UK will continue to undertake world-class science in Antarctica.
We anticipate that in just a few weeks’ time the British Lake Ellsworth project will begin to drill down through three kilometres of ice to a freshwater lake that has been hidden for hundreds of thousands of years. That is possible only because of British scientists, British companies, British innovation and the British spirit of exploration. It is exactly the kind of endeavour that is the spirit of Scott. It is not too far-fetched to say that there is a golden thread of scientific excellence running directly from those first ambitious steps of Scott’s scientific work right through to projects such as Lake Ellsworth today. That thread is strong but it is not unbreakable, and we should not take it for granted. The noble Lords, Lord Oxburgh and Lord Hunt, raised important concerns. Both come to this debate with great expertise and experience. Let me assure this House that this Government recognise the thread of that science and its importance, and we will take all the steps necessary to preserve British supremacy in this field.
British scientists have the confidence and ability to operate in Antarctica because of the strong presence, experience and logistical skill of the British Antarctic Survey. In turn, the importance of the science that can be carried out in Antarctica justifies and reinforces the need to have the strongest possible presence and the widest reach. Let me assure noble Lords, and specifically concerns raised by my noble friend Lord Jenkin, that there is no doubt that Antarctica matters to the United Kingdom. British explorers were the first to venture there and we were the first to claim territory. We have maintained a permanent year-round presence in Antarctica since 1944 and we will continue to do so.
The British Antarctic Territory is the largest of the UK’s overseas territories and the Government place great importance on ensuring its security and good governance. British presence is maintained jointly by the British Antarctic Survey and the Royal Navy, whose ice patrol vessel, HMS “Protector”, plays a vital role in delivering our responsibilities.
Our national Antarctic programmes are proud to operate from the Falkland Islands, which is a vital gateway to both the British Antarctic Territory and South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands. The Government understand the importance of maintaining close links between all British activities in the South Atlantic and visibly demonstrating our strongest possible long-term commitment to the region.
As Antarctica emerges from its long winter sleep and the 30 men and women of the British Antarctic Survey who have kept the lights burning there for the past six months prepare for their companions to rejoin them, it is fitting to thank them and to remember the hardships that Antarctic service still entails. The noble Lord, Lord Mitchell, is right to pay tribute to all those who work there. In particular, I take this opportunity to pay tribute to the 29 men and women who have died on active Antarctic service for Britain in the region over the past 60 years. Just as they are never forgotten by their family and friends, so they and their sacrifices are remembered by us.
This Government recognise and respect our international commitments to Antarctica, in particular to the Antarctic treaty, which the UK was instrumental in bringing into existence. For more than 50 years the Antarctic treaty has preserved Antarctica for peace and science. It is arguably one of the world’s most successful international agreements. Antarctica is the only continent never to have seen conflict and the UK will strive to ensure that this will always be the case.
The Antarctic peninsula is one of the fastest warming and therefore most rapidly changing places on the planet. There are serious challenges ahead as the ice melts, accessibility increases and the climate becomes more welcoming to new species carried there either by natural means or by human activity. Britain will continue to provide global leadership in responding to these challenges and, in the spirit of Scott, we will strive for success no matter how difficult things get. In particular, we will work to ensure that the prohibition on the commercial extraction of minerals and hydrocarbons remains in place. We will seek agreement to ensure that everyone who visits Antarctica does so in a safe and environmentally friendly way. We will support new legislation to implement a new agreement on liability for environmental emergencies in Antarctica. We will press for higher standards for vessels visiting the Southern Ocean, particularly fishing vessels. We will advocate the establishment of further marine protection measures for the Southern Ocean, building on our experience of creating the world’s first high seas marine protected area to the south of the South Orkney Islands in 2009.
However, given the rich Antarctic tradition, concerns about the future of British engagement are understandable. Noble Lords have raised a number of important issues this afternoon in relation to the future of the British presence. I want to be absolutely clear; Ministers have agreed that the dual mission of science and presence will continue and that Britain’s physical footprint in Antarctica in ships, aircraft and bases will be maintained. Importantly, I assure noble Lords that the iconic British Antarctic Survey name will be retained for all activities and logistics relating to the Antarctic and the South Atlantic. I take the important point made by the noble Earl, Lord Selborne, on branding and that made by my noble friend Lady Walmsley on reputation.
