(2 days, 5 hours ago)
Commons Chamber I am sure Members across the House will have seen the wonderful news this morning and join me in congratulating Ferguson Marine on winning a substantial Ministry of Defence shipbuilding contract through BAE Systems. That is great news for the workforce, who will play a key role in keeping our country and its people safe. Shipbuilding on the Clyde is thriving thanks to the UK Government’s record investment in defence, supporting 4,000 jobs; this is a real defence dividend for Scotland. This is investment that the SNP seeks to block, but Labour will build.
This is the last Scottish oral questions before summer recess, so can I thank you, Mr Speaker, your team and all the House staff for all your work over the last year? This was a historic spending review for Scotland that ended austerity. Along with last year’s Budget, it delivered an extra £14 billion as a UK Labour Government dividend to Scotland. That is more money for our NHS, police, housing and schools. Scots will not accept continued SNP failure on Scottish public services and will rightly ask the SNP: where has all the money gone?
This UK Labour Government are delivering the largest budgetary settlement in the history of devolution, with an extra £9.1 billion to invest in Scottish public services, yet the SNP Scottish Government continue to squander opportunity after opportunity and waste the public’s money. Will he join me in urging the SNP Scottish Government to get a grip and invest in projects that matter to our communities, such as the East Calder medical centre, which has not materialised after SNP dither and delay?
I absolutely join my hon. Friend in that call, and I pay tribute to his tenacious campaigning to see East Calder’s new medical centre delivered. I am 10,000 GP places short in my own constituency, and the SNP needs to take that seriously. The spending review generated £5.8 billion in health-related Barnett consequentials for Scotland. My hon. Friend is right to stand up for his community in East Calder, and I ask the SNP: where has all the money gone?
I have previously praised in this Chamber the efforts of the fire and rescue service in responding to more than one major incident in Cumbernauld. Both my constituents and I are therefore concerned that the proposed cuts to Cumbernauld fire station will undermine its ability to respond to incidents and put lives at risk. Will the Secretary of State make representations to the Scottish Government to invest in fire services in one of Scotland’s largest towns?
My hon. Friend quite rightly speaks out against the cuts to Cumbernauld fire station, which sadly is just one example of the SNP’s dangerous mismanagement of Scotland’s fire services, as the Fire Brigades Union in Scotland told me just last month. There are 9.1 billion reasons why the SNP Government should choose to invest in local services, including in Cumbernauld, but after 18 years of failure and neglect my hon. Friend’s constituents will rightly not hold out much hope. Across Scotland, we need a new direction next May, with Anas Sarwar as the First Minister.
Does the Secretary of State share my view that, whatever the SNP Scottish Government’s budget, they have cynically and systematically deprived funding from areas that do not support independence, leaving councils such as Dumfries and Galloway and Scottish Borders and their health boards struggling to provide basic services?
I would extend that and say that the whole of Scotland voted against independence in 2014. It seems to me that the SNP Government’s strategy is to starve all Scotland’s public services of the vital funding that they require.
The spending review came off the back of last year’s autumn Budget, which hit businesses in my constituency in north-east Scotland very hard, whether it was family businesses and farms with the changes to agricultural property relief and business property relief, or the extension of and increase in the energy profits levy hitting investment in our vital oil and gas sector. What conversations is the Secretary of State having actively with the Treasury to ensure that north-east Scotland does not have to pay the price for this Government’s decisions again next year?
I have had a minimum of 14 billion conversations with the Treasury with regard to funding in Scotland. This is the largest settlement ever in the history of the Scottish Parliament. This Government’s decisions in the October Budget and the spending review have given us the highest growth in the G7, the highest business confidence in a decade, record inward investment, three major trade deals and the conditions for four interest rate cuts, all helping businesses right across Scotland—everything that the hon. Lady and her party voted against.
Like the Secretary of State, I welcome the great news for Ferguson Marine this morning. As he knows, Scottish Liberal Democrats secured funding for key projects across Scotland in last year’s Scottish budget negotiations, including the Eye Pavilion in Edinburgh, which is so important for my constituents and his. We welcome the additional funding as part of the spending review to help projects such as that, but almost two decades of SNP mismanagement have left our health service in dire need of investment and improvement. Does he agree that the SNP should invest this funding wisely in GPs, dentists and care so that our constituents can see the same focus on innovation in health that was announced by the UK Government last week?
The hon. Lady makes a good point about the Eye Pavilion in Edinburgh, which is a symptom of the whole of the Scottish Government’s strategy for our NHS services. The SNP promised a new Eye Pavilion in its manifestos in ’07, ’11, ’16 and ’21, and it is yet to deliver it. I bet we see the same process and the same promises in its manifesto in May next year. One in six Scots is stuck on a waiting list, the NHS app is years behind other parts of the UK, and we have the worst cancer waiting times on record. I am sure the hon. Lady and millions of other Scots know that the SNP has failed their NHS. If the SNP had any idea how to fix it, it would have done it by now.
During the spending review period, the Scottish Government will have to continue to mitigate some of the cruellest Westminster policies. They had to do that under the Tories, and it continues under Labour, not least with the two-child cap. Can the Secretary of State tell us whether there are any plans to scrap it?
