Cuba: Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement

Lord Collins of Highbury Excerpts

Tuesday 25th March 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Woodley]

To ask His Majesty’s Government what steps they are taking to ratify the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement with Cuba.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Collins of Highbury) (Lab)]

My Lords, the United Kingdom-Cuba Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement was signed in November 2023 under the previous Government. It is currently undergoing cross-government consultation and will be laid before Parliament for scrutiny in due course.

[Lord Woodley (Lab)]

My Lords, of course I warmly welcome that Answer from my noble friend the Minister, but as he will appreciate, every day is a terrible delay in terms of the suffering that it leaves the Cuban people in. Can I therefore press him further on when he anticipates that this agreement will be ratified, bearing in mind that, as he said, the previous Government travelled to Havana to sign it? I urge my noble friend to consider provisional implementation beforehand, in line with what the EU is doing, as a vital means of breaking the isolation of this very peaceful Caribbean island.

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I hear what my noble friend says, but we cannot commit to a specific timeline for ratification, as this is a matter for Parliament. However, initial steps to undertake the cross-government consultation are under way. We do not currently have plans for provisional implementation, but I point out to my noble friend that positive collaboration with Cuba is possible without it, as evidenced by the recent visit to Havana by United Kingdom climate experts.

[Lord Robathan (Con)]

My Lords, I went to Cuba a few years ago, and we got to know a taxi driver who drove us around—he was a charming man. When he relaxed, I said to him, “Would you like to go to America?” He said, “Are you mad? Everybody I know wants to go to America”. The reason is that they were being oppressed by the ghastly Government on that “peaceful island”.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I hear what the noble Lord says. The embargo does negatively affect the living standards of the Cuban people but, more importantly, it impedes the economic and political development of the country. That is why this country, including the previous Government, supports this move.

[Lord Purvis of Tweed (LD)]

My Lords, unfortunately, I have not a chat with a Cuban taxi driver, but 18 months seems a little long for internal government consultation on an agreement signed by a Minister of the Crown. Part of the agreement, as Minister Rutley said when he signed it, was about the US embargo—and now we have seen the most recent restrictions by the Trump Administration. So, given that our Government want to be closer to both Beijing and Washington, will they actually bring into force the Cuban agreement that we have signed?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I think I have already answered the noble Lord: we will put ratification of this agreement before Parliament, but it is a matter of parliamentary time. Since the election, we have started the cross-Whitehall consultation to ensure that we can properly implement it. But I repeat that positive collaboration with Cuba is possible without partial implementation of the PDCA, and that is really important to understand. Climate change is just one aspect, but other aspects of collaboration can happen without the full implementation.

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, the Human Rights Watch World Report 2024 paints a desperate picture of the rights situation on the “peaceful Caribbean island” of the noble Lord, Lord Woodley. It reports, among other things:

“Cubans who criticize the government risk criminal prosecution. They are not guaranteed due process”,


and:

“Authorities routinely block access to many news websites within Cuba”.


When I visited, I did not speak to any taxi drivers but getting access to the internet at all was incredibly difficult and expensive. Therefore, how are the Government utilising the provisions under the PDCA to promote progress on human rights in Cuba?

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I did not expect to have to explain this to the noble Lord, but the previous Government’s rationale for implementation was to promote economic and political development. Certainly, I will not defend the attacks on human rights—I am the Minister for Human Rights—but I welcome the fact that, on 14 January, 553 prisoners, including political prisoners, were liberated. We remain concerned about those continuing to serve time, and we have made representations about that. We certainly urge Cuba to ensure that all those prisoners have the right to a fair trial, without condition. But I repeat that the engagement that we have undertaken, and what the previous Government did, had a purpose: to see economic and political development. That is the way to make progress.

[Lord Alton of Liverpool (CB)]

My Lords, in welcoming what the Minister—in his capacity as the Minister for Human Rights, a task he carries out with great diligence —has just said about human rights violations in Cuba, I ask him: can he share with the House the current numbers of people who are imprisoned in Cuba because of their political views? Can he share the violations that have been carried out under Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights—the right to believe, not to believe or to change belief—and the massive numbers of violations and imprisonments that occur in Cuba under that clause?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I shall not repeat the figures from the announcement about the recent release, but I reassure the noble Lord that the United Kingdom Government, as did the previous Government, have called for the immediate release of all political prisoners, without condition, and that will remain our position. We are absolutely determined to advance political development in Cuba, and we will focus on ensuring that human rights are respected.

[Lord Sahota (Lab)]

My Lords, as our Government are on good terms with the President of America these days, will they ask the President of America for Americans to leave Guantanamo Bay, which is something that the Cuban Government have wanted them to do for the last 60 years—but they would not leave?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

That is a base that was agreed and remains a sovereign base for the US. I am certainly not going to make any commitments in that regard. Our purpose as a Government remains to have good relationships with all Governments, because the way to a peaceful world is to ensure that we maintain good relationships with all Governments—particularly with our longest-standing ally, the United States. They remain important in terms of keeping global peace.

[Lord Balfe (Con)]

I draw attention to the fact that during the last 62 years this embargo has actually failed to remove the Government of Cuba, which it was meant to do. It has been a complete failure, but it has made it more difficult for British business to intervene and get orders there. What steps is the Minister going to take to mitigate the challenges of the embargo, with things as they stand at the moment, to enable UK businesses to engage more with Cuba and sell more products to Cuba?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I hear the noble Lord. The United Kingdom, under all Governments, has opposed the US embargo against Cuba, which negatively affects living standards, as I said, and impedes economic and political development. Since 1996, the United Kingdom has consistently voted in support of the annual United Nations General Assembly resolution calling for an end to the embargo. Most recently, we did so on 29 October 2024.

The noble Lord is right. Titles III and IV of the US Helms-Burton Act prevent and restrict British companies, among others, from conducting legitimate and lawful business in Cuba. We have made representations in that regard, and we are absolutely concerned about the ongoing impact on the economic development of British companies and companies within Cuba.

[Lord Sikka (Lab)]

My Lords, Cuba, a comparatively poor country, has 9.31 doctors per 1,000 people and exports medical professionals. The UK has 3.2 doctors per 1,000 people, well below the EU average, and struggles to produce doctors; it has imported 32% of its doctors. On the assumption that we can all learn from other countries, will the Government study Cuba’s health system and seek its help in addressing doctor shortages in the UK?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I reassure my noble friend that we are absolutely committed to learning from best practice. One thing I have learned as Minister for Africa is how we can learn from many African countries—because they have focused on primary healthcare and prevention. I think it is really important that we look at best practice everywhere and see how we can adopt it.

Conflict in Gaza

Lord Collins of Highbury Excerpts

Monday 24th March 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Purvis of Tweed (LD)]

My Lords, the ferocity of the return to war has shocked many. Even in the days since the Statement was made in the House of Commons, we have seen strikes within Lebanese territory as well. Can the Minister update us on the contact His Majesty’s Government have had with the Lebanese Government regarding to the situation in Lebanon? I have twice asked the Development Minister, the noble Baroness, Lady Chapman, whether she would be open to meeting with me and female Lebanese MPs who are at the heart of trying to design reconstruction that does not entrench the confessional system but offers new hope.

But, alas, with the strikes in Lebanon, that hope, as well as that with regard to the hostage families, must now be teetering. Indeed, reading, as I did—I quoted it in the Chamber—the statement from the hostage families of their shock and anger at the Netanyahu Government’s resumption of war was really depressing, because it dashes what many have had: finally, the prospect of hope. So can the Minister update us on the Government’s assessment of the process that was brokered by Qatar? Is it a process that the Government consider can still be retrieved or do the actions we are seeing within Gaza and Lebanon now require a separate process? What discussions have the Government had with our Qatari and Egyptian colleagues?

It should be noted that the restart of the war has seen an even higher proportion of victims being women and children than before the ceasefire. The availability of food and medicine is even less than it was then. Yet again, civilians are being treated disproportionately and are also being forcibly moved to new areas where there is no food, shelter, water or medicine. That qualifies as a war crime. I asked the Minister last week whether it was the Government’s view that there is a prima facie case of international human humanitarian law being breached. What actions are we taking beyond those taken last July with the limited suspension of certain export licences?

I turn to the Arab peace plan and the Government’s assessment of the overall prospects for reconstruction if there is some form of peace—even though not many people will be optimistic about that. What faith can we put in the judgment of the United States envoy, Steve Witkoff, who the Foreign Secretary said in his Statement we were speaking to but who in recent days has ridiculed our Prime Minister as a poseur and posturer over Ukraine, regards the war criminal Putin not as a war criminal or a bad guy but as a gracious and good guy, and has said that Ukraine is “a false country”? If that is the envoy’s judgment on Ukraine, what faith can we have in his judgment on the reconstruction of Gaza? What is our position on the Arab plan? Is it one that the United Kingdom is supporting directly or are we sympathetic to what the Trump Administration have been saying?

We have also, regrettably, seen certain extremist elements of Israeli politics rejoin the Netanyahu Administration. This is of concern not just to people in this Parliament but to civil society in Israel itself. We have seen the attacks on the judiciary, the statements for annexation of parts of the Occupied Palestinian Territories, the unprecedented sacking of the internal intelligence chief and the active encouragement of settler violence. Most surely, we cannot have a relationship with the Netanyahu Administration in the normal manner. So, what actions are the UK taking to prevent settler violence and annexation? What are our red lines for our diplomatic relations with the Netanyahu Administration?

