Republic of Sudan: Human Rights
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The Senior Minister of State, Department for Communities and Local Government & Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Baroness Warsi) (Con)
My Lords, I thank the noble Baroness, Lady Cox, for raising the important issue of human rights in Sudan. The dire human rights situation in Sudan is central to our engagement in that country both through our embassy and through the joint FCO/DfID Sudan Unit in London.
Let me respond to the noble Baroness, Lady Morgan, and other noble Lords on how we tackle these challenging circumstances. First, we lobby the Government of Sudan on human rights abuses and demand greater transparency and accountability. We also provide tangible support to specific projects. This year, for example, our embassy is offering support to the establishment of a human rights law centre in Khartoum. Our support will also help strengthen human rights monitoring within the country and develop the capability of civil society organisations within Sudan, a point to which the right reverend Prelate referred. In so doing, we are able not only to make a difference on the ground but to maintain contact with a wide network of human rights defenders, who are essential to our work. We also speak out on issues of concern through both ministerial and ambassadorial statements and through social media. We have become involved in cases of huge concern such as that of Meriam Ibrahim, the woman who was recently sentenced to death for apostasy.
The noble Baroness, Lady Kinnock, referred to a whole spectrum of human rights abuses. Another way in which we challenge such abuses is by supporting the work of the UN independent expert on human rights in Sudan. We welcomed his statement on human rights during his recent visit to Khartoum and look forward to seeing his final report at the Human Rights Council in September as it will provide us with an opportunity to highlight our concerns and debate some of the issues that were raised.
The noble Baroness, Lady Kinnock, referred to the ICC. We continue to make it clear to the Government of Sudan that the international community expects compliance with the arrest warrants for the ICC indictees. We equally expect other Governments who are parties to the Rome statute to comply with their legal obligations. In common with other EU countries, we have a policy of having no contact with fugitives from the ICC.
The noble Baroness, Lady Cox, referred in some detail to Darfur. She deserves huge credit for her work to keep in the public eye this appalling conflict in the two areas in Darfur, often displaying great personal courage in finding the latest information. The turn of events in Darfur is heartbreaking. Only this afternoon, my honourable friend the Minister for Africa has been discussing the conflict there with Mohamed Ibn Chambas, the head of UNAMID and the AU-UN Joint Special Representative for Darfur. The most recent report of the UN Secretary-General made it quite clear that it was the Government of Sudan and their rapid support forces who bore primary responsibility for the widespread abuses against civilians, including horrific sexual violence against women and girls and the looting and burning of houses. We have made it clear to the Sudanese Government in the strongest terms that such actions are not only wholly unacceptable but undermine their apparent aspiration for a national dialogue. The Secretary-General’s report also made it clear that the armed opposition, in particular the Sudanese Liberation Army’s Minni Minnawi faction, bears heavy responsibility for civilian displacement.
The escalation of aerial bombardment and the apparent targeting of hospitals by the Sudanese armed forces are appalling and we condemn them in the strongest terms. Ultimately, the conflict will be resolved only if both the Government and the SPLM- North can approach negotiations convened by President Mbeki and his high-level panel with serious intent, as they are required to do by UN Resolution 2046.
The noble Baroness, Lady Cox, referred also to cross-border aid. We do not believe that going down the route of providing cross-border aid is the right thing to do at this stage, given the sensitivities, risks and difficulties involved in monitoring where it goes, but we genuinely keep these policies under review and are always open to further discussion. I am sorry that that is not the news the noble Baroness wanted to hear today.
My noble friend Lord Cope referred to the Darfur refugees. We have raised this matter repeatedly with the Government of Sudan, calling for humanitarian access to those refugees, and the Minister for Africa spoke to the Foreign Minister of Sudan on 28 April. Lynne Featherstone from DfID again raised the situation on 20 May. At every opportunity, both within the Security Council and directly with the Sudanese Government, we press for compliance with all UN Security Council resolutions and sanctions regimes. It is important that UN Security Council follow up its decision to refer the situation in Darfur to the ICC. We have consistently raised this point in the Security Council and will continue to do so.
The right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Carlisle and other noble Lords raised the truly appalling case of Meriam Ibrahim, which has quite rightly inspired worldwide condemnation. I am proud that the UK led the way in calling for her release through statements by the Prime Minister and other senior Ministers. It is a great relief that Meriam Ibrahim has now been released, but we are concerned that she is still unable to travel. As the right reverend Prelate will know, the issue of freedom of religion or belief is one of the six key priorities in my human rights brief and is a personal priority for me. I have been at pains to detail what we mean by freedom of religion or belief, which includes the freedom to have a belief, to manifest that belief, to change that belief and not to have a belief. It is important that we make sure that that is detailed in that way when we have those discussions. The right reverend Prelate will also be aware that we now have a sub-group on freedom of religion or belief as an advisory group within the Foreign Office. The work of that group will also inform our responses to cases such as that of Meriam Ibrahim.
We are also aware of the case involving Faiza Abdalla and other apostasy cases before the Sudanese court. Although the full extent of those cases is not documented, it is clear that Meriam Ibrahim’s case is not an isolated occurrence and the broader issues of religious freedom still need to be addressed in detail. We are working with local Sudanese partners to investigate those cases and continue to call on the Sudanese Government to abide by their international obligations to uphold every citizen’s right to freedom of religion or belief. Of course, those obligations are enshrined in Sudan’s constitution and, indeed, in the very religion which Sudan purports to follow.
The noble Baroness, Lady Kinnock, spoke about the freedom of the press. Of course, that is a vital component of a genuinely open and transparent national dialogue process. Our embassy in Khartoum regularly raises that in discussions with the Sudanese authorities. During his visit to Sudan in January, my honourable friend the Minister for Africa met Sudanese journalists and editors and stressed to senior members of the Sudanese Government the importance of open, democratic space and respect for fundamental freedoms. Our embassy, with the British Council, is jointly funding the Thomson Foundation programme to build capacity for Sudanese journalism, including media training and a sponsored visit to London by Sudanese newspaper editors.
The noble Baroness, Lady Kinnock, also raised the issue of women’s rights and the PSVI. She will be aware both of the work that we are doing in the build-up to the Girls Summit, where we are encouraging Sudan to be represented, and in relation to the Ending Sexual Violence initiative, where we are pressing the Sudanese Government to take forward some of the summit’s recommendations.
The noble Baroness, Lady Morgan, raised the issue of torture. Of course we are deeply concerned at the reports of individuals being tortured while in detention. The visit by the UN independent expert has highlighted the urgent need for those claims to be fully investigated by the Sudanese authorities. Although we welcome the release on Friday of Mohammed Saleh, whose case was specifically raised by the independent expert with the Government, we still feel that more needs to be done by the authorities fully to investigate all claims of torture.