The Natural Environment Research Council has confirmed that it will continue to deliver for the UK both regional presence in Antarctica and the South Atlantic and a world-class science programme. It has also confirmed that it will maintain an overt and clearly branded British presence in Antarctica, maintain the logistical and strategic footprint of the British Antarctic Survey, ensure full ongoing support for the Antarctic treaty process and appoint a British director to manage and oversee all British activities in Antarctica. I am grateful to my noble friend Lord Willis for his clear and concise contribution, which dealt with some of the misunderstanding around the recent consultation.
These and others are strong and good reasons to be confident about the future of Britain’s scientific activity and physical presence in Antarctica. The next four months will see the start of the sub-glacial Lake Ellsworth drilling project, the official opening of the brand new Halley VI module on the Antarctic ice shelf and, I hope, an opportunity for this House to debate the new Antarctic Bill to increase environmental protection for the region. These are all genuine reasons for optimism.
Yes, Ministers have been actively engaged in this decision, including the financial case that was raised by my noble friend Lord Avebury. No final decision has been made on the merger; all responses on the consultation, as well as the views of noble Lords heard in the House today, will be considered.
The noble Baroness, Lady Andrews, raised a specific question about financial contributions to the conservation of the Scott huts. The Government of the British Antarctic Territory, an overseas territory, provide ongoing funding to the UK Antarctic Heritage Trust. The trust uses that funding to support the conservation of British huts.
My noble friend Lady Hooper asked a specific question about the Antarctic science strategy. The Natural Environment Research Council is developing its forward strategy and will require its research centres, including the British Antarctic Survey, to do likewise.
The noble Baroness, Lady Worthington, raised concerns about why science is increasingly required to focus on commercial interests for commercial activity. Research councils, including NERC, fund research into all aspects of science, from frontier science to closed-market activities. Scientific excellence is the essential criterion.
The noble Lord, Lord Hunt, raised the issue of communication. I share the view that the Antarctic treaty needs to do more to communicate with the public. For the UK’s part, the FCO developed with BAS and the Royal Geographical Society a BAFTA-nominated educational website, www.discoveringantarctica.org.uk, which was developed to do just that.
I hope that in answering noble Lords’ concerns, I have assured the noble Lord, Lord Lea, that the Government are asking the right questions to get the right answers.
I am grateful for the opportunity presented by my noble friend Lady Hooper to pay tribute to Captain Scott and his brave team, and to his enduring legacy. Today Antarctica matters to the United Kingdom more than ever as a place of peace, common scientific endeavour, international collaboration and environmental protection. Looking back across the years and the vast whiteness of the Antarctic continent to that last desolate camp where they met their fate, I would like to think that Scott, his team and their descendants would be proud of what we have achieved in Antarctica and what we will continue to achieve in the years ahead.
Lord Hunt of Chesterton
My Lords, in summarising the research, the Minister has referred to the British Antarctic Survey, which is fine, but 50% of that research is done in universities, which she has not mentioned.
Baroness Warsi
My Lords, the questions raised today have predominantly been about the British Antarctic Survey. I hope that in addressing noble Lords’ concerns I have specifically referred to BAS. The Government remain committed to science, wherever it may take place.
I believe that the debate today has shown that, in Antarctica, Britain has the strongest possible tradition, the clearest ministerial commitment to maintaining and developing our scientific and physical presence, and significant opportunities for the future. With the commitment and skill of the brave men and women of the British Antarctic Survey, those of the Royal Navy and the many other researchers and workers in Antarctica, I have every confidence that we will be able to live up to what Scott described in his final moving message as,
“a tale of hardihood, endurance and courage”,
to stir the heart.
Sudan and South Sudan: EUC Report
Baroness Warsi Excerpts(11 years, 7 months ago)
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The Senior Minister of State, Department for Communities and Local Government & Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Baroness Warsi)
My Lords, I start by thanking the noble Lord, Lord Teverson, for tabling today’s debate, and for providing at its outset a very helpful historical and political summary. I also thank all noble Lords for their kind comments welcoming me to my new role. In my few short weeks as a Minister at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office the Sudans have consistently been a high priority for the FCO, and it is heartening to see such strong interest in this subject from my fellow Peers. I should also commend the continued commitment of the Associate Parliamentary Group for Sudan and South Sudan, many of whom are present tonight.