Finally, one of the issues that must now be an imperative is recognition, because, even at a time of great humanitarian danger, there is one element we can provide: hope for statehood. We had a very good debate—and all Members were able to express their views, in favour and against—on the recognition Bill brought by my noble friend Lady Northover. I understand that it is the Government’s position that now is not the time for recognition and that they will make a judgment on when it is the appropriate time for recognition. What factors would need to be in place that are not in place now for us to consider that the time would be right? At the end of the day, with the danger that the civilians are seeing, one of the elements that can provide hope is recognition. These Benches believe in this, and I hope the Government can at least move and give more hope to the Palestinian people.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Collins of Highbury) (Lab)]

I thank both noble Lords for their contributions, comments and questions. We all share deep concern about the resumption of Israeli military action in Gaza, and the United Kingdom does not support a return to fighting. It is absolutely not in anybody’s interests and, certainly, the reported civilian casualties resulting from the renewed outbreak of hostilities are appalling. We are absolutely focused on ensuring that aid must immediately be allowed back into Gaza. We have urged all parties to return urgently to talks, implement the ceasefire agreement in full, release the hostages and work towards a permanent peace and security for Israelis and Palestinians. That is absolutely the key.

Picking up on the point from the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, about when the right time for recognition is, the right time is when we see a clear pathway to a negotiated settlement. That is what the former Foreign Secretary, the noble Lord, Lord Cameron, said. It is what we have repeatedly said. It should be an aid towards securing a proper process for achieving a longer-term settlement that sees security for Israel and nationhood for the Palestinians, and them working peacefully together.

I say to the noble Lord, Lord Callanan, that the Foreign Secretary has been absolutely embraced in terms of communicating our concerns and how we could reach, in particular, access for aid into Gaza. The Foreign Secretary has recently spoken to Secretary Rubio, EU High Representative Kallas and the UN emergency relief co-ordinator, Tom Fletcher. On 21 March, he also spoke to his Israeli counterpart, Gideon Sa’ar, and he plans to speak to Palestinian PM Mustafa shortly. The UK made statements in the UN Security Council on Tuesday 18 March and Friday 21 March. We joined the G7 Foreign Ministers’ statement the week before. An E3 Foreign Ministers’ statement issued on Friday 21 March called on all parties to re-engage with negotiations to ensure that the ceasefire is implemented in full and becomes permanent.

In his Statement last Thursday, the Foreign Secretary said that the block on supplies of basic goods and electricity was appalling and unacceptable. He went on to say that, while ultimately this is a matter for the courts, not Governments, to determine, it was difficult to see how denying humanitarian assistance to a civilian population could be compatible with international humanitarian law. The Government have been clear that we are not an international court and that we cannot make a judgment on whether Israel has breached IHL.

Our export licensing criteria, as the Foreign Secretary set out in the House of Commons back in September, require him to assess the risk that our exports could commit or facilitate serious violations of international humanitarian law. Our reviews concluded that there was a clear risk of Israel breaching IHL and we took decisive action on 2 September by suspending the relevant licences to the IDF for use in Gaza.

We have been absolutely clear that humanitarian aid should never be used as a political tool and that Israel must restart the flow of aid immediately. The Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary have made it clear that they are appalled by Israel blocking aid when it is needed at greater volume and speed than ever before. At the UN Security Council meeting on 18 March, we called for a rapid and unhindered resurgence of the flow of aid into Gaza and for the ceasefire to be re-established as soon as possible. The Foreign Secretary spoke to Tom Fletcher on 14 March regarding the humanitarian situation in Gaza and Hamish Falconer spoke to him on 17 March, so we have been in constant contact.

In relation to the UNOPS compound in Gaza, which was hit last week, our thoughts are very much with the victims and their families, including, as noble Lords have said, a British national. On 21 March, together with France and Germany, we called for an investigation into this incident. UN personnel and premises should be protected and never be a target. We are, of course, aware of the statement and we echo the UN Secretary-General’s call for an urgent ceasefire. As the Foreign Secretary said on Thursday, this was a shocking incident, with a British national being wounded. We share the outrage of Secretary-General Guterres at this incident. The Government call for a transparent investigation and for those responsible to be held to account.

As the noble Lord, Lord Callanan, reflected, the hostages have endured unimaginable suffering and the situation in Gaza has worsened. This ceasefire is the only way for the region to move forward. Securing an immediate ceasefire and the safe release of all hostages has been a priority for this Government since the start of the conflict and we will not stop until they are all home. Time is running out and we renew the call of all parties to return to dialogue.

I stress that there is no moral equivalence between Israel, a democracy, and Hamas, a proscribed terrorist organisation. We have been clear that there is no role for Hamas in the future governance of Gaza.

In relation to the comments of the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, we welcome the Arab initiative on the recovery and reconstruction plan for Gaza. In a statement on 8 March, we, with France, Germany and Italy, encouraged ongoing efforts on the initiative and encouraged all parties to build on the plan’s merits.

In relation to the hostages, on 20 March, the UK-linked former hostage Eli Sharabi addressed an open session of the Security Council, which was called for by the UK, along with the US and France. Following Eli’s harrowing testimony, the UK said that Hamas must be held accountable for its despicable actions. We have repeated our call for the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages, which has also been set out in all four of the UN Security Council’s resolutions on Gaza adopted since 7 October.

The important thing is how we can ensure that the focus continues to be on the ceasefire and the agreed process. As regards the comment from the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, we are committed to that. We do believe that it is our only hope for sustainable peace and we will work at all levels to ensure that it can be delivered.

In relation to Lebanon, escalation across the Israel-Lebanon blue line is deeply concerning. It is imperative that all sides return to a cessation of hostilities and work towards a secure and lasting peace. That is the only way to restore security and stability for people living on either side of the border.

[Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon (Con)]

My Lords, I draw attention to my entry in the register of interests, including chairing the ICO advisory panel on conflict resolution. I have interrelated questions. There is a conference scheduled for June by France and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. I would appreciate the Minister’s insights as to the UK’s role. Linked to that, on the specific dates of meetings and engagement that have taken place with Steve Witkoff, the US envoy, clearly, the United States, together with Qatar, has the greatest leverage when it comes to dealing with Hamas. What specific role is the United Kingdom playing in engaging with these two key partners?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The Minister for the Middle East has been in regular contact with neighbouring countries and regional allies. We are absolutely focused on that. To repeat what I have said on numerous occasions, we welcome the United States’ action in securing the ceasefire agreement and the release of the hostages that we have seen so far. We remain committed to speaking with allies to look at all possibilities, so that we can remain focused on the ceasefire to ensure a much longer-lasting peace. The noble Lord is right: we must work with our allies to ensure that they understand the importance of this, and particularly all regional neighbours.

[Lord Polak (Con)]

My Lords, I refer the House to my registered interests. Last Thursday, in New York, I had a humbling experience at the UN Security Council, to which the Minister has just referred, where I heard the brave, eloquent and moving speech of the freed hostage Eli Sharabi, whose British wife, Lianne, and daughters, Noiya and Yahel, were brutally murdered. I urge all noble Lords to read his speech. Many noble Lords have already spoken about aid to Gaza. I will quote a short extract from Eli Sharabi’s speech:

“I saw Hamas … carrying boxes with UN and UNRWA emblems … into the tunnel. Dozens and dozens of boxes paid by your governments. Feeding terrorists who tortured me and murdered my family. They would eat many meals a day from UN aid in front of us and we never received any of it”.


In the light of Eli’s remarks, I want to ask the Minister a question that the shadow Foreign Secretary asked the Foreign Secretary last week. What is HMG’s assessment of reports of Hamas stockpiling aid?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I repeat that Eli Sharabi’s statement was incredibly moving and had a huge impact on all members of the Security Council. Our Statement afterwards was clear that Hamas must be held accountable for its despicable actions, and we certainly reflected that in all of the UN Security Council’s resolutions. The problem is that aid is not getting in at all at the moment. That has to be the focus of our attention. We are looking at all ways to ensure that aid gets in, not only through UNRWA, which is an important agency in the delivery of aid, but, as the noble Lord raised, through the ICRC. We are absolutely focused on ensuring that. The real problem at the moment is the fact that we cannot get aid across the border into Gaza. That is the shocking situation that we need to focus on.

[The Lord Bishop of Manchester]

I am very grateful for the Statement that was brought to this House today. From these Benches, I echo the comments that noble Lords have made about the fact that Hamas must have no part in any future government of the Palestinian territories or any future Palestinian state. Every time the situation in Gaza has become more warlike, under the fog of that war there have been atrocities committed in the West Bank. Some of the more extreme settler movements are trying to oust Palestinian farming families from territories that everybody accepts are theirs by right. What can His Majesty’s Government do to ensure that we do not lose sight of the West Bank at this time when, quite rightly, there is a proper focus on Gaza?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The right reverend Prelate is right to draw attention to that. We have been extremely concerned about the increased level of settler violence—I prefer to call it outpost violence. We have made it clear, and the previous Government made it clear, that Israeli settlements are illegal under international law and harm prospects for a two-state solution. The Foreign Secretary met Palestinian community members in the West Bank and heard how communities are affected. He has been clear with Israeli Ministers that the Israeli Government must clamp down on settler violence and end settler expansion. We also took action in relation to sanctions. We need to highlight this issue and not forget that the West Bank is an important part of ensuring long-term stability in the region.