The right reverend Prelate spoke specifically about delivering aid through churches. Aid is given directly to NGOs in Sudan. However, access is limited by the Government of Sudan to certain areas and it may well be that using faith communities could be a way forward. I know that those matters were raised directly with the Foreign Minister of Sudan on 20 May this year.
My noble friend Lord Cope spoke about the strategic review of UNAMID. That review is already showing signs of improved efficiency. We are currently in internal discussions on the mandate renewal, which is due in August next year. The Minister for Africa, Mark Simmonds, met the head of UNAMID only today to discuss that. If anything has come out of that I will certainly write to my noble friend to update him.
The noble Baroness, Lady Morgan, spoke about access for humanitarian agencies, of which ICRC’s suspension is part of our concern. We have made clear to the Government of Sudan that ICRC is an independent organisation with a distinct mandate conferred by the international community, including Sudan, and thus plays a unique role in helping victims of armed conflict and other violence. As a party to the Geneva Convention, Sudan is obliged to allow the ICRC to implement its international mandate. Lynne Featherstone, the DfID Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, reiterated that when she met Foreign Minister Karti on 20 May.
The noble Baroness, Lady Kinnock, asked about debt relief. We are not negotiating debt relief with the Government of Sudan. We have been clear that the Government of Sudan can achieve debt relief only through the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries process, which includes making serious attempts to reduce poverty, including by ending internal conflict. Sudan cannot realistically expect to achieve debt relief until it makes serious efforts to end its internal conflicts.
The noble Baroness, Lady Cox, raised the issue of sanctions. We would not rule anything out. The suggestion of sanctions is of course interesting, and I will certainly read Hansard as to the specific suggestions that she made, but a number of international mechanisms are in place that we should focus on: UNAMID and the strategic review ensuring that it is efficient and working is one; Sudan at the Human Rights Council is another; the African Union high-level implementation panel calling on both sides to engage in serious mediation over the two areas is another. So there are various levers that we can use.
In conclusion, at face value, the national dialogue launched by President Bashir earlier this year is to be welcomed, but it is clear, not least from the examples raised in this debate, that the Government’s recent actions are undermining their stated intentions. National dialogue leading to real reform is what Sudan desperately needs, so we should continue to remind the Government of Sudan of that commitment; to welcome positive steps such as the release of three political detainees last week; and to support those moderate voices within the Sudanese Government and society who are pushing for reform.
We can do that only by remaining engaged but, at the same time, we should continue to condemn the appalling actions of the Government whenever we see them, from South Kordofan to Darfur. We must ensure freedom of religion, freedom of the press and the protection of other human rights. The case of Meriam Ibrahim shows that the weight of UK and international pressure can make a real difference, but the challenge for all of us now is to ensure that that pressure leads to a fundamental change in attitude and approach from the Sudanese authorities. We must get to a point where there will no longer be a need to raise individual cases because the Government have come to understand that respect for human rights is vital for their own good governance. We will continue to push that.
I was asked a number of questions in today’s debate. I hope that I have covered most of them. If I have not, I am sure that noble Lords will write to me and I will answer them more fully. Once again, I am grateful to the noble Baroness for providing an opportunity to discuss this important issue.
European Commission: UK Member
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Lord Dykes
To ask Her Majesty’s Government when they expect to announce the name of the next United Kingdom member of the European Commission.
The Senior Minister of State, Department for Communities and Local Government & Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Baroness Warsi) (Con)
My Lords, as set out in the treaties, Commission portfolios will be allocated by the Commission President Designate to those nominated by member states and agreed by common accord in the Council. We expect the European Parliament to confirm Mr Juncker’s appointment as President Designate on 15 July. The Commission as a whole will then be confirmed by the European Parliament in the autumn.
Lord Dykes (LD)
With the wise reminder last week of the noble Lord, Lord Kinnock, should not HMG deliberately and carefully make sure that they choose an ideal candidate on this occasion, because of the urgent matters in hand for the European Commissioner? The candidate should be an articulate, international, sagacious, knowledgeable person—maybe female again, like her predecessor—someone who actually likes the European Union and working with people and who likes foreigners and speaks foreign languages. As that would of course narrow down the field if it is a Conservative nominee, what about a Liberal Democrat one? We are the only party that stood up for Europe at the last election.
Baroness Warsi
Possibly even from Yorkshire, my Lords. As to the serious part of my noble friend’s question, we need to make sure that our Commissioner candidate understands the changing role of the European Union, the need for reform and the fact that the Commissioner has to act in a way that benefits member states and the European Union as a whole. I can assure my noble friend, and indeed the House, that the Prime Minister has a line-up of very strong candidates.
Lord Pearson of Rannoch (UKIP)
My Lords, are the Government aware that our new Commissioner will have to swear sole allegiance to the European Union, ignoring our national interest?
Baroness Warsi
The noble Lord will be aware that a number of privy counsellors have served as Commissioners and they have managed to serve incredibly well.
Lord Tomlinson (Lab)
Does the noble Baroness agree that one of the qualities that our Commissioner will need is a capacity to ignore the personal vendetta that has been run by the Prime Minister against Mr Jean-Claude Juncker and to learn how to get on with him as the distribution of portfolios, which is of major importance to this country, will partly be the responsibility of Mr Juncker?
Baroness Warsi
I take real issue with what the noble Lord has said. I try not to bring party politics to this Dispatch Box but it is important that, when the Prime Minister of this country takes a principled stance on an important matter—a matter on which his party agreed—we should stop the sniping and get behind him.
Lord Cormack (Con)
My Lords, would there not be much relief all round if Mr Clegg were asked to go to Brussels?
Baroness Warsi
Mr Clegg is an incredibly effective Deputy Prime Minister and a Cabinet colleague for whom I have great respect. If he were to take on that role, I know that he would be deeply missed at Cabinet.
Lord Bach (Lab)
My Lords, if I were Prime Minister, I would want to avoid a by-election. Does the noble Baroness agree?
Baroness Warsi
The important thing is that we make sure that we appoint a good Commissioner who does a good job in Europe. All the other factors are secondary.
Lord Deben (Con)
Does my noble friend accept that there are some serious matters at stake here? At the heart of the Question—which has a lot of persiflage round it, if I may say so to my noble friend—is the fact that we need somebody who will go to Brussels and do the job properly, which means doing their best for the whole of the European Community, and who will have the confidence of people throughout the country. It should not be somebody who goes to Brussels with predetermined views and an unwillingness to work with our colleagues in the European Union.