The hon. Gentleman and his colleagues voted against the Budget. They voted against all the measures to raise revenue in the Budget, and they voted against the actual spending of it. From the second that this Labour Government took power just over a year ago, there was £14 billion extra going into the Scottish budget. The Scottish Government need to be spending it well, and I am sure the Scottish public will look dimly on a Scottish Government who cannot spend it and improve our public services.
I am not sure the Secretary of State quite caught the question there. We voted against the two-child cap. If there is cash to go around and UK Departments are getting bigger spending increases than the Scottish Government, why will he not prioritise child poverty? The Child Poverty Action Group described getting rid of the two-child cap as “the most cost-effective way” to cut child poverty. It was described by the Pensions Minister as “immoral”. The Cabinet Office’s recent report “Tackling Child Poverty” stated:
“There is a lot we can learn from action already being taken in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland”.
Will the Secretary of State make scrapping the two-child poverty cap a priority, or will he insist on failed Tory policies?
Going by the votes last week, the hon. Gentleman wants to keep the failed, broken welfare system that the Tories put in. What we have done as a Government is a pay rise for 200,000 Scots, day one rights for sick leave and parental leave and £150 off energy bills for more than half a million Scottish households, and we have banned exploitative zero-hours contracts. There are 10,000 children in Scotland every single night going to bed without a home. That is a dreadful record for the Scottish Government.
Artificial intelligence will drive incredible change in our country. It will turbocharge growth and boost living standards. Scotland, as we know well, has been the UK’s home of AI since 1963, and it will become the home of the most powerful supercomputer in the UK, with this Labour Government investing £750 million in its development at the University of Edinburgh’s advanced computing facility in Midlothian. We are currently assessing applications for AI growth zones from across the UK, including several from Scotland, which is at the cutting edge of computing power globally.
It is refreshing to have a UK Government so committed to investing in and developing AI, in comparison with John Swinney and the Scottish Government, who are stuck in an analogue age, unable even to provide patients and staff with a functioning NHS app. Does the Minister agree that the towns of Airdrie and Shotts and the former industrial heartland of North Lanarkshire are incredibly well placed to serve as an AI growth zone and capture the Government’s clear ambition?
Much like my hon. Friend, who is a truly passionate advocate for his community, I am proud to represent one of Scotland’s industrial heartlands. He is right to highlight the role that they can play in Scotland’s AI future. As for his comments regarding the First Minister, my right hon. Friend the Health Secretary was particularly astute in his assessment. I am afraid that the First Minister is from the age of “Taggart”, when what is upon us is the age of “Dept. Q”.
The transmission line from Skye to Fort Augustus has been approved. Due to a technicality, the people along the route will be deprived of £22 million. Will the Minister take this up with Ofgem?
I am led to believe that the hon. Member has already picked this matter up with the Secretary of State, who will be taking it forward, but I would be delighted to talk to the hon. Member about it.
The Secretary of State and I are committed to supporting a flourishing broadcasting sector in Scotland and regularly meet its representatives. I know that my hon. Friend the Member for Na h-Eileanan an Iar was part of a recent engagement that the Scotland Office was delighted to co-host with MG Alba, where he spoke passionately about the importance of Gaelic broadcasting, and we share his commitment to it.
We islanders have always been international ambassadors, and I am delighted that some of the Lewis chess pieces are going to France—a little bit of Gaelic Scotland in President Macron’s pocket. Gaelic broadcasting also has a global reach: 1.8 million viewers watched “An t-Eilean”, MG Alba’s detective series. Gaelic is a big part of Brand Scotland. Requesting more money for broadcasting is a straightforward ask, but may I ask Ministers to think more imaginatively about growth deals? Can we see a Scotland-wide growth deal for Gaelic, for cultural heritage items such as the Lewis chess pieces and for childcare, so that we can grow the social infrastructure of Scotland as well as its physical infrastructure?
That is an interesting point. My hon. Friend has been advancing this case, and he is right: the whole objective of the growth deals is to enable people to live well in the places that they love. As he knows, the UK Government have delivered a historic spending review for Scotland, which includes ambitious plans for local growth to become the foundation of national renewal. The Scotland Office will continue to engage with him and with other Members on both sides of the House, and with Scottish local government, to ensure that local growth investment supports the change that Labour promised and the change that our communities want to see.
There have been a number of co-productions by BBC Northern Ireland and BBC Scotland. Does the Minister agree that we should develop and promote co-productions throughout the nations and regions of the United Kingdom, so that we can see excellence and best practice everywhere in the UK?
I do agree that we should be co-operating as far as possible. Steps have already been taken to preserve the future of home-grown content and talent through initiatives such as the UK Government’s independent film tax credit and high-end tax relief, providing a real opportunity for the industry to grow, but I should certainly like to talk to the hon. Gentleman about how the industries in Scotland and Northern Ireland could co-operate more effectively.
The industrial strategy is transformational for Scotland. A year ago, the Government inherited an industrial crisis after 14 years of no plan and a complete lack of interest on the part of the SNP and the Conservatives when it came to Scottish industry. However, I congratulate the SNP on its job creation programme: it has created tens of thousands of jobs in China, Turkey and Poland. Rather than standing up for Scotland, it has been shipping Scottish jobs overseas.