[Lord Pickles (Con)]

My Lords, I draw attention to my entry in the register of interests. I recently returned from a visit to Israel. The Minister is quite right to say that aid should not be used for a political purpose, and he is quite right to concentrate on resuming aid going in. But the question my noble friend raised on the deliberate stealing of aid by Hamas and the use of that aid to buy ammunition, to sell it on the black market, and to ensure that Hamas continues to control a significant part of Gaza is important. We can have lasting peace only if one side is not dedicated to the utter destruction of the other. We know through the report issued by my noble friend Lord Roberts last week exactly what we are up against, so it is not unreasonable to say that when the aid goes back in, it cannot be business as normal.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The noble Lord is absolutely right. I have made it clear how the United Kingdom Government view the actions of Hamas. It is a terrorist organisation which has committed atrocious crimes that it must be held accountable for. I hear what the noble Lord says in relation to aid, but we are not getting aid in at all at the moment. We want to use all agencies. Certainly, the noble Lord, Lord Ahmad, when he was responding on these questions, understood the importance of ensuring that there were facilities to get aid to those people most in need. We will continue to take every measure possible to ensure that is the case. So, I hear the noble Lord, but our priority is to get support to the most vulnerable and those most in need.

[Lord Verdirame (Non-Afl)]

My Lords, as the Minister recalled, a few months ago the Government published an assessment where they concluded that there was a clear risk of breaches of IHL by Israel. The clear risk in the Government’s published assessment was in relation to the provision of humanitarian assistance. The Statement of last week says that the Government feel that this conclusion has been reinforced by the actions of the last three weeks, and that conclusion was obviously the basis for the decision to suspend the arms licences. Can the Government tell us a bit more about the nexus between the British weapons and the alleged or suspected breaches of IHL? In other words, which British weapons did the Government consider could be used to commit which breaches?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I tried to make that clear in response to the Front-Bench questions. Our export licensing criteria, as the Foreign Secretary set out to the House of Commons in September, require him to assess the risk that our exports could commit or facilitate serious violations of IHL. Our reviews concluded that there was a clear risk of Israel breaching IHL, hence the action we took on 2 September, suspending relevant licences to the IDF for use in Gaza. That was the position and it remains so.

[Baroness Foster of Oxton (Con)]

My Lords, I have two points I wish to seek clarification on. I understand there is a very difficult issue in terms of aid crossing through from the Egyptian border, notwithstanding that the drivers then refused to continue delivering aid because they were being attacked by Hamas operatives and gangs in Gaza. The second point is one I raised some weeks ago here, when the Government had decided to provide UNRWA with aid again to the tune of something like £48 million of British taxpayers’ money. My question at the time was: how are the Government going to provide oversight to ensure that the money being spent—not only from UK taxpayers, but it is the UK that we are concerned about here—is going in the right direction? I have not had a response about how the Government will provide that oversight, so I would be grateful if the Minister could share that information with us now in the House?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The important thing to consider is how we are working with all agencies, including the UN and NGOs such as the International Committee of the Red Cross, and what we achieve through clear monitoring and assessment of that aid.

The situation in Gaza is appalling and we know there is a desperate need for support. We have made a very clear ask: we said that Israel must work with the United Nations and all partners to ensure that the supply of humanitarian assistance to Gaza continues in all circumstances. The enhanced levels of relief supplies getting into Gaza prior to Israel’s current block on aid must be resumed. Aid must get to those who need it across all areas of Gaza, and that includes providing access to essential civilian services.

We are pleased to hear that the latest polio vaccination rollout reached 99% of children targeted, but we remain gravely concerned by the lack of adequate medical care in Gaza. More types of goods must be allowed in, such as tents, medical equipment and machinery, to support the resumption of basic services in Gaza. I do not think anyone in their right mind would believe that the situation is at all tolerable; it is intolerable, and we need to act.

[Baroness Goudie (Lab)]

My Lords, when the Foreign Secretary saw groups recently, did he see women’s peace groups? In terms of aid, what is being done for maternal health, which is desperate in Gaza, and to get help for children, who have been damaged so badly, and for babies who have been born without any support at all because there are no hospitals?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

My noble friend is right. In previous Statements, I have made clear that we are focused on educational support and on women and girls. I took the opportunity in New York at the Commission on the Status of Women to focus on how, in all the peace processes, we can ensure that the women, peace and security strategy is fully adopted. It is vital that we recognise the urgent situation, particularly its impact on women and girls, and particularly on pregnant women, so my noble friend is absolutely right.

[Lord Kerr of Kinlochard (CB)]

Could the Minister address the question raised by the noble Lord, Lord Purvis? Do we believe that the ceasefire is saveable? It looks dead; is it dead? Can it be resurrected? As I understand it, it was a three-stage ceasefire. The Government of Israel decided not to move to the second stage on the agreed timetable, Hamas having turned down their alternative suggestion of elongating stage 1. That looks to me like a battlefield for a diplomatic negotiation. What are we saying to the Qataris? Do they think the ceasefire can be saved? Do we think it can be saved? Are we suggesting to them ways of saving it?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The straight answer to the noble Lord is that we believe it can be saved because we believe it is there to be implemented, which is why we are making every effort to call on all parties to resume the negotiations. I am not going to be hung up on each stage and the timing of that. We have a clear commitment and undertakings that were given. Our effort and focus are on ensuring that they return to the negotiating table. We are absolutely committed to that.

[Lord Leigh of Hurley (Con)]

My Lords, will the Minister clarify a point? My understanding is that the reason that the ceasefire has collapsed is that Hamas refused to release prisoners—hostages—as had been agreed. Because of the continued refusal to release hostages, Israel determined that she had no choice but to go into military action. There is a history, time and again, of people breaking or not honouring agreements that might be to mutual interest. Perhaps the Minister might reflect on the offer that was made by Ehud Olmert to the then Palestinian Authority of 96% of the land, including the West Bank and the whole of east Jerusalem, and for Jerusalem to be an international city—a proper land swap—which was rejected.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

There are many reasons for breakdowns in any kind of process of negotiations. I am certainly not going to focus on who is to blame. Our focus is to ensure that people return to the negotiating table, because that is the only solution. I have heard the families of hostages making that call to get back to the negotiating table and implement the ceasefire agreement. Those are the voices in Israel that I hear.

Gaza: Ceasefire

Lord Collins of Highbury Excerpts

Tuesday 18th March 2025 Lords Chamber

[The Lord Bishop of Gloucester]

The Lord Bishop of Gloucester to ask His Majesty’s Government what assessment they have made of the durability of the ceasefire in Gaza.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Collins of Highbury) (Lab)]

My Lords, our position is clear. We do not want to see a return to fighting. The reported civilian casualties resulting from these strikes are appalling. Our priority is urging all parties to return urgently to dialogue and to ensure that the ceasefire agreement is implemented in full and becomes permanent. The fighting must stop; hostages must be released, and civilians must be protected, including those who have returned home during the ceasefire.

[The Lord Bishop of Gloucester]

I am grateful to the Minister for that reply. We on these Benches find the recent airstrikes on Gaza deeply shocking and abhorrent, as we do the continued cruel holding of hostages. Following the Foreign Secretary’s comments yesterday that Israel was breaking international law by cutting aid to Gaza, what steps are being taken to ensure that the Government of Israel abide by their international obligations as the occupying power to ensure unhindered provision of humanitarian assistance to the people of Gaza? What consideration has been given to introducing targeted sanctions should the Government of Israel persist with this culture of impunity?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The Foreign Secretary’s and the Government’s position remains that Israel’s action in Gaza is at a clear risk of breaching international humanitarian law. Our international humanitarian law assessments have raised concerns about possible breaches of IHL in the areas of humanitarian access and the treatment of detainees, and we took decisive action on 2 September, suspending all licences for the IDF. We have also been clear that the Government are not an international court, and we therefore could not arbitrate on whether Israel has breached international humanitarian law.

However, I can be clear to the right reverend Prelate that humanitarian aid should never be used as a political tool. Israel must restart the flow of aid immediately. The Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary have both made it clear that we are appalled by Israel blocking aid when it is needed at greater volume and speed than ever before. Blocking goods, supplies and power entering Gaza risks breaching international humanitarian law and should not be happening. We are doing everything we can to alleviate the situation. It is disappointing to hear reports that the Rafah crossing has now closed to medical evacuations. This is a desperate situation, and we urge all parties to return to the table.

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, as we speak, the APPG on UK-Israel is launching the 7 October Parliamentary Commission Report, chaired by the noble Lord, Lord Roberts of Belgravia. That report systematically documents the appalling abuses of that day—the rapes, the mutilations and the slaughter. In the midst of this terrible situation, there is one incontrovertible truism: Hamas is still holding dozens of those hostages who they abducted on that day and who have now been in captivity for well over a year. Does the Minister agree that the entire international community should be united in calling for the immediate release of those hostages, and that that will help to bring this terrible situation to an end?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I believe the international community is united. I thank Qatar, Egypt and the US for their support in bringing those individuals who have been released back to their families. Our thoughts are very much with those still waiting to be reunited with their loved ones, including the family of the UK-linked hostage, Avinatan Or. The simple fact is that release of the hostages is a vital component of the ceasefire deal, and it is the ceasefire deal that we have to be focused on to ensure that the hostages are released, that there is peace back in Gaza and that we get humanitarian aid in there, which is essential.