Baroness Warsi
My noble friend makes an important point. However, I think he would accept that at the recent European elections, not just in the United Kingdom but across the European Union, the citizens of the member states sent out a very clear signal about the kind of Europe they want, and it is important that Commissioners reflect that in their work.
Lord Kinnock (Lab)
I have listened to the noble Baroness over recent weeks on this issue. May I say to her—
Lord Kinnock
I said “May I say to her”—there seems to be some difficulty with the English language on the other side of the House. The noble Baroness has demonstrated a full understanding of the real nature of the role of the Commissioner and the way in which the reform agenda has to be promulgated and effectively developed in the European Commission and, indeed, she is manifestly a woman. In order to make a real breakthrough and represent fully the proper interests of this country in the context of the realities of the treaty, which have been misrepresented by UKIP and by certain Members on her own side, may I make so bold as to nominate her for the position?
Baroness Warsi
That is a very kind remark from the noble Lord. It is an incredibly important job but I can honestly say that it is not one that I am interested in.
Baroness Falkner of Margravine (LD)
My Lords, my noble friend has talked about the importance of the characteristics of the individual who is appointed. Given the portfolio that the United Kingdom is hoping to get within the economic sphere—on these Benches we would like it to be the single market because that is an area where reform really needs to continue—does she accept that the right candidate is one who has a deep and thorough understanding of the portfolio and that it is not just the characteristics of an individual per se that are important?
Baroness Warsi
My noble friend makes an important point and, as I said at this Dispatch Box, the United Kingdom will be looking for an economic portfolio. My noble friend will be aware that the make-up of the portfolio itself has yet to be discussed and what the final portfolio will look like will be determined once the President has been confirmed.
Faith Group Relationships
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Lord Carrington of Fulham
To ask Her Majesty’s Government what measures they plan to take to improve the relationship between the Muslim community and other faith groups in the United Kingdom.
The Senior Minister of State, Department for Communities and Local Government & Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Baroness Warsi) (Con)
My Lords, the Department for Communities and Local Government published its strategy Creating the Conditions for Integration in 2012. This sets out the work of the Government and other organisations in helping to create the right conditions for everybody in society to participate. The Government are supporting projects to break down barriers, encourage community cohesion and celebrate what we have in common.
Lord Carrington of Fulham (Con)
My Lords, I thank my noble friend for that Answer. With some young British Muslims being radicalised, does she agree that it is very important that they are taught at a very young age, either in school or elsewhere, to understand the similarities between all religions, in particular the shared values of the Abrahamic religions, so they can understand that Christianity and Judaism are not the enemies of Islam? Can she suggest the best way to make this come about?
Baroness Warsi
My Lords, it is important that all people, especially young people, have an understanding of the diverse communities in which we live, including different faith communities. My noble friend may be heartened to know from surveys, including a DCLG survey from a few years ago, that 90% of Muslims agreed that people from different backgrounds get on well, as opposed to 87% of the general population; 89% of Muslims agreed that it is possible to fully belong to Britain and maintain a religious identity, compared to 72% of the general population; and 74% of Muslims believe that there should be more mixing between different communities and different ethnic and religious groups, compared to 71% of the general public.
Lord Patel of Bradford (Lab)
My Lords, will the Minister say what plans the Government have to work with the media to encourage them to stop publishing demonising articles about whole communities because of the actions of a handful of terrorists?
Baroness Warsi
As an ex-chairman of the Conservative Party, I wish I could get the media to stop publishing demonising articles. The noble Lord raises an incredibly important point. One of the strands of the work of the cross-government group on anti-Muslim hatred is looking at how we can work with the Society of Editors, among others, to ensure that headlines are, first and foremost, not sensational, but secondly, reflective of facts.
Lord Harries of Pentregarth (CB)
Does the Minister agree that in many parts of the country, relations between Muslims and other faith communities are extremely good? This was true in the diocese of Oxford when I was there and continues to be so. Because of the good relationships between faith leaders, including Muslim leaders, it has been possible to dissipate many potential signs of trouble.
Baroness Warsi
The noble and right reverend Lord makes an incredibly important point. I am incredibly proud of the work that the Government have done in harnessing the power of faith groups to create that understanding. One flagship has been the Near Neighbours programme. The Government have invested £8.5 million since the start of this Government in the Church of England’s Church Urban Fund, using the network of the Church of England to create better understanding between different faith communities.
Lord Hussain (LD)
My Lords, will the Minister tell the House if she thinks that the Government’s approach in dealing with the so-called Trojan horse issue is a help or a hindrance in the fight to tackle extremism in this country?
Baroness Warsi
My Lords, my noble friend makes an important point; everything that we do in tackling extremism must be done in a way that actually resolves extremism. Our language, our policy approach and our conduct must satisfy the end goal rather than the process.
Baroness Uddin (Non-Afl)
My Lords, would the Minister take the opportunity to pay condolences to the family of the student Nahid al-Manea, who was brutally murdered on the streets of England? Does she accept that some of these very brutal attacks and the rise of Islamophobia are real reasons why some young people are resistant to working across different faith groups? I agree that an enormous amount of work has been done in this country. Would the Minister accept that England’s record in the arena of multifaith work is second to none?
Baroness Warsi
My Lords, the issue of anti-Muslim hatred and Islamophobia is something that I have personally championed. One of the first speeches that I gave in government was about Islamophobia. I used the phrase, “Islamophobia has passed the dinner-table test”—and probably still bear the scars of it. It is important that we fight this new form of hate crime and that the Government have, rightly, invested in projects such as Tell MAMA, to record and make sure the data on anti-Muslim hate crime are accurate and credible.
It is important to make another point; we have been here before. There have been moments in our history when we have not been entirely comfortable with a faith community and we have questioned the loyalty of faith communities, whether that was the Jewish or the Catholic community. But our trust in our institutions and values has got us through it—and we will get through it again.
Lord Scott of Foscote (CB)
My Lords, I have an interest on this Question because one of my two sons has become a Muslim and one of my two daughters has become a Muslim. I have 12 lovely grandchildren, seven of whom are little Muslims—or not that little now, because one of them is 21. And, of course, I have a Muslim son-in-law and a Muslim daughter-in-law. Family relationships since those events took place have been as happily familial, as close and as good as any parent or grandparent could wish. If an improvement is needed in relationships between faith groups, one way of promoting that might be to encourage interfaith marriages.