Scotland has a proud industrial past, and Labour’s industrial strategy will work to ensure that we have a bright industrial future. We in the Scotland Office will be doing all that we can to exploit these opportunities.
The industrial strategy identifies defence as a key industry. It is a big employer in Glasgow, and could create many good jobs for my constituents. However, the SNP has banned the Scottish National Investment Bank and Scottish Enterprise from investing in defence companies. Does my right hon. Friend agree that this shows that the SNP Government are weak when it comes to defending Scotland, and are denying Glaswegians many good jobs?
You will be unsurprised, Mr Speaker, to hear me say that I agree with my hon. Friend. I was astonished to learn that the SNP was blocking investment in a national specialist welding centre on the banks of the Clyde, putting its own student politics before job opportunities for working-class young people, and that it was doing so at a time when one in six are not in education, employment or training. Putting politics before people is just not good enough, but where the SNP stands down, Labour will step up and fund that centre. We will invest in defence, and create a defence dividend that will mean jobs and opportunities for everyone in Scotland.
With the exception of the London vortex that sucks in wealth capital and talent from across these islands, it is Scotland that tops the league for foreign direct investment. It is Aberdeen, Glasgow and Edinburgh that are among the top 10 cities in the UK for FDI, as they have been for 10 of the 18 years in which the SNP has been in power. What has the Scottish Secretary ever done to get foreign direct investment into Scotland?
The hon. Gentleman needs to calm down a little bit. One of the key opportunities for investment in Scotland is the opportunity to invest in the renewable energy sector, so that we can realise our plan for clean energy by 2030. Much of that will be capitalised by the national wealth fund and GB Energy, both of which the hon. Gentleman and his party voted against.
Last Sunday, 6 July, marked 37 years since the Piper Alpha disaster, an incident that claimed the lives of 165 men and affected many more, particularly in and around the north-east of Scotland. We remember them, their families and friends, and indeed all those who continue to do the dangerous work offshore in our oil and gas industry, ensuring that the lights stay on in this country. Will the right hon. Gentleman please tell the House when the industrial strategy will replace the tens of thousands of jobs that are set to be lost in the North sea on his watch?
I join the hon. Gentleman in paying respects on the 37th anniversary of the Piper Alpha disaster. It has left an indelible scar on Scotland, and we will never forget the lives that were lost, but we will also never forget that it was the catalyst for making sure that the North sea is the safest place to do oil and gas anywhere in the world—the UK is world leading.
I can answer the hon. Gentleman’s question by saying that he and his party have opposed all the initiatives that this Government have put forward in order to get to clean power by 2030. I gently say to him that when he finds out who the former Energy Minister was in the previous Government, he is going to be very disappointed.
We are very proud of our record on supporting the oil and gas industry. Talk about the Government having their heads in the sand: 400 jobs will be lost in the North sea every two weeks on the Secretary of State’s watch. That is a Grangemouth-sized event every two weeks. The only strategy that this Government have is a deindustrialisation strategy. There is an industry with a skilled workforce that is ready and willing to generate energy, revenue and jobs in Scotland, so come on, Secretary of State, let us have a real industrialisation strategy. Remove the energy profits levy, overturn the ban on licences, and let us return to a policy of maximum economic recovery from the North sea.
The energy profits levy was brought in by the former Energy Minister in the previous Government, who just so happens to be sitting across from me at the Dispatch Box today. We have the North sea transition consultation, which has closed. That sets out the pathway to a just transition in the North sea, which will protect jobs, and we want to get to clean power by 2030. Those are the jobs and the careers of the future, but that transition has to take those jobs with it.
Scotland cultivates the very best produce in the world, and we are absolutely committed to supporting Scotland’s agricultural sector and, indeed, all those who live and work in our rural communities. I was very pleased that the Scottish Government’s Minister for Agriculture and Connectivity joined me for a food and farming roundtable that I hosted in Edinburgh in April. We heard directly from the sector about how Scotland’s two Governments can best collaborate and continue to support those who put food on our table.
Like farmers in my constituency of Chester South and Eddisbury, farmers in Scotland feel let down by this Government’s disregard for agriculture and the countryside. We have seen Labour look the other way as the Scottish Government have delivered real-terms cuts to the agriculture budget. The Scottish Conservatives have set out a clear, multi-year plan to give farmers the certainty they need. Will the Secretary of State urge the First Minister to back that plan, which has strong support from the farming community, and help reverse the damage done to Scottish agriculture and our food security?
The Scottish Government have been given a record settlement in the devolution era, and it is for the devolved Governments to allocate their funding in devolved areas as they see fit. They are accountable to their own legislatures and, indeed, the Scottish public. That is a key principle of devolution, and this Labour Government will respect it.
We Conservatives were vilified when we pointed out that the vindictive changes to farming reliefs were going to damage jobs in rural Scotland. The Scotland Office conducted its own roundtable with agriculture figures. Will the Minister share the results of that with the House, the Scottish Government and, crucially, whoever the Deputy Prime Minister decides will be the next Chancellor of the Exchequer?