I welcome the follow-up report of 22 March by EU Sub-Committee C entitled The EU: Sudan and South Sudan. This report, in addition to the longer report from June 2011, made some very useful recommendations. I hope that noble Lords saw the response issued by the Government at the time in which we broadly agreed with the recommendations on international co-operation, particularly with the EU and China, as a means of resolving the disagreements between both countries.
Since the publishing of the report in March, we have seen moments of great tension between the countries. In March the risk of open conflict seemed very real, but following the road map set out by the African Union Peace and Security Council, which was further endorsed by United Nations Security Council Resolution 2046, a new sense of co-operation and negotiation has resulted in agreements on eight key issues between the countries. We welcome these agreements signed on 27 September. They represent a significant step forward towards the goal of resolving all outstanding disputes between the two countries and we congratulate both countries on what they have achieved. It was also a positive sign of what can be achieved through co-operation between the African Union and the United Nations.
Some issues, however, remain unresolved. It is disappointing that no agreement was reached on the final status of Abyei. Final demarcation of the international border remains subject to settling a number of disputes and claims. My noble friend Lord Trimble raised important points about its practical application. The noble Lord, Lord Selkirk, also referred to the possibility of further negotiations or referendums in Abyei. The latest proposal put forward by the African Union would provide for a referendum on final status with important safeguards for the rights of all communities. We believe that this provides a good basis for agreement. The partition of Abyei would be in the interests neither of the residents of the territory nor of the nomadic groups who pass through annually. The noble Lord also raised the issue of an alternative pipeline for oil through Kenya. I understand that the Government of South Sudan continue to study options for alternative pipelines but the only immediate prospect for addressing South Sudan’s economic needs is a resumption of production and export through the existing pipeline in accordance with the agreement signed on 27 September. However, I note the comments of the noble Lord, Lord Cameron, about using the proceeds of oil to invest in sectors that could provide future financial stability.
The noble Baroness, Lady Cox, highlighted the lack of a ceasefire in Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile State and the continued restrictions on humanitarian access. These are greatly worrying. The suffering of people in both states must be addressed and the UK teams in Juba and Khartoum are working closely with the Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs and a range of NGOs to ensure we explore all options to see that assistance reaches those who need it. The noble Baroness always produces very powerful personal accounts of the situation on the ground in Sudan and South Sudan.
The noble Baronesses, Lady Cox and Lady Kinnock, raised cross-border aid. We know that some others are considering how to provide aid across the border from South Sudan. However, there are risks associated with this, including difficulties of ensuring that aid reaches those who need it most. We are also concerned that attempting to provide aid without the consent of the Government of Sudan is likely to put at risk humanitarian assistance to millions elsewhere in Sudan, particularly in Darfur. However, we remain in close contact with a range of NGOs as well as the United Nations, the African Union and the Arab League, to ensure that all options for getting assistance to those who need it are explored.
I can also assure the noble Baroness, Lady Kinnock, that long-term development in South Sudan remains a top priority for the United Kingdom. However, development programmes are based on a partnership in which both sides contribute resources. By halting oil production, South Sudan has denied itself access to 98% of its revenues. The UK and other donors cannot fill that gap. It was essential that we refocused our development programme away from the Government’s longer-term development agenda and towards supporting the most vulnerable and addressing life-saving needs. After the successful agreement on oil revenue, once revenues start flowing in again, we hope that we can restart the development programmes that were planned.
The most reverend Primate the Archbishop of York and the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Exeter raised the role of churches in South Sudan. We welcome the critical role of the Church in South Sudan, both in conflict resolution among communities and in development, particularly education. We remain committed to working in partnership with the Church on these issues. It has a huge amount of experience, knowledge and reach and we regularly meet representatives of the Church when they are in the UK. I thank the noble Lord, Lord Alton, for his kind remarks about my commitment to the issue of faith and the role of faith organisations, both the role that they play domestically and internationally. I endorse the comments of my noble friend Lord Sheikh in relation to the work of Islamic Relief.