Baroness Warsi
First and foremost, my Lords, it is important that we allow people to marry somebody of their choosing, whatever faith they belong to. That is why I am incredibly proud that the Government have done so much work on the issue of forced marriages, including criminalising a practice that should have been criminalised many years ago.
British Council: English Schools Abroad
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Baroness Rawlings (Con)
My Lords, I beg leave to ask the Question standing in my name on the Order Paper, and in doing so declare an interest as chairman of the English College in Prague.
The Senior Minister of State, Department for Communities and Local Government & Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Baroness Warsi) (Con)
My Lords, the Government have not provided guidance to the British Council regarding staff serving on governing bodies of English schools abroad. The FCO has not instructed its posts to cease support for schools or other bodies. British embassies’ association with local schools will have a historical basis dating from a time when it may not have been possible to open local English-language or British-style schools without such links.
Baroness Rawlings
My Lords, I thank the Minister and I am delighted with her response that there is no conflict of interest with English schools abroad. I will relay her Answer to the governing body. I fully understand the Government’s policy of saving taxpayers’ money. Can she reassure the House that the new government policy for only commercial entertainment will not be extended to British schools abroad, when more than a third of our 1,000 students attend British universities?
Baroness Warsi
I can confirm to my noble friend that specific guidance was issued by the British Council. I will send her a copy of that guidance, which clearly shows the British Council acted on its own legal advisers’ advice, rather than on any advice of the Government. On British embassies and high commissions abroad serving their communities, I assure my noble friend that a whole host of events are held at high commissions and embassies, many of them with civil society organisations, NGOs and communities. They certainly are not all commercially based.
Lord Alton of Liverpool (CB)
My Lords, the Minister will recall that in this month last year her right honourable friend Hugo Swire announced a triennial review of the work of the British Council—admirable work, which it conducts all over the world. Can she tell us where that review now stands?
Baroness Warsi
The noble Lord is right: there is currently a triennial review. It is part of the wider review of non-departmental public bodies. The work of the review started in August or September last year and is still ongoing. Recommendations have been submitted to the Foreign Secretary and the Cabinet Secretary. In due course there will be a report.
Lord Dholakia (LD)
My Lords, due to the drop in the number of students from overseas coming to this country, many British universities are now setting up campuses abroad. Does the Minister agree that it would be wise to instruct the British Council and the British embassies to ensure that those universities are assisted in their presence so that more people can benefit from attending not only English schools, but the other universities that are there as well?
Baroness Warsi
I can assure my noble friend that overseas students are a key priority for the Government. Indeed, more than 6,000 British overseas schools provide the first cohort of overseas students. That is why we have a relationship with them. Indeed, many of our ambassadors and deputy ambassadors sit on the boards of many of these schools. The British Council does a tremendous amount of work promoting English and education. That is sometimes the first experience people overseas have of the educational opportunities available in the United Kingdom.
Baroness Hooper (Con)
My Lords, would my noble friend confirm further the excellent work that is done by the British Council in the field of education where British Council centres exist? Since the Foreign Office has done such wonderful work in reopening embassies in many parts of the world, will it consider reopening British Council centres that have been closed down in various parts of the world?
Baroness Warsi
I support my noble friend’s comments. The British Council is a global brand. It hugely strengthens the reputation of the United Kingdom and connects with people about the United Kingdom. It builds trust and awareness on a whole series of issues. I can tell my noble friend that the decision on the overall strategy direction and management of the British Council is taken by the council’s executive board of trustees, and this would be a decision that it would take. Of course, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office continues to support the British Council’s grant in aid, which for this year has been set at £153.5 million.
European Union (Definition of Treaties) (Partnership and Cooperation Agreement) (Iraq) Order 2014
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Baroness Warsi
That the draft orders laid before the House on 9 June be approved.
Relevant document: 3rd Report from the Joint Committee on Statutory Instruments. Considered in Grand Committee on 1 July.
Sri Lanka
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Lord Sheikh
To ask Her Majesty’s Government what assessment they have made of the current action to resolve the dispute between the government of Sri Lanka and the Tamil community.
The Senior Minister of State, Department for Communities and Local Government & Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Baroness Warsi) (Con)
My Lords, we consistently urge the Sri Lankan Government to make progress on reconciliation and a political settlement between communities. We note that the 2013 Northern Provincial Council elections established a new Chief Minister for the heavily populated Tamil region. The Sri Lankan Government must ensure that all provincial councils can carry out their roles effectively. We encourage Sri Lanka to engage with the UN internal investigation into alleged violations of international law as a contribution to reconciliation.
Lord Sheikh (Con)
My Lords, I thank my noble friend for that Answer. What is Her Majesty’s Government’s assessment of the positive actions taken by the Sri Lankan Government in implementing the recommendations of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission, particularly in regard to demining, the resettlement and rehabilitation of Tamils, infrastructure development and steps taken to improve the education and health of people in Northern and Eastern Provinces? As Sri Lanka and the United Kingdom are founder members of the Commonwealth, will Her Majesty’s Government help in utilising the framework of the Commonwealth to establish a domestic truth and reconciliation commission to address the alleged human rights violations in the country?
Baroness Warsi
I thank my noble friend for his question. Of course, we have welcomed progress made, including on infrastructure development and demining, but we remain concerned that the Sri Lankan Government’s national plan of action to implement the recommendations only partially covered the full range of recommendations and that, in turn, action taken by the Sri Lankan Government only partially corresponds to some of those recommendations. We agree with the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights that the Sri Lankan Government have not established a credible independent domestic investigation into allegations of violations of international law on both sides of the military conflict, and that this is fundamentally a question of political will. This is despite the UK and others calling for such an investigation since 2009. As a result, the UN Human Rights Council has passed a resolution that establishes an international investigation, which we strongly support.
Lord Bach (Lab)
My Lords, the setting up of the United Nations investigative team is very good, if rather belated, news. However, there are reports that the Sri Lankan Government are refusing to co-operate with the investigation. Will the Minister comment on that? The recent deaths of three Sri Lankan Muslims and one Tamil at the hands of the Buddhist nationalist group Bodu Bala Sena is a worrying development. What representations are Her Majesty’s Government making to the Sri Lankan Government about this particular outrage?
Baroness Warsi
We have encouraged the Sri Lankan Government to co-operate with the UN human rights commissioner’s international investigation, and we have seen some of the statements that have come out of Sri Lanka which suggest that the position is otherwise. However, we believe that the UN’s independent investigation has a strong team. As the noble Lord will be aware, people such as Martti Ahtisaari, Silvia Cartwright and Asma Jahangir—the phenomenal human rights campaigner in Pakistan—have been appointed to this investigating committee. We hope that, despite the Sri Lankan Government’s not co-operating, the committee will produce a good and strong international investigation. As for the recent tensions, of course we are concerned about the actions of Bodu Bala Sena. Our representatives at the British High Commission in Sri Lanka met with the group last year to raise our concerns in relation to the anti-Muslim violence. But they have met also, in relation to other minorities, with the Sri Lankan Government.