I would be delighted to report back to the House and Scotland’s rural communities, including my own in Midlothian, about the outcomes of the farming roundtable. We heard directly from stakeholders that they want support and, crucially, for the two Governments to work together, which is exactly why we had the Scottish Government around the table.
Does the Minister agree that Scottish agriculture, salmon and distilleries like Lochlea in my constituency will benefit from our three trade deals? Can she work out why the SNP failed to support them?
Those three trade deals are some of the proudest achievements of this Labour Government, and they will disproportionately benefit Scotland. As I have already said, it is home to some of the finest produce on the face of the Earth, and we are delighted to be promoting it as part of the Scotland Office’s Brand Scotland efforts.
Does my hon. Friend agree that the Chancellor’s excellent spending review for Scotland, which sets out record funding for the Scottish Government, means that SNP Ministers are ideally placed to offer the agricultural sector in Scotland a multi-year funding settlement, and that that is exactly what they should now do?
I agree with my hon. Friend that the Scottish Government have been blessed with a record settlement in the devolution era. The difficulty for those of us on the Labour Benches who have championed that settlement is that we are all too well aware, I am afraid, that the Scottish Government are absolutely addicted to wasting money. That is why the only way for Scotland to take a new direction is to replace the failing Scottish Government with a Labour one in May.
This weekend, I was at the Fettercairn show in my constituency, and I note that the Secretary of State was at the royal highland show in Edinburgh two weeks ago. With new research showing that more than 16,000 jobs are expected to be lost as a direct result of Labour’s family farm tax, what message did the Secretary of State and the Minister have for the farmers they met at the royal highland show about the Government’s plans to kill family farms in Scotland? Judging by the comments made to me this weekend, the fear, anger and disgust at how this Government have treated the agricultural sector and rural Scotland very much remain.
Our message to the farming community, including the National Farmers Union of Scotland—I meet its representatives regularly and, indeed, spoke at its annual conference—is that there has to be fairness in the Government’s approach to the public finances. The latest figures from 2021-22 show that 40% of the value of agricultural property relief went to just 7% of claimants, which is neither fair nor sustainable.
The ruling brings clarity and confidence for women and service providers such as hospitals, refuges and sports clubs. Single-sex spaces are protected by law under Labour’s Equality Act 2010, and will always be protected by this Government alongside the rights of the trans community, as was stated by the Supreme Court.
Joe Griffin, the permanent secretary to the Scottish Government, was asked when appearing in front of the Holyrood Finance and Public Administration Committee about action taken in relation to the Supreme Court judgment. When pushed, he said:
“Specific actions, I can’t give you that right now.”
Do the UK Government believe that the Scottish Government are failing to uphold the law?
The application of the Supreme Court ruling to services in Scotland is of course a matter for the Scottish Government, and it is for the Scottish Government to ensure they fully comply with the law as it stands.
The Supreme Court judgment provided very welcome legal clarity on the matter of biological sex, but the Scottish Government have met clarity with chaos. Does the Secretary of State agree with me that the SNP Government have made an absolute mess of this, in much the same way they have made a mess of passing on the biggest settlement in the history of devolution to Scottish NHS, education and housing services? Is it not time they got a grip?
I think the F-word could be used about whatever the Scottish Government have done—and that is “failure”. When it comes to the elections in May 2026, the Scottish public will have to decide whether they require a third decade of the SNP Scottish Government or a change with Anas Sarwar as First Minister.
Under this Government, it is the working people of Scotland who will feel the benefit of economic growth. We have given the largest settlement in the history of the Scottish Government—£14 billion extra. The stability in the economy has enabled four interest rate cuts, meaning cheaper mortgages for home owners. Fuel duty is frozen, meaning 3 million Scots motorists pay less at the pump. The minimum wage is up, meaning a pay rise for 200,000 of the lowest-paid Scots—[Interruption.] That deserves a large cheer, because it is for the lowest-paid Scots. Also, the warm home discount has been extended to half a million Scots.
The jobs tax has decimated business confidence and has seen unemployment rise, and now—along with the Budget blow to Scotch whisky, the attack on family farms and the undermining of the oil and gas industry—the Scottish Hospitality Group has slated the spending review, saying it
“does absolutely nothing to support the hospitality sector”.
Will the Secretary of State work with the Chancellor to undo the damage her Budget and her spending review have inflicted on family farms, Scotch whisky, the oil and gas industry, hospitality, entertainment and business confidence in Scotland?
The hon. Gentleman should go and speak to Scottish businesses and apologise for voting against the Budget and against the £14 billion extra that will go to Scotland as part of the spending review. As a result of the decisions taken by this Government, we have the highest growth in the G7, the highest business confidence in a decade, record inward investment, three major trade deals and four interest rate cuts—all helping businesses right across the country.
It is fantastic news that Ferguson Marine has secured a contract with BAE Systems to help further enhance the UK’s maritime capability, making use of its skilled workforce. Does my right hon. Friend agree that that is in sharp contrast to the student union politics played on defence by the SNP Government? Does he agree that the benefits of the spending review cannot be fully assessed until the SNP is removed from power in 2026?