[Lord Purvis of Tweed (LD)]

My Lords, given the unacceptable civilian casualties, the withholding of life-sustaining aid and the comments by the Hostages and Missing Families Forum, representing the Israeli hostages’ families, who said that they were “shocked” by the strikes and

“the deliberate disruption of the process to return our loved ones”,

it looks as if there is little chance that there will be the next stage of the ceasefire. Given that the Government believe that there is a very strong possibility of IHL being breached, is this not now the time to enact the precautionary principle and for there to be targeted actions against the extremist members of the Israeli Government who have rejoined the cabinet and must have been given an element of impunity by the United States? We must act unilaterally in this country and use the precautionary principle.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I think the noble Lord knows my position very clearly. All our diplomatic efforts are engaged with neighbouring countries, the US and all others to ensure that the parties to the ceasefire return to the table and implement the commitments they made. That is essential. That is how we will see the release of the hostages and see aid get back into Gaza. That is our priority. The noble Lord is fully aware that I am not going to comment on any possible future sanctions or actions; we do not do that. It is important that we focus diplomatically on ensuring a return to the ceasefire agreement and then at least we can get the aid into Gaza.

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Pannick (CB)]

My Lords, does the Minister agree that the tragedy of Gaza is going to continue until Hamas is removed from power? Can he explain what he wants to say on this subject to Ayelet Epstein, who is watching these proceedings and whose son Netta was murdered by Hamas on 7 October when he successfully shielded his fiancée from a grenade?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

As I have repeatedly said to the noble Lord in this Chamber, we are committed to building a future where the Palestinian Authority is the authority for all Occupied Territories and it is defended and protected to do its job. There is no role for Hamas in the future of Gaza.

[Lord Grocott (Lab)]

My Lords, is not the overwhelming natural reaction to the news that we have heard today to ask: how much longer must this slaughter continue? Let us add the 400 deaths reported so far to the 48,000 that have already taken place—including 11,000 children and several hundred children under the age of 12 months, who presumably were not members of Hamas. If this does not include serious breaches of international humanitarian law, then it is time that someone started rewriting the humanitarian law law book.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I think my noble friend knows that we have considered the risk of breach of humanitarian law and have taken action to mitigate that risk. I also want to stress how we have worked with allies. On 5 March, together with France and Germany, we expressed our deep concern at Israel’s halt on aid to Gaza and urged it to lift restrictions. The Foreign Secretary also made this clear to the Israeli Foreign Minister during their call on 5 March. On 28 January, the then Minister for Development announced a further £17 million of healthcare aid. The situation is no doubt dire. We cannot see the return to the violence we have seen before. We want this ceasefire to hold. We want to see the return of hostages and we are doing everything we can with our allies to ensure that that is the case.

[Lord Singh of Wimbledon (CB)]

My Lords—

--- Later in debate ---

[Baroness Morris of Bolton (Con)]

My Lords, I declare my interests as set out in the register. Given the horrifying events of the last 24 hours, there is an inescapable irony in uttering the words “durability” and “ceasefire in Gaza” in the same breath. The Minister talked about diplomatic efforts. What are the Government specifically doing to engage our allies across the Arab world, especially Saudi Arabia, in helping to bring this nightmare to an end?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

Let me reassure the noble Baroness that we are doing precisely that: we are working with all our allies. One thing is very clear: if anyone was listening to the “Today” programme this morning, they will certainly have heard former Israeli ambassadors express deep concern that these actions will impact on the possibility of relationships with Arab countries. We actually saw some positive signs of a rapprochement with Saudi Arabia; all of this risks that. We should focus much more on ensuring that unity of diplomatic effort to get the ceasefire back on course and have further, longer peace talks so that we can both defend Israel and protect Palestine.

[Lord Sahota (Lab)]

My Lords—

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Sahota (Lab)]

My Lords, last year the EU representative for the Middle East said on TV that “before 7 October, Gaza was an open prison and after 7 October it became an open graveyard”. What does the Minister make of that statement?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

My noble friend highlights many comments that we have heard on previous occasions in this Chamber. The situation in Gaza has been horrific, but there is no doubt that the events that caused those hostages to be taken were also horrific. We have also got to think about the levels of sexual violence that those hostages were put to. There is no escaping the fact that we have to focus on the future. We have to ensure that we get proper aid and support into the Occupied Territories and Gaza and we have to focus on a much longer-term solution, which this ceasefire agreement gave. There were stages and we knew it was not going to be easy, but all our diplomatic efforts are going to be focused on that.

[Baroness Foster of Oxton (Con)]

My Lords, those who are really guilty of breaching this ceasefire numerous times and continuing to do so are the Hamas terrorists and their cohorts, with many psychopaths in Gaza. These people are guilty of war crimes, breaching Geneva conventions and many other crimes that they perpetrated on 7 October and since then. Does the Minister agree that the only solution here is to release these hostages? There are still 58 of them: half of them, we believe, are deceased. Many of the people have been murdered in cold blood. They have been tortured and starved and they are still in underground tunnels. Would that not go some way in resolving this appalling situation, and maybe some way to a solution?

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

There is no doubt that the ceasefire agreement provided for exactly that. We have renewed our call to all parties to return urgently to dialogue and to ensure that the ceasefire agreement is implemented in full, most notably through hostage releases and the humanitarian scale-up becoming permanent. As I have said, it is ultimately in everyone’s interest for this deal to hold. The Prime Minister has made it clear that we are appalled by Israel blocking aid, which is needed in greater volume and spend than ever before. But I repeat that there is a solution: return to the ceasefire agreement, release the hostages and let aid into Gaza.

[Lord Turnberg (Lab)]

My Lords—

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Turnberg (Lab)]

I am afraid it is the case that Hamas is busily redigging its tunnels, rearming and preparing to attack Israel again. It makes that very clear and at the same time it has 58 or 59 men, women and children held hostage in terrible conditions, as we have heard from the report that we will receive later today. Should we not be pressing Qatar and Egypt to impress on Hamas that it really must come to the table? We must have some peace and some resolution and it is Hamas that is preventing it. Can we not press them to ensure that Hamas will agree to release hostages and cease its aggressive actions?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I agree with my noble friend. I must sound like I am constantly repeating myself, but I think this is worth repeating. We had on the table an agreement that provided for the release of hostages and for there to be a return to full aid going into Gaza. That is the solution: get back to the table and implement the ceasefire agreement. I stress that we are in diplomatic contact with all our allies in the region and we are certainly urging them to ensure that all sides, particularly Hamas, deliver on their commitments in that ceasefire agreement.

[Lord Singh of Wimbledon (CB)]

My Lords, with all the reservations we have heard about the excesses of Israel in Gaza in this House, from the Foreign Secretary and in many other parts of the world, why are we still supplying arms to Israel?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I think the noble Lord knows full well that we took decisive actions in terms of arms supplies to the IDF that might be used in Gaza. We followed our own international humanitarian guidelines in that respect. We took decisive action when we felt that there was a risk to international humanitarian law being applied. So the simple answer to the noble Lord is that we have acted.

Media Freedom Coalition

Lord Collins of Highbury Excerpts

Monday 17th March 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon]

To ask His Majesty’s Government what assessment they have made of the work of the Media Freedom Coalition in protecting journalistic freedom.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Collins of Highbury) (Lab)]

My Lords, the Government have been proud to continue to protect and promote media freedom internationally, particularly through the Media Freedom Coalition. I attended the fifth anniversary of the MFC at the United Nations General Assembly —UNGA—in September 2024. Since July 2024, the Media Freedom Coalition has continued to call out cases of concern globally with UK support. The coalition has undertaken an evaluation of its work, and we will work with co-chairs and the secretariat to ensure that the Media Freedom Coalition continues to evolve and grow.

[Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon (Con)]

My Lords, I recognise the Minister’s response. He will recognise too that in 2019, when the then Foreign Secretary and I set up the Media Freedom Coalition with 21 members, we ensured that the membership increased to 51 by the end of 2023. Can he give an update on the current membership and the support and funds being extended to protect journalists—122 journalists and media workers died last year—and in support of the high-level legal panel so ably chaired by the noble Baroness, Lady Kennedy?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I congratulate the noble Lord on his efforts. He is absolutely right. From 2019, he and I worked closely in supporting media freedom, and I continue to do so. We are absolutely committed to building and extending the coalition, as I tried to do at the General Assembly of the UN. The current co-chairs are Germany and Estonia. We are working with them to develop the membership.

I stress, as I did last week in New York and at UNGA, extending the voice of media freedom to the workers, particularly journalists. We are working with the International Federation of Journalists and the NUJ in this country to ensure that it is not just government voices but the voices of civil society that are focused on protecting freedom of information and media freedom.