The right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Exeter also raised concerns about the humanitarian crisis in South Kordofan. We are deeply concerned by the plight of the civilians caught up in the fighting in South Kordofan and Blue Nile. The limited assessments available of the humanitarian situation of those in that conflict zone, as well as of those who have sought refuge in South Sudan and Ethiopia, all point to a severe crisis. DfID is working with humanitarian partners better to address the needs of those in the refugee camps and we have set aside resources to meet the needs of those remaining in the conflict zones, once access is possible. We are putting our efforts behind a proposal on arrangements for humanitarian access made by the UN, the AU and the League of Arab States. I agree that the Arab League can play an important role in bringing the Government of Sudan to accept full, independent humanitarian access. We are in close contact with it and will continue to urge it to use its influence with Sudan to this end.
The noble Lord, Lord Jay, and the noble Lord, Lord Alton, are right to highlight ongoing concerns in Darfur. We remain deeply concerned by the security and humanitarian situation in Darfur: 1.7 million Darfurians remain displaced. Through the Department for International Development, humanitarian programmes are providing life-saving support for those in need in Darfur. DfID also supports community-level peace building and stabilisation to tackle the drivers of local conflict. I also assure both noble Lords that DfID is at the forefront of efforts to improve aid co-ordination in South Sudan, in support of the development priorities of the South Sudan Government. Earlier today, the noble Lord, Lord Alton, was kind enough to raise his concerns with officials when they met as part of the All-Party Group on Sudan and South Sudan. The issues raised were quite comprehensive and I have asked my officials to reply in detail to the noble Lord in writing.
The noble Lord, Lord Chidgey, raised the issue of corruption and financial management. DfID provides a significant capacity-building support to the Audit Chamber and the Anti-Corruption Commission. A high-level dialogue on accountability and transparency is led by the UK and the South Sudan Ministry of Finance and is central to our development programme.
On transparency, I agree that there needs to be transparency for the South Sudanese people in the revenues from oil. We are encouraging the Government of South Sudan to adopt the principles of the extraction industry’s transparency initiative.
The noble Lord, Lord Curry, asked about the role of China. China has remained in close touch with both Sudan and South Sudan through negotiations and visits by its special envoy to encourage both sides to negotiate constructively. I understand that the China National Petroleum Corporation is working to support implementation of the deal reached on oil. Our special representative for Sudan and South Sudan has a regular dialogue with his Chinese counterpart to discuss the constructive role that China can play in the peace process and in the development of both countries.
The noble Lord, Lord Anderson of Swansea, raised important issues. In light of him having to leave early, I agree to respond to the noble Lord in writing.
At the moment, we have a situation which we all agree shows a marked improvement from six months ago. Both countries should be applauded, as should the efforts of the African Union, the African Union high-level implementation panel and other countries. However, there is still a great deal of work to do and it will take a continued effort from both countries to settle their remaining differences properly and peacefully.
For our part, the United Kingdom is prepared to do whatever it takes to ensure that the agreements are implemented and finalised and to press for resolution of all outstanding issues. We also remain fully committed to helping the people of both countries through our humanitarian and development projects. We will continue to provide assistance to respond to the humanitarian needs of conflict-affected populations, to ensure security and access to justice, to build basic services, and to encourage more transparent and accountable Governments in both countries. Through all of this, we will continue to work as closely as possible with our key international partners, including the European Union. A united approach is the best way to ensure that both countries remain on the path towards the peaceful future that their people so greatly deserve.
I thank noble Lords for their time today and I look forward to the next opportunity that I have to discuss these matters with them. I hope that next time the discussion will be able to focus once again on the progress that has been made between the two countries.
Bangladesh: Human Rights
Baroness Warsi Excerpts(11 years, 7 months ago)
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The Senior Minister of State, Department for Communities and Local Government & Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Baroness Warsi)
My Lords, this is my first debate in my new job. I thank the noble Baroness, Lady Royall of Blaisdon, for her kind remarks. The noble Lord, Lord Howell, was indeed a formidable Foreign Office Minister and truly will be a hard act to follow. It is apt that this is my first debate. My mother always says of my birth that Bangladesh was born a few days before I was, and indeed last year I had the privilege of celebrating my 40th birthday as Bangladesh celebrated its 40th.