Yet again, I agree with my hon. Friend. I pay special tribute to both her and my hon. Friend the Member for Inverclyde and Renfrewshire West (Martin McCluskey), who have done so much to make sure we can get work into Ferguson Marine. Again, it will not be lost on the House, or indeed the Scottish public, that the defence industry is supporting jobs in Scotland and straight into Ferguson Marine. Where the Scottish Government walk past on the other side, we will invest.
On Monday, we marked the 20th anniversary of the despicable terrorist attacks on 7/7. The painful memories of that dark day are deeply ingrained: 52 people were murdered and many more were injured. We thank our emergency services who ran towards danger with true bravery, and send our deepest condolences to the victims, the survivors and bereaved, and all those forever affected by that appalling day.
May I also extend our deepest condolences to the family and friends of Lord Tebbit? We remember his profound courage in the face of terrorism and a fierce devotion to his wife, Margaret. May he rest in peace.
We also mark the 30th anniversary of the genocide at Srebrenica. We remember those lost, and redouble our efforts to fight hatred and intolerance wherever it exists.
I am delighted to welcome President Macron to the United Kingdom. Our relationship has never been stronger and we are focused on tough new tactics to tackle illegal migration, on major economic investment to create jobs, and on leading our allies to support Ukraine.
This morning, I had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in this House, I shall have further such meetings later today.
May I associate myself with the Prime Minister’s remarks?
At a recent coffee morning, residents in Southampton Itchen told me how much they still miss the Bitterne NHS walk-in centre, which was shut down a decade ago under the Conservatives. May I begin by welcoming this Government’s 10-year plan and its commitment to neighbourhood health services? Does the Prime Minister agree that, as we put this plan for change into action for my local residents, Bitterne is an excellent location for the first new neighbourhood health centre?
I pay tribute to my hon. Friend for making the case for his constituents. I know the Health Secretary will give it every consideration. The 10-year plan will establish neighbourhood health centres in every community and will make a massive difference, starting in the places where the need is greatest and life expectancy is at its lowest. I am proud that we promised 2 million extra NHS appointments in the first year of a Labour Government and we have now delivered 4 million. We should not forget that the record investment in the Budget, which made that possible, was opposed by all the Opposition parties.
I echo the Prime Minister’s sentiments about the horrific terrorist attack of 7 July. I was pleased to be at the commemoration service on Monday. In particular, our thoughts are with the families of those who lost their lives, those who had to go on without their loved ones.
I would like to pay tribute to Lord Tebbit, who died yesterday at the age of 94. He was a man of iron integrity and conviction, who, by his efforts, helped to save our country from the chaos of the 1970s. We all owe him so much.
In its manifesto last year, Labour promised not to increase income tax, not to increase national insurance and not to increase VAT. Does the Prime Minister still stand by his promises?
It is rare—[Interruption.] It is rare that the Prime Minister is able to give a clear answer, but I am glad that he has done so now. He also promised—in fact, he boasted—that he had solved the doctors strike. Only a Prime Minister who was so weak would give doctors a 28% pay rise—only for us now to see them vote to strike again. He folds in every negotiation and claims it is a triumph. [Interruption.] Yes, he does. We saw more promises at the Budget: the Chancellor promised that she would lift the freeze on income tax and national insurance thresholds, because, in her words, they “hurt working people”. Is that still Government policy?
No Prime Minister or Chancellor is going to write a Budget in advance. We are absolutely fixed on our fiscal rules; we remain committed to them. We remain committed to our manifesto commitments—I realise that sticking to fiscal rules and manifesto commitments is a bit unfamiliar to the Conservatives. It is because of the decisions the Chancellor and this Government have taken that we can update the House: £120 billion of inward investment into this country since we took office; business confidence at a nine-year high—longer than the Leader of the Opposition has been in Parliament; Deloitte this week saying that the UK is now the best place to invest, creating 384,000 jobs. What a contrast to the mess we inherited from the Conservative party.
There was no clear answer there. The whole House will have heard the Prime Minister fail to rule out freezing tax thresholds. He could say yes to the first question—he could promise—but could not this time. What does this mean? He is talking about record investment and more jobs. We know that people are losing their jobs; unemployment has gone up every single month of Labour’s year in office. What does the issue of tax thresholds mean? It means that under Labour, millions of our poorest pensioners face being dragged into income tax for the first time ever. Does the Prime Minister think it is right that struggling pensioners should face a retirement tax?
For a Prime Minister or a Chancellor to say we are not going to write a Budget in advance is not a Labour thing or a Tory thing—every single Prime Minister and Chancellor says that they will not do that. We will stick to our manifesto commitments; we will stick to our fiscal rules. This is a language the Conservatives do not understand, and that is what got us into the problem in the first place. The Leader of the Opposition comes here every week to talk the country down, but that record investment—£120 billion—will mean good, well-paid jobs across the country. This investment is from foreign investors who can choose whether to invest in this country; they are choosing to invest in this country now, because they have confidence in what this Government are doing.
Investors are fleeing the country. The Prime Minister says he will stick to his manifesto promises, but Labour promised not to put a tax on working people and then we got the jobs tax, and all we have seen are jobs disappearing. Before the election, the Prime Minister promised
“not a penny more on your council tax”.