[Baroness Coussins (CB)]

My Lords, what specific measures are His Majesty’s Government taking in response to the serious escalation in the harassment of and threats towards BBC Persian staff by the Iranian authorities, including the journalists who are based here in London and their families in Iran?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

As the noble Baroness knows, from the beginning we have been focused on this, making very strong representations. We have been working with the Home Office to ensure that there is no intimidation of those journalists who are residing here, as well as ensuring the protection of journalists in Iran. She raises a really important point. This is why the media coalition is so effective in ensuring that a range of countries add their voices.

[Viscount Colville of Culross (CB)]

My Lords, can the Minister confirm whether the Government are considering cuts to the BBC World Service grant as part of a reduction in overseas development spending?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I cannot confirm that, actually. The important thing is that we value the BBC World Service and have increased funding, with an uplift of £32.6 million in 2025-26, taking the total contribution from the UK Government to £137 million. We want to ensure a longer-term sustainable future for the BBC World Service, which will be done through the charter review. Where those elements of ODA are concerned, that is part of the spending review, but the noble Lord is being a bit premature here.

[Baroness Kennedy of The Shaws (Lab)]

My Lords, I chair the high-level legal panel which advises the international coalition of nations referred to by the noble Lord, Lord Ahmad. I thank the Minister for his attendance at the United Nations General Assembly with us all, promoting the strong sense that democracy depends on there being free media. Unfortunately, disinformation is one of the real challenges. What is being done about the retreat from this arena by USAID? Media freedom is being curtailed in a lot of places in the world where journalists are trained. What is the United Kingdom doing to replace those efforts in its work on soft power?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The noble Baroness makes an important point. Media freedom is absolutely part of this Government’s missions, particularly economic growth, because transparency is needed for that, as well as for climate and security. Media freedom plays an important part.

We are aware that the American Government have made significant changes to the US Agency for Global Media and related agencies such as Voice of America. I come back to how much we value the BBC World Service as it continues to provide impartial and accurate news to global audiences. I stress why it is so vital: it is a trusted voice. It is not the voice of the UK Government. I hesitate to use the term “soft power”. It is an independent voice, trusted globally, and we value that very much. We will monitor developments in relation to the USAGM and review carefully with the BBC any impacts on the World Service.

[Lord Purvis of Tweed (LD)]

My Lords, further to that, the Minister and the House know that countering mis- and disinformation, especially in hostile environments, is a key part of our national security and defence. Over the last five years, the UK has committed over £500 million in this regard, all scored as official development assistance. On 7 March, the Minister’s colleague, the Minister for Development, gave an instruction that all new funding programming is now paused in advance of the spending review. Can the Minister say, at the very least, when it comes to this key part of our national security—countering mis- and disinformation—whether this funding will be protected?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The Prime Minister has announced a strategic vision for spending on defence and security. This has the impact on ODA that the noble Lord has mentioned, but the Government are absolutely committed to a significant development role. We will make detailed decisions on how the ODA budget will be used. We will work through this, as part of the ongoing spending review, on the basis of various factors, including impact assessments. I will not predict or predetermine what that review will undertake, but I have been very clear in my responses about the importance of media freedom to our security.

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, press freedom in Syria was severely limited under the Assad regime, when many journalists were imprisoned for years, if not decades. What steps are Ministers taking to engage with our international partners to promote press freedom in Syria following the fall of that reprehensible regime?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

As the noble Lord knows from previous responses, we are working with all our allies, particularly those neighbouring Syria, to ensure that the new Government in Syria are inclusive and allow a range of voices to be heard. Obviously, you cannot create a new independent media service simply from the ground, but the important ingredients of that—I come back to my original response—are how we develop free speech, freedom of association and, particularly, freedom of religion and belief. These are all ingredients that create the conditions for media freedom, and we are working very closely with our allies to ensure that that continues in Syria.

[Lord Inglewood (CB)]

My Lords, can the Minister confirm that in the general context of media freedom, plurality in its own way is just as significant as freedom, narrowly defined?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

That is correct. We are absolutely committed to the plurality of media freedom. We are supporting a programme that supports local media facilities in a range of countries. The noble Lord is right: a range of voices is necessary for proper media freedom, and that should be ensured.

Sudan: Sexual Violence Against Women and Girls

Lord Collins of Highbury Excerpts

Monday 10th March 2025 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Brown of Silvertown]

To ask His Majesty’s Government what support they are providing to women and girls in Sudan, in the light of reports of sexual violence.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Collins of Highbury) (Lab)]

My Lords, tackling conflict-related sexual violence in Sudan is a priority through our Preventing Sexual Violence in Conflict initiative. UK aid is supporting Sudanese survivors of gender-based violence through clinical treatment, dignity kits and psycho-social services. We support the work of Education Cannot Wait, which is providing safe learning spaces for 200,000 vulnerable refugees in Sudan’s neighbouring countries. During our November UN Security Council presidency, I called for greater action to protect civilians following the United Kingdom-led extension of the UN fact-finding mission’s mandate. In April, the Foreign Secretary will convene a conference to galvanise efforts to end the conflict.

[Baroness Brown of Silvertown (Lab)]

My Lords, last week UNICEF published a harrowing report that described the rape of young girls by combatants in Sudan; four were just one year-old. The US, as the penholder on sexual violence and conflict, has cut almost $30 million from UNFPA’s Sudan refugee support, leaving survivors of sexual violence without life-saving treatment and support. Can my noble friend assure me that the UK will step up to ensure that services for these victims of sexual violence can be delivered across the region and work with partners to further ensure that the warring parties and their proxies are held to account for their heinous crimes?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

My Lords, the findings of UNICEF’s report on child rape and sexual violence in Sudan are truly appalling. Through the Preventing Sexual Violence in Conflict initiative, we fund clinical management of rape, safe spaces and mental health support for survivors. Last September, I co-hosted a side event at the UN General Assembly High-level Week to spotlight the issue of conflict-related sexual violence in Sudan, where I called on the warring parties to immediately protect civilians. Through the Women’s Integrated Sexual Health programmes, we provide integrated sexual and reproductive services to women and girls in both IDP camps and non-IDP settings.

[Baroness Brinton (LD)]

My Lords, UNHCR reported in December 2023 that underfunding was severely hampering comprehensive life-saving, gender-based violence treatment in Sudan. I am very grateful for what the Minister said about the UK Government’s current work, but we have heard that the UNICEF report said last week that things are much, much worse. Can the Minister say whether UK international aid to women and girls, especially those subject to gender-based sexual violence, will be protected from Treasury cuts?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I thank the noble Baroness. The Prime Minister has made it absolutely clear that Sudan is a priority and will remain a priority through the spending review that we are currently undertaking.

I should reassure the noble Baroness that we have taken consistent action; on 4 and 5 March, Harriet Matthews, director-general for Africa, visited Port Sudan; on 24 February, I hosted a round-table in Geneva with the head of the fact-finding mission to talk about these issues; and of course on 31 January, a UK-sponsored UN Security Council press statement condemned the recent violence in al-Fashir and Sudan.

So we are continuing to focus on this, and that is what the April conference that the Foreign Secretary is convening will be all about—not only making sure that the international community acts on humanitarian support but looking forward to developing a civilian-led coalition that can lead Sudan out of conflict.

[Lord Alton of Liverpool (CB)]

My Lord, notwithstanding the undoubtedly sincere efforts that the Minister makes, what assessment has he made of the statement made today by the UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator in Sudan, Clementine Nkweta-Salami, that the sudden funding cuts by top government donors, which have cut off significant support to humanitarian organisations working to reach some 21 million people, will be a “catastrophic blow”, not least to women and children?

Reinforcing the point made by the noble Baroness who spoke earlier, what is being done to end the culture of impunity, where someone such as Omar al-Bashir can still be on the loose when he was indicted 20 years ago for the crime of genocide in Darfur?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

My Lords, the US is the largest humanitarian donor in Sudan, providing just under half of the UN’s response, and we are pressing all partners to ensure that aid continues to be committed to Sudan. Far too much of the aid already committed is unable to reach those who need it, and the April conference will focus on that. We remain committed to working with a number of partners, including the US, to ensure safe and unimpeded humanitarian access.

I will also repeat that we continue to support the ICC investigation in Darfur, including allegations of crimes. We are absolutely committed, which is why, in October, we also managed to get wholehearted support at the human rights committee for the fact-finding mission’s mandate to be extended.

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, I am sure the whole House will join with the Minister in condemning the appalling sexual violence that is happening in Sudan. We all support him in wanting to see the perpetrators held to account. What steps are the Government taking to make sure that our aid to Sudan is effectively targeted towards protecting women and girls from this terrible violence and exploitation? I ask the Minister again the question posed by the noble Baroness, Lady Brinton: will this work be exempted from the cuts to the foreign aid programme?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I have mentioned before that we have a huge amount of humanitarian aid committed to Sudan that cannot reach the people who need it. The warring parties are stopping it. We had support at the UN Security Council for our resolution supporting the Secretary-General’s call for the protection of civilians. That was vetoed by the Russians for no reason at all, but that has not stopped us continuing to raise the issue of how we need to get humanitarian aid in.

The commitments are there already—we will get it in. As the Prime Minister said, Sudan will be a priority, which is why we have convened this special conference, co-hosted by a number of countries, in London in April.

