Employment Rights Bill

Lord Clement-Jones Excerpts

Report stage
Wednesday 23rd July 2025 Lords Chamber

[The Earl of Clancarty (CB)]

My Lords, I will speak to my Amendment 160, although I support all the amendments in this group. I declare an interest as a self-employed visual artist. Amendment 160 seeks to establish a freelance commissioner. It is closely tied to consequential Amendments 161 and 162, in the name of the noble Lord, Lord Clement-Jones, which seek to define what a freelancer is and to give the freelance commissioner greater teeth. I am very grateful for the support on this from the noble Lord, Lord Clement-Jones, and I welcome the support of my noble friend Lord Freyberg and the noble Lord, Lord Sharpe of Epsom, as well as that of my noble friend Lord Colville, who I know would have signed this amendment if there had been room to do so.

The first thing to say is that the creative industries welcome the appointment of a champion for this sector, as announced in the industrial strategy after Committee, and are pleased that that champion will be a member of the Creative Industries Council. These are things that the creative industries have been asking for for a long time, so there is appreciation that the Government have listened in this respect. Yesterday, I also had sight of the draft terms of reference—which is, of course, interesting timing. Those terms of reference, which are the result of conversations between relevant organisations and the DCMS within the framework of the Good Work Review, are impressive, if not yet entirely comprehensive, tasks and concerns. It is important to stress that this also illustrates the immense challenges a freelance champion will have. Nevertheless, I applaud the Government for opening the lines of communication between the DCMS and other organisations; long may that continue.

However, there remain questions concerning the champion. What powers will the champion really have, if any significant powers at all? Is this to be a salaried position? How much, in practice, will the champion be able to cut across different departments? Will this role be more about guidance for the sector rather than the really necessary action required for freelancers in terms of the many rights that standard employees have—and to a large extent take for granted—but that freelancers lack? I would be very grateful if the Minister could fill in some of those gaps if she is able to do so.

There are broadly two reasons why we should have a statutorily appointed and independent freelance commissioner. The first is that we urgently need someone to look at the whole landscape of freelance and self-employed work, which constitutes a not-negligible 15% of the workforce—and this is a sector that is growing. As my noble friend Lord Londesborough pointed out in Committee, this includes not just the creative industries but construction workers, agricultural workers and others. My amendment covers that landscape, one that the Bill—which is supposed to be an Employment Rights Bill, not an employee rights Bill—does not cover. Instead, as freelancers are always asked to do, we are told to wait in line. This of course happened during Covid, when so many freelancers fell through the gaps in support.

Even looking just at the creative industries, there is a question as to whether the whole of the creative industries themselves would necessarily be served by the new champion, in whatever guise that comes. The DCMS’s current understanding of these industries may be narrower than the reality, and this is certainly true of those craft industries—hugely important for our economy—that may not necessarily fall within the champion’s remit because of the manner in which parts of the creative industries are currently defined. This is something for the Government to look closely at, and I know that my noble friend Lord Freyberg intends to flesh out some of the detail of this very real concern about invisibility in both this and the debate that follows.

The second crucial reason for having a statutory appointment is not just that that role would have the requisite powers to argue for and effect real change, with the necessary authority to do so, but that it is a long-term position that cannot be rescinded easily because we are in this for the long haul. There is no doubt that freelancers’ concerns—this is certainly true of the creative industries—have grown more critical in terms of rights; income; the problems with late payment; Brexit, which has affected and continues to affect so many of our creative industries, not just music; AI, of course; and, crucially, the downturn in the funding of the sector. All these things have become immense pressures, which demand the appointment of an independent commissioner with the requisite powers to effectively address all these concerns and influence government policy.

I talked at some length in Committee about these increasing pressures as they affect the creative industries, and I will not repeat those arguments, except to add some conclusions from a survey to be published tomorrow by the organisation Freelancers Make Theatre Work—I am grateful for its permission to do so. It says:

“A striking headline in this year’s data is that 44% of respondents earned less than the 2024 UK National Living Wage in the 23-24 tax year … a significant worsening of the already critical situation from the previous year … where the equivalent figure was 34%”.


It goes on to say:

“These levels of pay would be illegal in salaried positions”.


I was worried by Chris Bryant’s recent evidence to the Culture, Media and Sport Committee, in which he said that he wants to see a reduction in the number of freelancers over the next 10 years. My understanding was that he is thinking about workers such as his mother, a make-up artist for the BBC, who lost their salaried jobs and were pushed into becoming freelancers. However, this is but one part of the landscape, and this exclusive emphasis ignores all the other freelancers, many of whom are creators—artists, writers, composers and many others—for whom there never has been any option other than being a freelancer for the work they do. Again, we need to understand the whole landscape—the reality of that landscape and the ecology of that landscape.