The Institute for Fiscal Studies says that council tax bills will now rise at their fastest rate in 20 years. Will the Prime Minister admit that under him council tax is set to soar?
No, of course it is not. It soared under the last Government. Here she goes again: the Leader of the Opposition is back on familiar territory. She comes here every week complaining about the national insurance rise, and when she is asked whether she would have the courage to reverse it, what is her answer? [Hon. Members: “No!”] No, and I will tell you for why, Mr Speaker. She is too embarrassed to say that she does not want the investment that we have put in. That investment went into the NHS. The Conservatives want that investment, but they cannot say how they would pay for it. That is what got us into the problem in the first place.
The Prime Minister still does not understand, so I am going to make it very simple for him: this is a mess of his own making—he should not be asking how we would clean it up. The fact is this Government raised national insurance through the jobs tax, and that is why they have to put up council tax. The truth is that his catastrophic Budget has created a domino effect that he cannot now control. We on the Conservative Benches know that you cannot tax your way to growth, but now he is flirting—[Interruption.] Labour Members are all muttering, but I remember that Budget. They were laughing and cheering; they had no idea of the mess that they were creating. They should go and explain to their constituents why unemployment is going up.
What is more worrying is that now the Prime Minister is flirting with Neil Kinnock’s demand for a wealth tax. Let us be honest about what that means: it would be a tax on all our constituents’ savings, on their houses and on their pensions. It would be a tax on aspiration. Will the Prime Minister rule this out?
The right hon. Lady says that we should not be asking them for advice on the economy. She is absolutely right about that; we will not be asking for their advice. What we did in the Budget was stabilise the economy through the measures taken by the Chancellor. What has that led to? Four interest rate cuts. For mortgage holders, that is hugely important. Compare and contrast that with what happened under the Liz Truss mini-Budget. We had the fastest growth in the G7 in the first quarter of this year; wages were up more in the first 10 months of a Labour Government than in the 10 years under the Tories. So no, we do not need lessons from them.
The Prime Minister says that he has stabilised the economy. Has he spoken to any farmers recently? It is time for him to take responsibility for the mess that he is making. He has been in office for a year, and all we see is him congratulating himself on what a fantastic job he has done. [Interruption.] Nobody out there believes it—not even Labour Members. What a weak cheer! He is congratulating himself, but we can compare records. He talks about the fastest growing economy. We left him the fastest growing economy of the G7. We cut the deficit in every year until the pandemic, and we got inflation down to 2%. On his watch, taxes are up, unemployment is up, inflation is up and this weak Prime Minister has been forced into a series of chaotic U-turns. Yesterday, the Office for Budget Responsibility said that our economy is being eroded under Labour: doctors strikes; tax bombshells; the wealthy leaving in droves. Is it not the truth that, under him, he is dragging us back to the 1970s?
We are responsible for 4 million extra appointments in the NHS; we are responsible for a 10-year plan on the future of the NHS after the Conservatives broke it; we are also responsible for free school meals being rolled out in a way that has never been done by anybody—breakfast clubs being rolled out, family hubs being rolled out, transport across the country, and migration coming down. We take responsibility and we are proud of that.
I thank my hon. Friend for highlighting that exciting proposal. He is a fantastic advocate for Portland and South Dorset. Eden Portland is a hugely exciting project. I cannot confirm funding allocations yet, but our £240 million growth mission fund should support transformative projects that give local leaders real investment to deliver real change. He makes a compelling case in relation to the fund.
May I associate myself and my party with the Prime Minister’s comments about the horrifying terrorist bombing of 7/7 here in London? Our thoughts are with the victims, their families and our emergency services.
May I also join in sending condolences to the family of Lord Tebbit. He was a man of service—in the RAF, in politics and as a carer for his wife, Margaret. He will be greatly missed.
After years of Conservative neglect, the special educational needs system is in desperate need of repair, but with parents understandably worried, we already hear Labour MPs planning another rebellion, so may I make this offer to the Prime Minister? If he genuinely wants to fix the problem and not strip away the rights of children and parents in some cost-cutting exercise, we have 72 votes to help. Will the Prime Minister look at the five tests for SEND reform that we have published today and work with us to make it happen?
It is telling that when the right hon. Gentleman asks about the broken SEND system, the Tory Back Benchers laugh; that is how seriously they take their responsibility. It is an absolute shame. As the right hon. Gentleman knows, every week in this House, Members raise the issue with me—I think it has been raised with me more times than anything else. Everyone knows that the SEND system is broken; guess who broke it, along with everything else? The system does not work for parents and it lets down children, so we need to reform and change it. It is not about saving money; we have already invested an additional £1 billion in SEND. It is about creating a new system that truly supports every child. We are developing proposals, and we want to work with parents and teachers to get this right. I would expect the right hon. Gentleman to welcome that.
I thank the Prime Minister for his reply. We want to work across the House to fix the mess that the Tories left, but we do not want another welfare-style mess this time; we have to fix the system properly for parents and children.