Lord Hannay of Chiswick (CB)
Will the Minister, who has just brought the attention of the House to the very high-level names who have been put in charge of this inquiry, agree that our Government should make clear to the Sri Lankan Government that their refusal to deal with this inquiry is not acceptable; that the people who have now been appointed to it are very objective and very experienced people; and that we hope that they will reconsider their position? Is that point being made clear?
Baroness Warsi
We will continue to make that point throughout the investigation. It is in Sri Lanka’s interests to co-operate fully. The reason we find ourselves in this position is that the internal investigations did not do what they said they would do. This is an opportunity for Sri Lanka to truly meet its commitment to reconciliation.
Lord Wills (Lab)
My Lords, in justifying the Government’s attendance at the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting last November in Colombo, the noble Baroness said:
“We will deliver an incredibly tough message to the Sri Lankan Government that they need to make concrete progress on human rights, reconciliation and political settlement”.—[Official Report, 22/10/13; col. 888.]
In view of the lack of progress that has just been noted on all sides of the House, does the noble Baroness think that, with hindsight, an even tougher message might have been delivered if the Government had not turned up at that Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting, and there might have been more progress?
Baroness Warsi
I have a lot of respect for the noble Lord, but I fundamentally disagree with everything he said. It was right for the Prime Minister to attend the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting. It was right to make those tough messages be heard in-country in Sri Lanka. It was right for the Prime Minister to visit regions in Sri Lanka and make his point. It was right that, because of that visit, we built the international momentum which resulted in the Human Rights Council resolution.
Baroness Brinton (LD)
My Lords, may I return to the violence in Aluthgama? I am very grateful for my noble friend’s earlier answer, but I wonder if there has been any progress on arrests for this particularly horrible violence—which resulted not just in three dead and 80 injured but in a mosque and virtually every property of Muslims in that town being torched. While it is good that President Rajapaksa has promised to rebuild damaged property with his support, I think that the community would much prefer to hear that the perpetrators have been caught and what the Government will do to prevent such violence in the future.
Baroness Warsi
I note what the noble Baroness says. The violence in Aluthgama and Beruwala was deeply concerning, and she is right: there were not only fatalities but a huge amount of further damage. Of course we welcome the Sri Lankan Government’s assurances that they will investigate the attacks and prosecute those responsible. I am not sure what the latest situation is, but if there is any up-to-date information, I will certainly write to her.
Lord Naseby (Con)
My Lords, I declare an interest as chairman of the All-Party Group on Sri Lanka. Does my noble friend recognise that the imposition by the United Nations of an inquiry on a sovereign state—an imposition engineered by the US and supported by the UK—would not be likely to be well received in any country, particularly a country which has a democratically elected Government across all the ethnic groups? The vast majority of Sri Lankans supported the defeat of the Tamil Tigers. I urge my noble friend to think again and to encourage her Government to push the Sri Lankans on a one-to-one basis and to set aside a forced inquiry from the UN.
Baroness Warsi
I hear what my noble friend says, but this conflict ended in May 2009, which is more than five years ago. The internal inquiry reported in March 2011. The Sri Lankans have had enough time to deal with this matter if they had showed the political will internally to do so. They have not dealt with it, which is why we have taken this matter to the international forum.
Syria: Sexual Violence
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Baroness Jenkin of Kennington
To ask Her Majesty’s Government what is their assessment of the alleged sexual violence crimes committed against Syrian civilians in Syria.
The Senior Minister of State, Department for Communities and Local Government & Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Baroness Warsi) (Con)
My Lords, as reported by the UN commission of inquiry and others, rape, sexual violence and sexual torture have been carried out by regime forces against men, women and children as part of a widespread and systematic attack on the civilian population. We are deeply and increasingly concerned about sexual exploitation of displaced people. The UK is committed to supporting victims of these crimes, as well as supporting efforts to document sexual violence and other atrocities.
Baroness Jenkin of Kennington (Con)
My Lords, I thank my noble friend for the Answer. Would she join me in congratulating the Foreign Office and particularly the Foreign Secretary—so ably assisted by Angelina Jolie—on the success of the recent global summit on sexual violence in conflict, which has done so much to raise the profile of these dreadful crimes? Would she also confirm that the Foreign Office, DfID and the international community will do what they can to collect evidence and testimony from the surviving victims of sexual violence in the conflict so that, when this terrible war finally ends, the perpetrators can be prosecuted and brought to justice?
Baroness Warsi
I will join her—and I am sure the whole House will join me—in congratulating the Foreign Secretary on an incredibly successful summit on ending sexual violence in conflict. Those taking part came from 155 countries and included 1,700 delegates, 79 Ministers, victims’ groups, NGOs and international organisations. On the documentation and collection of evidence of sexual violence, my noble friend will be pleased to note that some of the projects we are funding in Syria are around the documentation and collection of evidence, so that those who commit these crimes will one day be brought to justice.
Lord Sharkey (LD)
My Lords, all crimes of sexual violence in conflict need to be within reach of international law, but the recent global summit that has just been referred to notes that the exercise of universal jurisdiction for crimes currently applies only to international conflicts. What steps can the Government take to extend this universal jurisdiction to the type of conflict we now see in Syria, Iraq and far too many other places?
Baroness Warsi
My noble friend makes an important point and I will certainly take it back. He will accept that this is a journey; these challenges have been with us for many decades, if not longer. One of the main purposes of the summit was to agree an international protocol on the documentation of sexual violence in conflict, to build political momentum, to fund more groups dealing with survivors and to encourage individual countries to develop country plans so they can take responsibility for these crimes within their own states. However, I will certainly take back the further idea given by my noble friend.
Baroness Uddin (Non-Afl)
My Lords, what specific support is being provided by registered NGOs currently working in Syria? The Minister mentioned some general points about the recent summit. Would she agree that it was regrettable to just highlight the problem of sexual violence in conflict and not also put forward ideas about how to address and support the women who have been raped before, including the 300,000 women—I spoke about them on a previous occasion—who were raped in Bangladesh? When will they get justice?