It becomes difficult to imagine how effective a champion with close proximity to the DCMS will be if the DCMS is actively trying to reduce the total number of freelancers—something it ought to be agnostic about. We need an independent commissioner—in other words, someone in a position of authority—who will support and, importantly, promote the practice of freelance work. We need it in law; we need it in the Bill. I beg to move.

[Lord Clement-Jones (LD)]

My Lords, it is extremely disappointing that we are debating something of this order of importance at this time of day and at the fag-end of this Bill. However, unusually, I shall try to ingratiate myself with the House by being as brief as possible.

First, I want to thank the noble Lord, Lord Katz, for his letter of 30 June and for the publication of the draft terms of reference for the freelance champion, referred to by the noble Earl, Lord Clancarty, who set out the stall extremely cogently for these amendments. I do not need to go over the ground that he has explained extremely well. The lack of a single clear voice representing the interests of freelancers to government is what this is all about—a clear definition of what a freelancer is and clear duties for the freelancer commissioner.

The freelance champion has some similar characteristics to the freelance commissioner, but there are significant differences from the independent freelance commissioner. It is not going to be a statutory office, unlike the freelance commissioner. The structure proposed in our amendments would be more permanent and more independent of government. The terms of reference explicitly state that the champion will focus on freelancers working in the creative industries only, so it will not be cross-sectoral. As we heard from the noble Lord, Lord Londesborough, it is clear that freelancers are extremely prevalent not only in the creative industries but in many other industries as well, including construction, professional, scientific and technical activities, business support, health and social work, IT, digital services and education and training.

While welcome, the freelance champion for the creative industries under the sectoral plan does not go nearly far enough across the board in making sure that there is a real advocate and one with teeth who is able to influence policy towards freelancers across all those different sectors. The question really is why the Government have failed to grasp the urgency and widespread nature of the challenges faced by freelancers across all sectors. It is not unclear that freelance work covers much broader areas than just the creative industries. These amendments would offer recognition to a workforce that contributes enormously to our economy and cultural life and is too often unprotected and unheard in legislative terms.

I urge the Government, even at this time of day and at this time in the Bill, when they cannot really change their approach, really to think about this. We have heard so much about how, on AI or dependent contractors, the Government are considering these things. They really need to shape up in terms of the modern economy. Freelancing is on the increase and they need protection—and the freelance commissioner would be by far the best way forward.

[Lord Freyberg (CB)]

My Lords, it is a pleasure to follow my noble friend Lord Clancarty and the noble Lord, Lord Clement-Jones, who have each set out the case for a more coherent and strategic approach to freelance policy with great clarity. I shall not repeat their arguments but will attempt to build on them.

I support Amendments 160 to 162, to which I have added my name, and I will speak to my own Amendments 163 to 165. I declare my interest as an artist member of DACS, the Design and Artists Copyright Society.

--- Later in debate ---

In response to the spirit of these amendments, the Government could commit to publishing a report within 12 months, similar to that argued for in the amendment tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Moynihan, that outlines revised definitions for freelance and self-employed status, assesses the impact of legislation on these groups, explores data classification reforms and makes targeted recommendations to improve the fair treatment and statistical visibility of workers in the visual arts and craft sectors. This would be in keeping with the Government’s broader commitments under the creative industries sector vision and ongoing work to support the freelance workforce. I beg to move.

[Lord Clement-Jones (LD)]

My Lords, I am going to be extremely brief because it is now 11.20 pm. We need to finish these proceedings at least before midnight, but that may be an ambition too far. I declare an interest, as I should have done in the last group, as chair of the Authors’ Licensing and Collecting Society.

It would have been extremely useful to have inserted the speeches of the noble Lords, Lord Hendy and Lord Berkeley, because that is precisely what my amendment is all about. It is about ensuring that our employment law ensures the rights of a growing segment of our workforce. Our current system is based on statutory definitions and case law, and it settled on three categories: self-employed; worker—also known as limb (b), as the noble Lord, Lord Hendy, mentioned —or dependent contractor; and employee. However, determining whether an individual falls within this framework is often inconsistent and reliant on lengthy and expensive court cases, such as the landmark Uber v Aslam case. The Minister has extremely helpfully undertaken a consultation on employment status, and that is exactly what this amendment was designed to provoke, so I feel that to a large extent we have succeeded in pushing the Government further towards defining that kind of employment status.

I have had some useful conversations with Evri, which engaged in a legal case when it was under the name Hermes. As a result of its engagement with the GMB, it has come forward with what I think is an extremely interesting and satisfactory form of dependent contractor status that grants certain rights as if they were employees, and that is precisely what I hope this consultation will come up with in terms of family leave, entitlements, the right to request fixed hours and so on. The GMB, while awaiting formal policy setting through its democratic process, has expressed a positive stance towards retaining and reforming the limb (b) worker status. So I hope that the consultation that the Government engage in will not try to force everything into two categories but will make sure that that third category is recognised and given enhanced rights.