The Conservative Government badly undermined the security of our borders by ripping up the returns agreement that allowed us to send migrants back to Europe. I hope that the Prime Minister can secure a new returns agreement with France that acts as a real deterrent and stops the boats. The Conservatives also sent hundreds of millions of pounds to France and got nothing in return. Does the Prime Minister agree that any new funding to the French Government must be conditional on them agreeing a returns deal and doing their bit to stop the boats?
We are working closely with the French on this issue. We will only provide funding that delivers on our priorities. We are working together closely, and we share information to a much greater extent than was the case before. We have a new specialist intelligence unit at Dunkirk, and we are the first Government to persuade the French to review their laws and tactics on the north coast in order to take more effective action. I will be discussing this at meetings with President Macron today and tomorrow.
My hon. Friend makes a powerful point, and I hope it was heard by those on the Conservative Benches. It is an absolute scandal that failed personal protective equipment contracts were handed out by the Conservatives, costing taxpayers £1.4 billion. We are focused on getting our money back. I can confirm that the commissioner is now investigating fraud involving bounce back and business support loans, and we will continue to go after the fraudsters, grifters and con artists, no matter who they are or where we find them.
The main reason—[Interruption.]
Order. Some of you want to get in later. If this takes forever, you will not get in.
The main reason why that this country wisely voted for Brexit back in 2016, including millions of Labour supporters, is that we wanted to take back control of our borders, so that we alone decide who comes and settles in our country. Does the Prime Minister understand that this demand is even greater today than it was back in 2016, and that we demand—the country demands—[Interruption.] Does the Prime Minister understand that the country demands that he says to the French President that we will not accept undocumented males coming across the English channel, and that he is not dictated to by an increasingly arrogant, anti-Brexit French President?
We are fixing the mess that we inherited, and we are working with other countries to ensure that we take the measures necessary to stop people crossing the channel. They are serious answers to serious problems. For 10 years, the hon. Member’s proposal—the tail wagging the Tory dog—has been to break everything and claim that it is how you fix things, and to stick two fingers up at our neighbours and then expect them to work with us. He voted against the borders Bill, which gives more powers to our law enforcement to deal with security at our border. The reason for that is that he has no interest in fixing the problem; he wants to milk it and exploit it. That is the truth about him and his party.
I am grateful to my hon. Friend. We have discussed this before; he is a brilliant champion for Exeter. Every child should have support to realise their potential. The Conservative party tore up Sure Start and took it out of our communities—an act of vandalism that abandoned families and deepened inequalities. We are delivering 1,000 Best Start family hubs across the country. That is in addition to free childcare being rolled out, and expanding free school meals. That is the change that a Labour Government make.
I am really not going to take advice from a party that put forward £80 billion of unfunded commitments at the last election; that is the sort of thing that got us into the problem in the first place. We cannot just tax our way to growth; we need to ensure that we put in place the necessary measures. We are putting in place planning reforms to drive growth. The hon. Member voted against that, and the Opposition voted against that.
I am proud that we will give 15 million workers—half of all workers—stronger rights at work. We are ensuring sick pay for up to 1.3 million of the lowest paid, tackling sexual harassment, and providing bereavement leave for families who experience pregnancy loss before 24 weeks. Compare that to the Leader of the Opposition, who thinks that maternity pay is “excessive”, and the leader of Reform, who wants working people to pay tax so that there can be tax breaks for millionaires and billionaires. Both of them vote against reform and better protection of workers at every turn. They always have, and they always will. They offer nothing for working people.
May I join the right hon. Gentleman in thanking the veterans here today, and all veterans? He knows that this is a serious issue, and the end of his question did not really reflect that seriousness. The scheme set up by the Conservative party was found to be unlawful in the courts, and he knows it. It was not supported by communities. It would have meant, as he knows, immunity from prosecution for those who committed the most appalling terrorist crimes, and that is why it did not have support in the communities or from any political party in Northern Ireland. That was among the reasons it was found to be unlawful.
We have to tread carefully, and we have to get this right. I will work with the right hon. Gentleman on that, but we do not get there by cheapening the debate. [Interruption.] This is not about political point-scoring. I have worked in Northern Ireland, I have spoken to many of the people affected, and I know that we must get this right. I want to do so, and I want the House to do that together, if we possibly can, because it matters; but we have to do this in a serious way, and address the issues of the past in a way that has the support of victims and survivors. That is a key test for me, because without their support, it is very hard to come up with something that will have the confidence of everybody in Northern Ireland. That is why we have to work in this way.
In advance of the new legislation, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland continues to engage with veterans and their communities to ensure that legacy mechanisms are fair, lawful and proportionate. I will continue to work with the right hon. Gentleman and others in the House, because the most important thing is not scoring points, but getting it right.
The Conservative party failed to give children the support they need. The 10-year plan that we have put forward will rewire our NHS and transform mental health services, with 85 dedicated mental health A&E departments, giving 24/7 support; specialist mental health professionals in every school and college, benefiting 1 million young people this year alone; and an extra 8,500 mental health staff to tackle long waits. That is only possible because of the decisions that we took to invest in our NHS—decisions that the Conservatives opposed.