Baroness Warsi
I can give the noble Baroness details of the specific projects she asks about. Two projects are being funded to improve the capacity to document crimes of sexual violence. We are also giving cash assistance to help female refugees in Jordan and providing livelihood support to women so they can earn for themselves and not be placed in vulnerable situations. We are providing reproductive health services and financial support to vulnerable Syrian women who are thought to be at risk of being coerced into marriage, to help reduce their risk of exploitation. We are taking a whole series of measures, but I go back to the point that the summit was also about giving survivors an opportunity to be heard and to deal with the culture of silence that has existed around the issue. That in itself was incredibly important. A range of work has been developed from the summit around making sure we have the action in place to stop this heinous crime.
The Lord Bishop of Oxford
My Lords, given that discussion of sexual violence is always a very sensitive subject in any culture, will the Minister give assurance that the Preventing Sexual Violence Initiative team that is working in Syria will draw in responsible, enlightened religious leaders to combat the stigma that is so often associated with these awful crimes? This can prevent the kind of recriminations and rejection by communities and families that can result from them.
Baroness Warsi
The right reverend Prelate makes an incredibly important point. Faith as part of the solution to dealing with sexual violence was an important element of the summit, and we hosted two very successful fringe events. One involved a coalition mainly of church leaders, called We Will Speak Out. The other was at ministerial level where we hosted Sheikh Bin Bayyah, the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Archbishop of Westminster, Cardinal Vincent Nichols, and discussed the way in which we can get faith communities to be the first point of support in both providing protection and changing the culture that perpetuates the culture of impunity.
Baroness Kinnock of Holyhead (Lab)
My Lords, what was the Government’s response to the call from the United Nations for a further 100,000 resettlement places for the victims of the terrible turmoil she described in Syria? When the UK has promised to prioritise help for survivors of torture and victims of violence, is the Minister satisfied with the fact that as of 24 June only 50 refugees have arrived in the UK?
Baroness Warsi
My Lords, the noble Baroness makes an incredibly important point. The instinct of any of us when we hear these individuals’ stories is to provide a place of shelter, but I think the noble Baroness will acknowledge that since 6.4 million people have been internally displaced and 2.8 million are now refugees in neighbouring countries, there is no way that we could resettle all of them. We must make sure that we work with the most vulnerable and provide a settlement opportunity for them. First and foremost, politicians must continue to work for a political solution, because it cannot be that these people remain displaced and it must be that one day they are allowed to return to their own homes.
European Commission: Portfolios
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Baroness Morgan of Ely
To ask Her Majesty’s Government, following the nomination of Jean-Claude Juncker as President of the European Commission, which portfolio they are seeking to secure for their nominee as Commissioner.
The Senior Minister of State, Department for Communities and Local Government & Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Baroness Warsi)
My Lords, Commission portfolios will be allocated by the Commission President designate to those persons nominated by member states and agreed by common accord in the Council. This will happen after the confirmation of the Commission President designate by the European Parliament. The Government are interested in an economic portfolio.
Baroness Morgan of Ely (Lab)
My Lords, after the Prime Minister’s abject failure in stopping Juncker becoming the European Commission President, will the Minister explain whether the Prime Minister has a better negotiating strategy in mind to secure a decent and substantial portfolio for the British nominee as commissioner? Will the Minister give an assurance that both Houses of Parliament will have the opportunity to question the nominee before the European Parliament has an opportunity to do so?
Baroness Warsi
I think the noble Baroness will have to accept that the UK took a principled stance on an incredibly important matter. It was the right of the European Council to nominate the President of the Commission. All three main political parties, including her party and, indeed, its leadership, supported the Prime Minister’s position, and it was right that the Prime Minister stood up for the principle of the European Council retaining its treaty-given role.
In relation to appearances before the UK Parliament, of course parliamentary committees are free to invite whomsoever they choose to give evidence before them, including the UK Commissioner and other Commissioners. It would be for them to respond to those invitations.
Baroness Falkner of Margravine (LD)
Given what my noble friend said about the importance of an economic portfolio, does she agree that the important thing for the Prime Minister to do is to find someone who is a heavy-weight, has good judgment and substance, irrespective of whether he or she is from Parliament or from outside of Parliament, and that he must particularly put aside considerations about by-elections and other partisan matters because, if Britain needs a strong batter for the internal market or trade, this is the time that it needs it?
Baroness Warsi
Where there are so many issues at stake, it is important that we nominate a strong candidate. My noble friend will be delighted to know that the Prime Minister has a strong line-up of strong candidates.
Lord Kinnock (Lab)
Is the Minister aware that, while a member state Government may certainly express enthusiasm for the appointment of one their nationals to a particular Commission post, the reality is that each Commissioner has a treaty obligation to,
“solemnly undertake”—
Lord Kinnock
Yes, it is because I want to be accurate, which may be a virtue not universal on the other side of the House. The commissioner has a treaty obligation to,
“solemnly undertake … in the performance of my tasks, neither to seek nor to take instructions from any Government or from any other institution, body, office or entity … I formally note the undertaking of each Member State to respect this principle and not to seek to influence Members of the Commission in the performance of their tasks”.
Since it is clear that no partisan advantage can be gained or allowed from a particular Commission portfolio, will the Government stop trying to give the impression to the British public that there is such a means available to Her Majesty’s Government?
Baroness Warsi
The noble Lord gives important advice, and I am sure that he gave similar advice to Prime Ministers when Labour was in power, when it nominated Commissioners and made sure that they did not have any form of partisan interest when they went to the European Union. He can rest assured that whichever Commissioner goes on behalf of the coalition Government will act in the same incredibly impeccable manner that Commissioners have in the past.
Lord Tebbit (Con)
My Lords, will my noble friend remind the House of the oath which is taken by a privy counsellor, that he or she will always uphold the interests of Her Majesty against all foreign interests? Will she not agree that, unfortunately, it would be quite wrong to appoint a privy counsellor to a job where he would have to swear the exact opposite, as the noble Lord, Lord Kinnock, has just described?
Baroness Warsi
Because I am a privy counsellor and have sworn that oath, I have to be incredibly careful as to how I answer that question. Fundamentally, it is because of the great expertise in this House that I love being here.
Lord Low of Dalston (CB)
My Lords, can the noble Baroness say whether she thinks it would be useful for Prime Ministers to receive training in recruitment, diplomacy and negotiation skills?
Baroness Warsi
I understand the point that the noble Lord is trying to make. However, we all have to accept that the Prime Minister stood up for UK interests and was responsive to what we all heard—or should have heard—at the recent European elections, which is that the people of the European Union, across the European Union, want change.