[Baroness Helic (Con)]

My Lords, children will be particularly affected by the cruel assaults conducted against them. Will any special support be given to children, and funding given to UNICEF, so that their recovery can be secured as much as possible, even though it will not be guaranteed?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I would urge noble Lords to read the UNICEF report—it is truly shocking. Very young children under the age of 10 are being subjected to these horrific crimes. The report’s findings show that over 200 children have been subject to that sort of sexual violence. The warring parties need to apply the commitments they made in Jeddah. We are absolutely committed to giving those children what support we can. But I cannot believe that they will ever recover from that shocking crime.

[Baroness Bennett of Manor Castle (GP)]

My Lords, through the initiative of US Representative Gregory Meeks in his position on the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, US arms sales to the UAE are currently blocked on the basis, widely reported, that the UAE is supplying arms and funding to the RSF, which is of course responsible, as are both sides in this conflict, for many of the hideous crimes we have been talking about. What is the UK position?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

We have been absolutely clear that the supply of arms to the warring parties should be halted and we have urged all parties to stop. We are aware that some countries are supplying arms to both sides, because they see the conflict continuing as in their interest. We are trying to convene all regional parties to London in April, particularly neighbouring countries, so that we can focus on getting that humanitarian support in and on how we end this conflict. The way to end this conflict is to ensure we have civilian-led leaders who are able to take hold of the country and make sure it remains united.

Sadly, both sides have announced a process for a civilian-led Government. We even had the RSF articulating that here in Parliament. But we have made it absolutely clear that it has to be independent of both sides—truly independent—and civilian led.

Gaza

Lord Collins of Highbury Excerpts

Wednesday 5th March 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, we need to acknowledge that the ceasefire is entirely contingent on the safe return of the remaining hostages. The Minister in the other place rightly referred to the British citizen Emily Damari and others. Emily has now shared the sad details of her dreadful ordeal in captivity at the hands of Hamas. I am sure that the whole House will join me in wishing her well and sending our deepest condolences to the families of those hostages who sadly died while in Hamas captivity.

I have two questions for the Minister. First, what conversations has he or the Government had with US and Israeli allies on helping to ensure that phase 2 of the ceasefire comes into effect? Secondly, can he give us an update on British aid in Gaza? Is it reaching its intended target, and will it be affected by the 0.2% of GNI reduction in ODA announced by the Government last week?

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Collins of Highbury) (Lab)]

I thank the noble Lord for his questions. On the next stages of the process, we welcome the efforts by Arab leaders to put forward a plan for the next phase and the recovery and reconstruction in Gaza. The UK stands ready to work with partners to develop these ideas and to support all parties to get behind a single, viable plan for Gaza that meets the needs and aspirations of the civilian population and ensures a peaceful political framework for a negotiated two-state solution. As I have said to the House before, we are very clear that Hamas cannot govern Gaza and that any plan must ensure Israeli security and should support the unity of the West Bank and Gaza under the PA’s mandate.

On humanitarian aid, I reassure the noble Lord that we have committed a further £17 million, as the previous Minister for Development announced. We have also announced £129 million for the OPTs so far for this financial year, including £41 million for UNRWA. As the Prime Minister said in his Statement, we are absolutely committed to ensuring continued support for the Palestinian authorities.

The halt on goods and supplies entering Gaza is a serious matter, and Israel risks breaching its obligations under international humanitarian law. Today, we have issued with France and Germany a statement in which we express deep concern at Israel’s halt on aid to Gaza and urge it to lift all restrictions. It is vital that the ceasefire is sustained, all hostages are released, and aid is resumed.

[Lord Purvis of Tweed (LD)]

My Lords, I have read the E3 statement, and I agree with every word of it. These Benches support the Government’s statement, including the fact that the withholding of aid access to the people who need it most is contrary to international humanitarian law, and I am grateful that the Government have been clear on that. Given that the United States and the Israeli Governments have rejected the Arab plan, which was agreed yesterday, the UK Government may be in a position where they will have to choose whether to support the Trump proposals or the Arab proposals. In that regard, perhaps I may ask a specific question.

The UK has been the lead country in supporting the training, professionalisation and funding for the Palestinian Authority police force. Any police force in the new arrangements for Gaza will be of fundamental importance. Can the Minister reassure me that our support will continue for the professionalisation and training of a civilian police force? It would probably be one of the strongest ways to prevent gangsterism and Hamas regaining footage in that area.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The noble Lord is absolutely right. We will continue to support the Palestinian Authority, not only with the training that he mentioned but in other ways, to enable it to take part positively in that plan. We have insisted that any dialogue should include Palestinians, and we will certainly continue with that. The Foreign Secretary and the Prime Minister have obviously been in dialogue with all partners on this, and we will continue to work with Israel, the Palestinian Authority, the US and regional partners to build a consensus on the governance of post-conflict Gaza and the security framework that supports the conditions for a permanent and sustainable peace.

[Baroness Ritchie of Downpatrick (Lab)]

My Lords, as part of that building of a sustainable peace, can the Minister indicate what further action will be taken with international partners if there are further flagrant abuses in respect of blocking aid to the people of Gaza?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

We made our position very clear to the Israeli authorities about their actions risking breaching their obligations under international humanitarian law. We have, however, gone further, as the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, has said. We issued a statement this afternoon, together with France and Germany—again, our strong allies in this—making it clear that blocking aid is unacceptable and should be stopped. We are monitoring the situation; we know that a substantial amount of aid is trying to get in, and we will continue to pressure the Israelis to remove that block.

[Lord Robathan (Con)]

My Lords, would it be possible for the Minister to explain whether there is any inter-relationship between the American plan—with the rather unusual large, golden statue of Mr Trump—and the Egyptian and Arab plan, because those two might, funnily enough, work a little bit together?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

Obviously, the situation is incredibly complex, but if there is one thing that I think will be key to finding a solution, it is the normalisation of relations between Israel and Saudi Arabia. That is key, and there must be a Palestinian component in that. We will press to achieve that, and we will work alongside US President Trump and his team in the coming weeks to bring it about. Our long-standing position has been that we will recognise a Palestinian state at the time that is most conducive to that peace process, but we are certain that if we can ensure that that normalisation between the Saudis and Israel takes place, we can progress rapidly.

[Lord Pannick (CB)]

My Lords, will the Palestinian component, as the Minister describes it, exclude Hamas?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I think the noble Lord knows that I have made it clear, as I said in response to the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, that we are working with the Palestinian Authority; we are supporting the Palestinian Authority, and there is no place for Hamas in the governance of Gaza.

[Baroness Foster of Oxton (Con)]

My Lords, since the outset of this horrendous conflict, Israel has provided 25,000 trucks and 57,000 tonnes of aid that have gone into Gaza. It is quite clear that Hamas continues to renege on the agreement that it has made so far, which leaves phase 2 in an extremely difficult situation. There are 47 organisations that provide aid to Gaza—not only UNRWA—so can the Minister please respond to the question from my noble friend on the Front Bench as to what oversight is provided to ensure that the £41 million of British taxpayers’ money is going to the correct people?

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I have assured the House all the way through that our purpose is to ensure that we get aid to those who need it. We have had undertakings from UNRWA about the accusations of Hamas involvement in its work. We supported the Colonna recommendations, and we have even financially supported that. There is no doubt that UNRWA remains key in terms of delivery, but that is not the sole purpose. We are working with all agencies and all allies to ensure that aid gets through to the people who need it most. It is a very complex and difficult situation, and that is why we are working incredibly hard with all allies to make sure that the peace process, the ceasefire and the agreement that was reached continue. I am not going to use the term “phases”; at the end of the day, we want a sustainable peace, security for Israel and a home for the Palestinians.

[Lord Bellingham (Con)]

My Lords, further to the question asked by my noble friend Lord Robathan, it is obviously good news that this Arab group has supported Egypt’s proposals for the $53 billion reconstruction. I notice that they ask specifically for EU and UK contributions to that fund for reconstruction. Can the Minister comment on whether that will be forthcoming and HMG’s view on it?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

One thing we are absolutely clear about is that there should be international co-operation to ensure the full restoration of Gaza. That means, primarily, the leading regional players playing their part. We will work with all our allies to support that. I will not predict what that might mean in financial terms, but at this stage, it is about working hard politically.

House of Lords (Hereditary Peers) Bill

Lord Collins of Highbury Excerpts

Committee stage
Monday 3rd March 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Wolfson of Tredegar (Con)]

Sorry, I was using “chosen” as a short form for “elected”. They were elected. My noble friend was here, and I was not, but when the elections took place, the electorate was keen to ensure that experience was not lost. That is exactly the point of this amendment—to retain those who have contributed, are contributing and will undoubtedly contribute more in the future.

[Lord in Waiting/Government Whip (Lord Collins of Highbury) (Lab)]

My Lords, I am grateful for this debate and to the noble Lord, Lord Soames of Fletching, for raising these issues. One thing that concerns me is that, although I do not think that anyone in this Chamber would deny the valuable work of individuals, particularly of the hereditary Peers, the problem with this debate is that it is about selecting people for congratulations on their hard work. That diminishes the work of some of the others. The noble Lord, Lord Wolfson, talked about the period from 2019 to 2024, when 143 of the officeholders that the noble Lord, Lord Soames, talked about were life Peers and 23 were hereditaries, so a huge amount of the work that kept this House going was undertaken by life Peers.