I thank the hon. Lady for raising this issue. I know it is of concern to her, and to many people across the House. The system we have is broken; it does not serve anyone well. We have to reform it, and I set out in an earlier answer the steps that we are taking. We will share those with the House, and I hope that we can get the greatest support possible for the reform that I think everybody here knows has to happen.
It is so good to see a strong Labour MP standing up for Wales and her constituency. She makes her case; I cannot confirm the plans yet, but we will consider recommendations from the Burns commission, which includes a proposal for a new station in her constituency. I am delighted that just this week we set out our major road and rail schemes across the country, including the A66, the Newark bypass and the midlands rail hub, creating tens of thousands of jobs, new homes and better journeys for millions of travellers.
It is another shameful legacy of the Conservative party that one in four adults struggles with NHS care and that tooth decay is the most common reason for hospital admissions for children aged five to nine—that happened on their watch. We are fixing this, and I can set out what we are doing. We are rolling out 700,000 urgent and emergency appointments, reforming the dental contract, and recruiting more dentists and newly qualified dentists, who will practice in the NHS for a minimum period. All of that is made possible only by the investment we put in in the Budget, which the Conservatives all opposed.
My hon. Friend is right to highlight this issue. In March, we saw a major crackdown against criminals using high street businesses to launder money at almost 400 properties, which involved securing freezing orders over bank accounts totalling more than £1 million and arresting 35 individuals. There is much more to come, and I thank her for highlighting this really important issue.
We are fixing the problem that they—[Interruption.] The Conservatives said they would take control of the borders and they lost it. We are working hard with our allies. We want to bring forward more powers for law enforcement on our borders, through our borders Bill, to give them the powers they need to take on the job and deal with the problem. And what did the Conservatives do? They voted against it—a confected argument.
Tomorrow evening sees the annual national police bravery awards. Three of the officers nominated this year are three of those who were first on the scene of the tragedy in my Southport constituency last summer. Will the Prime Minister join me in paying tribute to Sergeant Gregory Gillespie, Constable Luke Holden and PCSO Timothy Parry, who are with us in the Gallery today, for their immense bravery in the face of evil? Does he agree that, just as our brave officers will always protect and defend us when we need them to, this Government will always support our brave officers in return?
Can I start by saying that the thoughts of the whole House are of course with the families of those who lost their little girls and with all those affected by this terrible incident? I would like to put on the record our heartfelt thanks to all those who responded and those who are with us today—Sergeant Gregory Gillespie, PC Luke Holden and PCSO Timothy Parry. These officers ran towards danger to protect young lives. I have met a number of them, and it is truly humbling to see the bravery and professionalism that they brought to their job that day and every day. Southport is a wonderful and loving community. In difficult days, they have shown kindness, empathy and courage. I thank my hon. Friend for all that he has done in relation to those values.
I thank the hon. Member for raising this particular case, which saw a grave miscarriage of justice. The statutory test for compensation has been raised in the House before, and I have undertaken to look at it. I know he is working with the Minister responsible on the particular case he raises.
I thank the Prime Minister for leading from the front in promoting the importance of his role as a father and keeping time for family life. I am delighted that in the past week, the Government have launched a review into parental leave and started to rebuild the legacy of Sure Start by launching our Best Start family hubs. Both of those will make a huge difference to my constituents in Ribble Valley. Can he commit to the parental leave review creating some truly ambitious outcomes, so that we can make the UK not only a world-leading place to live and do business, but the best place in the world to live a rewarding family life?
The first full review of parental leave and pay is a landmark moment. The current system is simply out of date and too complicated. One in three dads do not take paternity leave, often because they cannot afford to do so. That is a great loss to them and their children. I want parents to be able to give their child the best care, and I want to make the system work better for employers.
What an invitation! I am grateful for the invite to join the medieval festival, but if I wanted to see a load of people stuck in the past and fighting each other, I would probably go to the next meeting of the shadow Cabinet. I will consider it—thank you.
On a point of order, Mr Speaker. During PMQs, my hon. Friend the Member for Clacton (Nigel Farage) asked what I thought was quite a reasonable question. I knew what the question was going to be, but during PMQs, I could not hear a single word—like other Members in the Chamber, I am sure—because the hon. Member for Dewsbury and Batley (Iqbal Mohamed), who is behind me, and others never shut up all the way through it. We in Reform UK do not subscribe to that sort of dog-whistle politics. Will you please advise us, Mr Speaker, of how to stop this behaviour in the future?
I think Mr Farage is capable of dealing with his own battles, as we have seen on many occasions. I would say that this is about the respect and tolerance that we should show each other. What we do in here is reflected outside, so please let us show common sense and respect for each other.
On a point of order, Mr Speaker. At Prime Minister’s questions, the Prime Minister claimed in response to my question that the Green party had made unfunded spending commitments in our general election manifesto. He also said that to me at last week’s Prime Minister’s questions. That is clearly untrue; our manifesto was fully costed, including through proposals for the wealth tax that I was calling for. Will you outline, Mr Speaker, how I might correct the record? Should I send a copy of our manifesto to the Prime Minister?
I will not continue the debate from Prime Minister’s questions, which I have ended. The hon. Gentleman has corrected the record with what he has stated, which is now on the record.