Lord Clinton-Davis (Lab)
Would it not be appropriate for the Prime Minister to be rather less abrasive and rather more constructive as regards the EU institutions? Insults get us nowhere at all, particularly when significant jobs are being sought for incumbent or future Commissioners. Is that not the most important issue facing the Government at the moment?
Baroness Warsi
The Prime Minister has a good record of delivering for the United Kingdom, whether on the Budget, on Ukraine or on red tape. We can be confident that he is the right Prime Minister, delivering for Britain at the right time.
European Union (Definition of Treaties) (Partnership and Cooperation Agreement) (Iraq) Order 2014
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Baroness Warsi
That the Grand Committee do consider the European Union (Definition of Treaties) (Partnership and Cooperation Agreement) (Iraq) Order 2014.
Relevant document: 3rd Report from the Joint Committee on Statutory Instruments
The Senior Minister of State, Department for Communities and Local Government & Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Baroness Warsi) (Con)
My Lords, we are today considering the draft orders for partnership and co-operation agreements—PCAs—between the European Union and its member states and four countries; namely, the Republic of the Philippines, the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, Mongolia and the Republic of Iraq.
The purpose of these draft orders is to declare the PCAs to be EU treaties as defined in Section 1(2) of the European Communities Act 1972. They provide a framework for political dialogue and further engagement between the EU, EU member states and each of these four countries in areas including: trade and investment; education, culture and environment; health, science and technology; justice, migration and human rights; and counterterrorism and counterproliferation. Respect for democratic principles, transparency and development are all essential elements of the agreements.
The draft orders that we debate today are a necessary step towards the UK’s ratification of these PCAs and, indeed, the treaties themselves are a necessary precursor to future EU free trade agreements with any of these countries. We have a strategic interest in developing our and the EU’s relationship with Vietnam, the Philippines, Mongolia and Iraq. While we recognise that progress in some areas is slow and challenges remain, we also believe that it is right to recognise the advances made in many areas in these countries including, for example, in the Philippines, which is the fastest growing economy in south-east Asia and too important to be ignored.
HSBC estimates that the Philippines could grow to be the 16th largest economy in the world by 2050. It is a vibrant, stable democracy with a leading role to play in ASEAN and, as the Administration of President Aquino has shown, in bringing peace and stability to the region. The UK is the largest investor in the Philippines, but there is potential for more, and now is the right time to deepen engagement. It is an emerging power, both economically and politically, with which we are keen to work more closely in order to make the most of the promising opportunities for both countries.
Vietnam is also a fast growing economy, an increasingly strong regional force and an important trading partner. The Vietnam PCA supports our bilateral strategic partnership signed in 2010 with Vietnam. It will provide a solid basis upon which we can strengthen ties between the EU and Vietnam, and will also provide the UK with an additional diplomatic tool with which to pursue complex and politically sensitive objectives, including on human rights, which continues to be of concern in Vietnam.
The UK has a strong and long-standing relationship with Mongolia. We celebrated 50 years of diplomatic relations last year. Mongolia shares our values in many areas. It is a member of the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe and a valued contributor to peacekeeping forces in Afghanistan and South Sudan. Mongolia’s “third neighbour” foreign policy seeks to build friendly relations with countries such as the UK in its desire to diversify beyond its two heavyweight neighbours, China and Russia. The PCA would encourage the removal of restrictions to trade and promote measures to improve transparency, thereby helping to build British businesses. It will also support our ongoing work with third parties to embed democratic practice, good governance and respect for human rights.
Finally, I turn to Iraq. Despite the current violence, our hope remains that it will become a stable, prosperous country which plays a constructive role in the region. Greater engagement by both the UK and EU will allow it fully to realise that potential. Iraq successfully held parliamentary elections on 30 April, the third under the 2005 constitution, which demonstrates the commitment of its people to choosing their Government, despite the serious challenges the country faces. Increased co-operation through the framework of the PCA will also help to address many of the underlying causes of the current crisis, such as lack of jobs and access to education and basic services, as well as ensuring confidence in the security and justice systems and respect for human rights.
There is more that the Philippines, Vietnam, Mongolia and Iraq still want to do, and much that we want to encourage them to do. It is important that we continue to seize opportunities, through frameworks such as these agreements, to enable stable, sustainable and democratic states to flourish.
Although all these treaties have been signed, they will enter into force only once all 28 member states of the European Union and the Republic of the Philippines, the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, Mongolia and the Republic of Iraq have ratified them and the EU itself concludes the agreements.
Noble Lords will be aware of the recent European Court of Justice case regarding the Philippines PCA. In some ways, the judgment changes little: the UK will still be bound by the entire agreement once it is concluded either in its own right or as part of the EU, as was always going to be the case. However, the case raises some broader questions as to exactly how the UK is bound and the question of the opt-in. I take this opportunity to assure noble Lords that we are urgently considering these issues.
In conclusion, with specific regard to these PCAs, other countries’ ratification and parliamentary processes are in train. The agreements serve the interests of the UK, as well as the EU, other member states and the four countries concerned. They lay the foundation for stronger, mutually beneficial ties for the future. I commend them to the Committee and I beg to move.
Baroness Morgan of Ely (Lab)
I thank the Minister for that introduction. Developing co-ordinated agreements between the EU and other individual countries is just one of the many benefits of EU membership. Rather than the UK Civil Service spending hours on end developing bilateral relationships with countries around the globe, the EU uses all its combined political clout to negotiate more favourable terms using the political weight of 28 member states. That bargaining power is so much stronger than a bilateral dialogue.
The purposes of partnership and co-operation agreements are to provide a framework for political dialogue, to help strengthen democracies, to encourage the transition to a market economy and to encourage trade and investment. It is often a precursor to a closer trade agreement, which may or may not develop in the longer term.
Free trade is generally considered to be a good thing, and benefits both parties. Under these agreements, countries will accord to one another most-favoured-nation treatment. Nevertheless, it is important that, where possible, we ensure that those benefits are fairly distributed within those countries and that wider questions of human rights and democracy are respected.
Today, here in Parliament, we have an opportunity to determine whether we agree with the negotiation which has been thrashed out on our behalf by the European Commission: a demonstration that this is not a fait accompli until Parliaments across the EU have given their blessing. It is therefore not being imposed upon us in any shape or form. That is a message that we need to ensure that the public hear, loud and clear.
The orders in relation to the countries today and the kinds of areas that are covered were outlined by the Minister. Crucially, in these extremely testing times for Iraq and its authorities, the partnership agreement with Iraq refers to help in facilitating and supporting its stability and regional integration. That is much easier said than done. Al-Maliki’s pronouncement last week has done nothing to give us confidence that he believes in regional integration, despite the pronounced threat by ISIS forces to the stability of his country. What remained of the economy was largely shattered by the 2003 invasion and the subsequent violence. Attacks by insurgents on Iraq’s oil infrastructure have cost the country billions of dollars in lost revenues. Can the Minister therefore explain how the proposed agreement could be implemented in the light of the current security situation?