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Mancroft (Con)]

The manifesto commitment, as the noble Lord has just quoted, is to “remove the right” of hereditary Peers to sit and vote in this House. That right was removed in 1999. We are discussing removing not the right but hereditary Peers from this House. The noble Lord quite rightly said that there is not a lot of difference in working between one hereditary Peer and another, or one hereditary Peer and a life Peer, but there is one crucial difference: life Peers cannot just be thrown out. We are just about to be thrown out.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

Of course, the principle was established in 1999, and we are now dealing with that remaining temporary arrangement that has gone on for 25 years or longer. That is the reality. No one can deny that that remaining element—that temporary arrangement—is specifically addressed in the Labour manifesto for the last general election. It specifically addressed it in the way that this Bill seeks to implement it, so there can be no doubt about that.

[Lord Strathclyde (Con)]

I am sorry to intervene on the noble Lord, but he is making much store about the manifesto, which also says that Peers who are over the age of 80 by the end of this Parliament should also be slung out. Does the noble Lord think that is really going to happen?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

As my noble friend the Leader of the House has reminded me, she will be consulting on that and looking at ways for it to be implemented—she is already doing so, as she reminds me. The fact of the matter is that we have a clear commitment. The Government have a right to determine when and how they implement their commitments. The noble Lord knows that. I have heard speeches from him telling me that we should not push amendments because the democratic House has laid something down in the manifesto. He has made those points to me over the past 12 years, so this does not really wash with me.

The simple fact is that we established in 1999 that the hereditary principle would no longer apply. We put in temporary arrangements and we have now addressed that in our manifesto. Solutions were put forward in 1999. I say to the noble Earl, Lord Attlee, that his contribution is well known. Leaders know it. I certainly assume that the leader of his party knows the contribution that he has made, both outside and inside Parliament. Why would he not be considered worthy of a life peerage? I do not see why not. It is really important that we can establish a principle—

[Earl Attlee (Con)]

I am grateful for the kind things the noble Lord said to me, but the fact of the matter is that I do not know any of the leaders of my party. I do not know David Cameron—my noble friend Lord Cameron—or any of his successors. I simply will not be able to get a life peerage. They do not know me. I am not known. None of the special advisers know me. I am nowhere.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I do not accept that for one moment. The noble Earl is well known. His contributions are well known and valued—he must not undersell himself. The important thing is that there was an opportunity in 1999, when people left this House because they were hereditary Peers, for some to be made life Peers. That certainly is the case in relation to this last act, contained in our manifesto, to ensure that the temporary arrangements agreed 25 years ago no longer continue. I do not think that people would understand this amendment breaching that commitment in the outside world, but it is wrong to—

[Lord Howard of Rising (Con)]

The noble Lord keeps mentioning the manifesto. Would he agree that, if I had a pound for every promise that had been in a manifesto from the Labour Party and the Conservative Party, I would be a billionaire?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The noble Lord must be happy that at least one manifesto commitment is being kept, and it is this one. We will deliver on it.

I conclude by saying that it is wrong to single out Peers for their contribution. All Peers have made a tremendous contribution to the work of this House, and no one is undermining that. However, this is a commitment that we have made to the electorate, and it is one that we will keep and deliver on.

[Lord Soames of Fletching (Con)]

My Lords, I thank my noble friend Lord Wolfson and the noble Lord, Lord Collins, for their contributions. I particularly express my thanks for another wonderful speech from my noble friend Lady Finn, who, to my mind, absolutely nailed it. I thank my noble friend Lord Blencathra in particular for his encyclopaedic knowledge of the committees and the very important points that he made. I am delighted to be party to the support for my noble friend Lord Astor’s job application and will do what I can to help. I say to my noble friend Lord Attlee to make himself known to my noble friend Lord Hamilton, who acts as a marriage agency in these matters, and would be delighted to introduce him to all the former leaders of my party—it may take some time.

This is an important matter and there is no point in pretending that, manifesto or no manifesto, we are not cutting out a great reservoir of expertise, knowledge, steadiness and experience, and the guardians of the traditions and principles of this House. There is no question about the argument, which is dead and buried—it is gone; it is going to happen—but there is a way to make it happen in a less aggressive and disagreeable manner. I beg leave to withdraw my amendment.

War in Sudan

Lord Collins of Highbury Excerpts

Monday 3rd March 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Browne of Ladyton]

To ask His Majesty’s Government what assessment they have made of recent advances by the Sudanese Armed Forces in Khartoum and elsewhere in Sudan.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Collins of Highbury) (Lab)]

My Lords, the conflict in Sudan has created the worst humanitarian situation in the world. Both sides are responsible for inflicting terrible suffering on civilians. The Foreign Secretary discussed the latest developments with colleagues at the G20 last week, and in April he will host a Foreign Ministers conference to establish international consensus on the next steps. The Sudanese people deserve a peaceful Sudan led by a fully representative civilian Government.

[Lord Browne of Ladyton (Lab)]

My Lords, only weeks ago Amnesty International came into possession of a list of civilian activists, human rights defenders, medics and humanitarian workers whom the Sudanese Armed Forces planned to target for reprisals once it gained sufficient ascendency over Khartoum. The RSF has also repeatedly targeted civilians who it believes have co-operated with the SAF. As it stands, whether the SAF or the RSF win a skirmish, the civilian population always loses. What can we do, in partnership with allies, to put pressure on both sides to stop this grim pattern of reprisal attacks against the very groups that will be essential in building a lasting peace once conflict has abated?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

My noble friend is absolutely right to point out that both sides have committed horrendous atrocities, despite the commitments they made in the Jeddah declaration to limit the impact on civilians. UK leadership has been critical of that through its continued scrutiny of Sudan. In October at the Human Rights Council, a UK-led Sudan Core Group resolution was adopted to renew the mandate of the fact-finding mission to ensure that such atrocities are exposed and that we can properly scrutinise the credible allegations of human rights violations. Last week at the Human Rights Council in Geneva, I met Mona Rishmawi, who leads the fact-finding mission, and I assured her of our continued support to do proper scrutiny and to hold the people who commit such crimes to account.

[Baroness Coussins (CB)]

My Lords, what can the UK Government do to leverage their role as penholder at the Security Council for Sudan to help bring an end to the violence in that country?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

As the noble Baroness knows, we have continued to raise the question at the Security Council. Last November, we tabled a resolution with Sierra Leone focusing on what the Secretary-General called for in relation to the protection of civilians. Sadly, that resolution was opposed by the Russians with their veto, but that did not stop us continuing to raise this question. The Foreign Secretary’s call for a conference event in April is intended to coalesce the international community to look at not only the humanitarian support that is so desperately needed but the longer-term solutions that will engage all civil society in a dialogue that will see a future for Sudan led by a civilian Government.

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, as we approach the second anniversary of this terrible, brutal conflict, and with so many other matters occupying our attention, it is important that we do not lose our focus on it and that we continue to do all we can to end it. First, on sanctions, can the Minister say whether the Government intend to go further, perhaps following the lead of the recent spate of US sanctions? Secondly, beyond sanctions, are the Government working to identify any other hard-hitting ways to put pressure on the leadership of the RSF and the SAF and on the countries supporting their war machines?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

As I think the noble Lord knows, I will not discuss future possible sanctions, but we have already made a number of sanctions against both sides and against individuals and companies involved. However, the future must be about how we build an international coalition for peace and humanitarian support. That is why the April conference is so important; it will bring together Foreign Ministers, including not just our international allies but all regional players, to ensure that they understand that there must be a better way forward. There is no military solution to this conflict, and the only people suffering are the civilians. The so-called representatives of the two warring factions have no interest in defending their civilian population, so we have to change that attitude and get the international community working together to ensure that we put people first.

[Lord Purvis of Tweed (LD)]

My Lords, I declare significant interest in supporting the pro-democracy civilian groups in the dialogue within the conflict. Given the recent decisions by USAID, I welcome the fact that the Government will be protecting their support for the crisis. I welcome the ministerial conference that is coming up. One of the particular aspects which needs to be commended for the civilians is the provision of community kitchens and emergency rooms. In many areas—whether in RSF or SAF controlled areas—the only functioning services for providing food and medicine for civilians are through other civilians themselves. A lot of that has been funded through diaspora communities, and that has been drying up. Can the Minister update us as to what additional support there is—notwithstanding that there is no UN resolution for the protection of civilians—for the community kitchens and the emergency rooms, which are a lifeline for so many civilians, including women and children?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The noble Lord is absolutely right. One of the things we have been concerned about—which we have raised with both parties—is access to humanitarian aid. While one side says you can have that access, it does not cross the warring parties, so we cannot get to the people who desperately need it. He is absolutely right that we have to look at all means to ensure that we get help in. In terms of the April conference, we are engaging with civil society and the Taqaddum leadership—now called Somoud, where there has been a slight breakaway—and we are concerned to ensure that we have an inclusive dialogue. I met the chargé d’affaires for Sudan last week, and I made clear that we demand humanitarian access. We have committed additional funds, but we want proper access to all parts of Sudan so that nobody suffers.