I thank my noble friend Lord Hussain for introducing this important debate. I have found it both informative and stimulating. I know that noble Lords have taken a close interest in the human rights record of Bangladesh, including reports of disappearances. Human rights remain a crucial component of our bilateral and multilateral discussions with Bangladesh and form a key part of my role as Senior Minister at the Foreign Office. At the start of this Government, my right honourable friend the Foreign Secretary made it absolutely clear that human rights are essential to and indivisible from the UK’s foreign policy objectives. While the UK enjoys a strong and long-standing relationship with Bangladesh, we will not shirk from our responsibility to highlight our concerns about human rights.
The UK Government are concerned, as are many noble Lords here today, over reports of disappearances in Bangladesh. I note that reports from human rights organisations suggest that 24 disappearances and more than 60 extrajudicial killings have taken place between January and September this year. My noble friend the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Alistair Burt, visited Bangladesh this year and raised the subject of disappearances directly with the Bangladeshi Prime Minister, Sheikh Hasina, as well as the leader of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, Khaleda Zia. He also raised the disappearance of the well known politician, Mr Ilias Ali, the organising secretary for the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and former MP for Sylhet. I had the privilege of meeting Mr Ali when he came to London in 2011, as did a number of parliamentarians. I note with concern that he has been missing since 17 April.
However, I can inform noble Lords that since the response given by the noble Lord, Lord Howell, in May this year, we have continued to urge the Government of Bangladesh to investigate fully any reports of disappearances. Indeed, at a meeting with Sheikh Hasina and the Bangladeshi Minister for Foreign Affairs, Dr Dipu Moni, on 28 July, my right honourable friend the Foreign Secretary noted Members’ concerns and urged the Government of Bangladesh to conduct thorough investigations. The British High Commission in Dhaka continues to make representations to the authorities on this matter and has been assured that every effort continues to be made to establish the circumstances of any disappearances, including that of Mr Ali and his driver. Indeed, I raised our concerns just last Friday with Foreign Minister Moni. I can assure the noble Lord, Lord Harris of Haringey, that we will continue to raise these matters.
This afternoon noble Lords have raised broader concerns about democracy and human rights in Bangladesh. As noble Lords may be aware, Bangladesh has a population of more than 150 million people living in an area the size of England and Wales. It is a physically fragile country and one of the poorest in which the UK’s Department for International Development works. In a country where one in three people lives below the national poverty line and 80% of people live on less than $2 a day, the need for support is clear. Problems with infrastructure and recurring hartals do not foster an environment for growth. Added to this, Bangladesh has a difficult political history and is set to hold elections as early as next year.
Strong, independent and democratic institutions working under the rule of law are fundamental to the Bangladesh of tomorrow and to the nature of UK-Bangladesh co-operation. This is why respect for human rights is integral to the UK’s large development assistance programme in Bangladesh. Alongside its work providing basic services to the poorest and most vulnerable in Bangladesh, DfID invests heavily in strengthening civil and political rights, provides extensive support to civil society organisations to help marginalised communities demand their rights, and promotes more accountable policing and access to justice. It is vital that law enforcement officials and the judiciary are impartial and empowered to investigate any complaints fairly and transparently.
I am encouraged by assurances from the Government of Bangladesh that they are committed to protecting human rights and follow a zero-tolerance policy on extra-judicial killings and torture. However, human rights will remain a crucial component of our bilateral and multilateral discussions with Bangladesh, as it did when the Foreign Secretary met the Prime Minister on 28 July. This is a country with enormous development potential that is making incredible progress working towards achieving almost all the millennium development goals. Our assistance is fully in line with UK values and our commitment to international human rights standards. We will continue to provide our support to Bangladesh through our development programmes and as a key international partner.
Specific questions were asked about the DfID programme. The UK’s aid programme is directed through non-governmental organisations. The Government of Bangladesh receive no direct budgetary support from the British Government. Any reduction would be felt hardest by the people who need it most, including women whose empowerment is a key part of the DfID programme.