Since 1990, there has been a transformation in the way that Mongolia has been run, with the introduction of elections and privatisation. However, the withdrawal of Soviet support triggered widespread poverty and unemployment. Nevertheless, there is great hope for the country as it is now one of the world’s fastest growing economies. Its economy increased by 17% in 2011, driven in large part by investment, particularly from its Chinese and Russian neighbours, who are, of course, anxious to get their hands on the vast quantities of untapped mineral wealth.
There is, however, real concern about corruption in the country and it is surprising, perhaps, that this is not a more notable feature of this agreement, as European investors will need to be assured that their investments are secure. Will the Minister explain how this agreement will ensure that the benefits of strong economic growth will be shared more fairly by the whole of the Mongolian population? What pressure can we bring to bear on that?
We all remember the devastating pictures which appeared on our screens in 2013, when Typhoon Haiyan hit the Philippines. The EU was only just establishing and still recruiting for its European External Action Service and was slightly criticised for being slow in its response despite not having much in terms of infrastructure or staff in place at the time. Will the Minister explain how this agreement will help to develop and support the reconstruction efforts following the typhoon? The Philippines also has its own internal political threats. Terrorism attacks by the radical Islamist Abu Sayyaf group, which is linked to al-Qaeda, are frequent in some places. Guerrilla campaigns by the communist New People’s Army were commonplace in certain parts of the country.
The Philippines is perceived as one of the most promising newly industrialised countries, with its export economy moving away from agriculture into electronics, petroleum and other goods. The Philippines has a population of about 96 million people. It has one of the highest birth rates in Asia, and forecasters say the population could double within three decades. However, many leave the country and much of the economy, in the south in particular, is held afloat by remittances sent by people based overseas.
Finally, I turn to Vietnam. It has a population of about 89 million people and remains a one-party communist state. It has one of south-east Asia’s fastest growing economies. Private enterprise is allowed and investment, in particular from the US, has increased, while the country joined the World Trade Organisation in 2007. Of all the countries we are discussing today, Vietnam is the one I have most concerns about in terms of ensuring that any economic benefits of this agreement are felt by the whole population and are fairly distributed. My understanding is that, despite pursuing economic reform, the ruling Communist Party shows little willingness to give up its monopoly on political power.
I am extremely concerned about the situation in relation to human rights in the country, in particular about the treatment by the Government of the ethnic minority hill tribe people, the Montagnards. Amnesty International has voiced concerns in relation to fair trials, so how we can ensure that abuses are monitored and reported upon? What sanctions will occur if this aspect of the agreement is not respected?
Will the Minister also explain whether we can do anything in this agreement to ensure that firms with suspected links to slavery in these countries are rooted out? If the Minister can answer these questions satisfactorily, then my party will support all the proposed partnership and co-operation agreements.
Baroness Warsi
My Lords, I thank the noble Baroness for this interesting debate. She has raised a number of interesting questions in relation to the specific countries. I will deal with them in turn, starting with Vietnam.
The PCA contains a commitment by Vietnam to respect human rights as well as obligations in other areas such as counterterrorism and weapons of mass destruction. Vietnam is a country of concern in the FCO’s annual human rights report, and the PCA will provide an additional channel through which we can pursue UK objectives on human rights. We will continue to raise our concerns with the Vietnamese Government through the biannual EU-Vietnam human rights dialogue and also bilaterally, but this agreement provides us with a further opportunity to do that and raise the very issues to which the noble Baroness has referred.
Our relationship with the Philippines will focus on three key areas: prosperity, including trade and investment; continuing engagement on the Mindanao peace process; and a foreign policy that continues to be closely aligned to the UK’s. We will of course encourage the Philippines, as an emerging power, to become a responsible global player and to use its influence within ASEAN. The PCA will enrich our political engagement with the Philippines, including by consolidating co-operation on democracy, governance and human rights. As the Foreign Secretary has said, human rights and the rule of law are essential tools and indivisible from our national foreign policy objectives. The work in relation to the disputes within the Philippines could again form part of the discussions under the PCA.
The noble Baroness made an incredibly important point in relation to Iraq. Despite the recent instability and the current security crisis, we still believe that Iraq has considerable resource and potential which the international community should help it to realise for both for Iraq’s own interests and for the interests of stability and security in the region. The PCA is the centrepiece for EU and member state involvement with Iraq, and it underlines the EU’s determination to play a significant role in Iraq’s transition. The crisis in Iraq should not prevent us proceeding with ratification of the PCA. Rather, increased co-operation through the framework of the PCA will help us to address many of the underlying causes of the current crisis.
We welcome the PCA relating to market access in Mongolia, in particular through the removal of restrictions to trade and through measures to improve transparency, which was a specific issue raised by the noble Baroness. The PCA also includes provisions for the protection of the EU’s financial interests, which is of particular interest to the UK. The PCA will also help our current work with NGOs and government agencies to embed democratic practice, good governance and respect for human rights, and it will encourage action on climate change.
In conclusion, these draft orders provide us with an opportunity to enhance engagement between EU member states and the Republic of the Philippines, the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, Mongolia and the Republic of Iraq across a broad range of areas. They are testimony to the growing importance of EU links with these countries, and they have the potential to raise relations to a new level. These agreements give us the opportunity further to develop stronger ties and common approaches to global challenges. Further engagement with the Philippines, Vietnam, Mongolia and Iraq can help to make the most of the wealth of opportunities that lie in greater trade and investment links. It is also important to continue to strengthen our ties with these countries in response to emerging and constantly evolving security challenges while also remaining true to our core values.
As I mentioned previously, wide-ranging engagement with Iraq will enable us to assist the new Government, once formed, in addressing many of the political causes of the current instability and building, it is hoped, a more stable country in the future. The PCAs will all help to support our efforts to improve the human rights situation and to promote the principles of democracy and the rule of law in each of these countries.
I thank the noble Baroness for her support, and I commend the draft orders to the Committee.
European Union (Definition of Treaties) (Partnership and Cooperation Agreement) (Mongolia) Order 2014
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Baroness Warsi
That the Grand Committee do consider the European Union (Definition of Treaties) (Partnership and Cooperation Agreement) (Mongolia) Order 2014.
Relevant document: 3rd Report from the Joint Committee on Statutory Instruments