I think there was some misunderstanding in Committee in what the Minister said. She talked about complications and so on, and I hope that does not mean that what we are all trying to get to is two categories, employment or self-employment. I hope that the result of the consultation will be to come forward with some kind of dependent contractor status for precisely the kinds of people that the noble Lord, Lord Berkeley, was talking about—however fast they may go on their scooters.

[Lord Moynihan of Chelsea (Con)]

My Lords, I rise to introduce at this late hour Amendment 184A in my name. I refer to my registered interests as an employer and investor. I thank the many noble Lords on the Labour Benches who have kindly stayed to hear the noble Lords, Lord Freyberg and Lord Clement-Jones, and myself; it is very decent of them. The noble Baroness, Lady Jones, kindly committed just now to publishing the Government’s consultation on employment status, which relates strongly to the amendments that the three of us have introduced to this clause, and it is very welcome to hear that commitment. For me, that takes us half way to what my amendment proposes.

The Minister’s focus just now was on freelancers, while that of the noble Lords, Lord Freyberg and Lord Clement-Jones, was on both freelancers and the self-employed. My amendment focuses on protecting the self-employed and the so-called middle worker status, in particular for so-called platforms, which I will elaborate on briefly in a minute. I do hope to get your Lordships out before midnight; I will do my best.

The Government’s make work pay document, part of their manifesto, has, as we all know, made various commitments—or threats, as we call them on this side of the House—relating to workers’ employment status. Some are included in the Bill and some are promised for an unspecified future Bill or other kind of regulation. In particular, the employment status of worker, a middle stage between self-employed and fully employed, as just described by the noble Lord, Lord Clement-Jones, and as decided in the ruling in the Uber case, is to be reviewed, and there is the threat that that category will be tightened or even abolished. To date, the Government have said little else about its future although, in the Bill we are discussing now, Clause 1 on guaranteed hours and Clause 2 on shift contracts both significantly constrain what an employer can agree with an individual holding worker status.

It is depressing to note how the Government’s financial and regulatory policies are already hitting employment—the very topic of this Bill—not just in traditional areas such as pubs and entertainment, but in those advanced sectors where the economy’s hope for the future lie: AI or gene modification, for example, and now, in this Bill, the platform businesses that drive the gig economy.

Take driver platforms. In surveys, 76% of drivers say being self-employed is the key attraction; 60% of them value flexible hours above all else, rising to 72% among working parents. Nearly nine in 10 use multiple platforms to earn a living, which would be near impossible if rigid employment frameworks were imposed. A strong entrepreneurial spirit runs through the sector: 34% already see themselves as entrepreneurs and 49% aspire to be.

Platform companies such as Bolt, which has 100,000 drivers on its books, are currently at sea as to what the rules will be. Will they, because of all this, be forced to offer full employment packages to those who would rather be flexible worker employees? Will this then increase the platform company’s costs and lead to layoffs, as more hours have to be offered to these workers, leaving fewer hours available to the self-employed?

My amendment seeks to get a commitment to a formal review of all this—and we just got that from the Minister—in order to ensure that the Government stand by their stated intent to consult fully, and I think that word is key, before changes are made. Platforms need to know what future employment categories will be allowed and how they will be defined because, one way or another, all of this will lead to their having to make very significant changes to their platforms. It is important that the Government have a full review and consultation before they decide on their detailed approach.

Platform companies can and must form a leading part of our future economy. As the noble Earl, Lord Clancarty, the noble Lord, Lord Clement-Jones, and others explained, as was the case with freelancers, so it is with platform workers. All employers and employees agree that, in these areas, flexibility is key and the Government have elsewhere committed to reducing, not increasing, inflexible regulation. This amendment seeks to hold the Government to that commitment.

Platform employers are investing hundreds of millions in their activities per country, per platform employer, in other countries around the world, yet are not doing so here in the UK. One platform company recently contacted me to say that they had withheld £170 million of investment from this country precisely because of this Bill and the threats it imposes on it.

We are falling further and further behind other modern economies, and it is precisely because of ever-increasing taxes and regulation, and the threat of more to come, from this and future mooted Bills. Removing the middle-stage worker status would both increase unemployment and deter further inward investment.

My amendment seeks to hold the Government to account on their promises to consult on the expected outcome of this part of the Bill, which the Minister has just done, and to figure out the likely impacts carefully in the hope that the most detrimental potential regulations might not be imposed. As we go into the summer break, we already see employment, particularly youth employment, plummeting. The NIC increases, the now very high minimum wage and the fear created by this Bill are causing employers to hold off further employment. All of this is leading to less and less hiring. I ask the Government to have pity on the employer, to have pity on the self-employed and indeed to have pity on our economy overall by agreeing to this, I hope, helpful amendment.