The right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Derby raised the important work of Christian Aid. Like other noble Lords, he rightly asked whether we could link DfID aid to human rights. I simply say yes—by avoiding direct budgetary support. Where we have concerns we have done just that.
The noble Lord, Lord Harris, asked about the UN working party on disappearances. This is a non-governmental body through which UN member states cannot raise specific cases or specific countries. However, I will explore that further and write to him.
My noble friend Lord Avebury raised the issue of war crime trials. The British Government support the principle of war crime trials to hold to account those who may be guilty of crimes committed during the war of independence. The noble Baroness, Lady Uddin, raised some important points in relation to her own experience of that period. We also believe that it is essential that any trial meets appropriate human rights standards. Defendants should be given a fair trial, including the right to conduct a proper defence, and trials should be open and transparent. We have called on the Bangladesh Government, publicly and privately, to ensure that trials meet appropriate international standards, and we will continue to do so.
With EU partners, the UK also continues to make clear our strong opposition to the application of the death penalty in all circumstances. This is quite pertinent when tomorrow we will remember the annual day against the death penalty.
The UK, along with EU partners and other likeminded countries, will continue to follow the progress of the war crime trials. We regularly discuss them with other interested groups, including non-governmental organisations. The UK has not offered any legal observers. However, the Government of Bangladesh have stated publicly that they would welcome independent monitoring. Any foreign-funded project, including trial observation, would require the approval of the NGO affairs bureau in Bangladesh.
My noble friend Lord Avebury made specific proposals. I will consider them and respond in writing, as I will do to the question raised by my noble friend Lord Carlile of Berriew.
My noble friend Lady Brinton raised concerns about the treatment of Muhammad Yunus of Grameen Bank. The British Government have huge respect and admiration for Professor Yunus. We strongly support the work of Grameen Bank in lifting the very poor out of poverty. To enable this to continue it is important that the integrity, efficiency and independence of Grameen Bank is protected. The concerns of the noble Baroness will be raised at future meetings.
My noble friend Lady Brinton also raised concerns about the conduct of the Rapid Action Battalion. We regularly raise with the Government of Bangladesh our serious concerns about allegations of human rights abuses by law enforcement agencies, including the Rapid Action Battalion. The British Government are not currently providing training to the RAB. The previous training programme ended in March 2011 and focused on the provision of human rights and ethical policing training.
My noble friend Lord Avebury also raised the recent appalling attacks on the Buddhist community. These have, quite rightly, been condemned by the Government of Bangladesh. In relation to concerns raised about citizenship and intercommunity tensions, again, there are specific projects which DfID is engaged in that help to empower and build communities to allow those relationships to sit with ease. However, I take this opportunity to congratulate the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Derby in relation to the work of Christian Aid and of faith charities generally.
Let me conclude by thanking again my noble friend Lord Hussain for securing today’s debate. This is a story of two halves. While there is remarkable progress being made on poverty alleviation, there are considerable human rights challenges facing Bangladesh. I restate that the UK raises these and other difficult issues with the Government of Bangladesh regularly. Our public and private remarks to the Government of Bangladesh will continue to underscore our consistent message that values are at the heart of our foreign policy, and that it is neither in our character nor in our interests to have a foreign policy without a conscience.
Finally, why does this matter to the United Kingdom? As noble Lords may know, the UK enjoys a strong and long-standing relationship with Bangladesh. We were the first European nation to recognise Bangladesh and our two countries are united by ties of family, trade and education. There are nearly 500,000 people of Bangladeshi heritage living in the United Kingdom—indeed, some are Members of the House of Lords. We are determined to nurture our strong bilateral relationship and support Bangladesh to secure the stable and prosperous future that its people deserve. We want to see Bangladesh succeed and its human rights record improve. This requires effective governance, increased transparency and tackling the issue of disappearances. As recently as last Friday, Foreign Minister Moni and I agreed that these things are best achieved by working together.
The UK and international partners will continue to provide support to Bangladesh through our development programmes. I know that your Lordships will agree that this is in the interest of not only Bangladesh but all those who care about Bangladesh. I will certainly take your Lordships’ concerns on board and will make sure that they form the basis of discussions. I know that the Bangladeshi High Commission is represented today and that it, too, will be taking on board the concerns raised by noble Lords.