[Lord Alton of Liverpool (CB)]

My Lords, with 24 million people in Sudan, half the population in acute need of food, including 1.5 million on the edge of famine, how does the Minister respond to Annaliese Dodds’s statement that it would be “impossible” to deliver the proposed further cuts to aid without hitting programmes in Sudan, with women and children being principal victims? Can he also say where he believes the Sudanese Armed Forces are obtaining their weaponry, particularly in regard to the repositioning of Russian assets from Syria to Sudan via Libya?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The noble Lord had two questions; I will answer the latter first. We are totally aware of a number of parties supplying arms, including Russian elements, which end up supporting not only the SAF but the other party too—they seem to have a continued interest in ensuring that the war carries on. To come back on his other question, as the Prime Minister made very clear, we are in unique circumstances at the moment with a generational change, and it is absolutely vital that this country is able to defend itself fully and to defend all the values that we hold so dear. He is absolutely committed, and he made that very clear at the weekend. But he also made clear that we are determined to support—as the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, said—humanitarian aid in Sudan. As a consequence of the reduction, we will make a detailed analysis of how that spending will be allocated through the spending review process that has already started, so I am not going to predetermine that. But I believe that the Prime Minister is absolutely committed to ensuring that humanitarian aid gets into this worst humanitarian situation in Sudan.

[Lord Anderson of Swansea (Lab)]

My Lords, I think the whole House will wish to congratulate my noble friend the Minister on his personal commitment and outstanding leadership in this awful conflict. My question is simple: many resolutions have been passed and conferences are occurring; is there any evidence at all that the belligerents pay any attention to outside pressure?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I suppose the answer so far to my noble friend is that, sadly, no, they have not paid much attention. This comes back to the question that the noble Lord, Lord Alton, raised. People are funding and supplying arms to this conflict, and they have paid very little attention to the needs of the civilians, which is why the Foreign Secretary’s conference in April is so critical. We will be pulling all those regional players into that event to talk not just about how we get humanitarian aid in immediately but, in the longer term, how we establish that dialogue for peace and ensure that Sudan can be led by a civilian Government in the future.

Iranian Regime: British Citizens

Lord Collins of Highbury Excerpts

Thursday 27th February 2025 Lords Chamber

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Collins of Highbury) (Lab)]

My Lords, I too am grateful to the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Chelmsford for securing this debate and for her personal reflections on her birthplace. I was also moved by her contribution on “Desert Island Discs”, which reflected on some of those issues and what a wonderful country Iran is. Sadly, it is being distorted by its current Government.

I am grateful for contributions from all noble Lords, many of whom have developed deep knowledge of this area, not least, as the noble Baroness, Lady Northover, said, in joint campaigns with Richard Ratcliffe, working together to ensure Nazanin’s release.

I will try to respond to all the points raised. As noble Lords are aware, Iran has a long history of seeking to exploit the detention of British and other foreign nationals. The regime’s actions sit within a wider set of malign behaviours—not least its continued repression of women and girls, human rights defenders and religious and ethnic minorities. Religious minorities, including Baha’is, Christians and Sunni Muslims, suffer discrimination in law and practice. This includes discrimination in access to education, employment, child adoption, political office and places of worship.

The Baha’i community continues to face arbitrary arrests, land expropriation and denial of burial rights, while Christians, as the right reverend Prelate said, face shocking sentencing and ongoing incarceration for the act of practising their faith. Iran must allow every individual their right to freedom of thought, conscience, religion or belief, in accordance with its obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

Since October 2022, we have sanctioned 94 individuals and entities for their human rights violations, including—to reassure the noble Lord, Lord Purvis—decision-makers responsible for Iran’s oppressive hijab laws and political and security officials involved in the crackdown on protesters. The United Kingdom’s dedicated Special Envoy on Freedom of Religion or Belief, David Smith, leads our work to promote tolerance and mutual respect.

Noble Lords have raised the horrific, consistently high rate of executions, which is, of course, a deliberate attempt to instil fear and stifle dissent. The United Kingdom is opposed to the death penalty in all circumstances as a matter of principle, and we make very clear representations on that. The UK has 450 sanctions in place, including designations against the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and those responsible for Iran’s attack on Israel in October.

I turn to our advice about travel to Iran. British travellers are at significant risk of arrest and detention in Iran. Since 2022, we have used our public travel advice to advise against any travel there. Having a British passport or connections to the United Kingdom can be reason enough for the Iranian authorities to detain someone. The Foreign Office actively promotes its free travel advice service to travellers and industry alike. I understand that travel pages are viewed more than 28 million times per year. Nevertheless, we will look at what more could be done to ensure that the advice is seen as widely as possible.

I pay tribute to the right reverend Prelate for the care with which she has approached the subject of detention cases. They are among the most difficult, complex and sensitive cases handled by our officials and are enormously distressing for the families of those detained. For reasons that will be obvious to those familiar with the Iranian regime’s behaviour, I cannot make detailed comments on individual cases, nor can I refer to the possible numbers. Many of the individuals involved do not want publicity, but if noble Lords wish to speak to me privately, I will try to reassure them of what we are trying to do. I reassure the right reverend Prelate that the British embassy in Tehran is in contact with the Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs about the recent case and we will continue to raise this directly with the Iranian authorities. A specialist team from the FCDO is in frequent contact with the family, providing regular updates and advice. This case will continue to be a priority for the Government.

As noble Lords referred to, including the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, and the noble Baroness, Lady Northover, the Government are committed to strengthening their support for British nationals abroad. We will, as they reminded me, introduce a new right to consular assistance in cases of human rights violations and will soon appoint an envoy for the most complex detention cases. To reassure noble Lords, work is under way on both, and we will come forward with details fairly soon.

I also reassure the noble Baroness, Lady Brinton, that we work very closely with our international partners to tackle unfair detentions. As the noble Baroness, Lady Northover, mentioned, we signed the Canadian Declaration Against Arbitrary Detention in State-to-State Relations in 2021, helping protect citizens of all countries who live and work abroad. This is of course an issue of interest and importance to the House, and I welcome the creation in 2024 of the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Arbitrary Detention and Hostage Affairs. I will work closely with it and keep it up to date on our progress.

I hear what the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, says about overseas development assistance. I reassure him that our first priority is security. For the security of this nation, we had to make some very difficult decisions this week, but they will not deflect from how we allocate and ensure that whatever assistance we give to those neighbouring countries is properly maintained. The Prime Minister made it clear that that will be a priority for the United Kingdom, particularly in relation to Sudan.

I conclude by assuring all noble Lords—

[The Lord Bishop of Chelmsford]

I am very grateful to the Minister for giving way. On the use of language, could he say a bit more about the reluctance to call this out for what it is and to refer to hostage taking, when other European countries are willing to do so?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

I do not want to be drawn into using language that might be considered to refer to specific cases. I want to avoid that at this moment in time but, having signed the Canadian declaration, we are clear about the growth of this policy of state detention for those sorts of purposes.

In conclusion, supporting British nationals detained in Iran will remain an absolute priority for this Government, alongside advising against travel to Iran to prevent such incidents. We will continue to strengthen our consular support globally and, most importantly, we will work together with our international partners to build and sustain the international consensus against the use of detainees as leverage for other purposes.

Democratic Republic of the Congo: M23 Group

Lord Collins of Highbury Excerpts

Tuesday 25th February 2025 Lords Chamber

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Collins of Highbury) (Lab)]

My Lords, the United Kingdom condemns the recent M23 and Rwandan Defence Force advances in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo as an unacceptable breach of DRC’s sovereignty. On 22 February the Foreign Secretary met with President Kagame and was clear that there can be no military solution. The United Kingdom today announced several policy measures, which we will maintain until there is a withdrawal of all RDF from the Congolese territory.

[Lord Harries of Pentregarth (CB)]

I thank the Minister for his reply. It has recently been reported that 7,000 people were killed during January, and 450,000 people have been displaced from about 90 camps. According to reports, the M23 intends to advance right across to Kinshasa. Is it not totally unacceptable for one country to support a rebel group in a neighbouring country? What steps are the Government taking in relation to the United Nations and the African Union to bring this conflict under control before it gets totally out of hand and engulfs the whole of an already fragile DRC?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

Noble Lords will appreciate what I have reported before. Right from day one, we have been engaged with President Lourenço of Angola to ensure that there is a process to achieve long-lasting peace in the region. That is long overdue, because the internally displaced people are numerous and suffering hugely. These recent advances create an even worse situation.

On Friday I was pleased to talk to the Ministers in Dar es Salaam who were hosting the EAC-SADC summit, which produced a communiqué towards peace in the region and set out a very clear road map to achieve the withdrawal. Our concern is that the Rwandans have not fully complied with that, which is why we have made the announcement today of the measures we are taking, along with our allies, to ensure that they respond to that African-led peace process.

[Lord Callanan (Con)]

My Lords, the Minister will be aware that the UK has given more than £1 billion in development aid to Rwanda in recent years. As has been said, evidence is mounting that Rwandan troops are heavily involved in the fighting in DRC. Is it not increasingly difficult to justify this funding when the Rwandan Government themselves are spending so much time, energy and money intervening militarily in a sovereign neighbouring state?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The noble Lord’s previous Government reached an agreement to give substantially more money to Rwanda.

The important point here is that our focus for development assistance is on those most in need. The measures that we announced today—I was able to convey these to the Foreign Minister of Rwanda in Geneva this morning at the Human Rights Council—are as follows: we will cease high-level attendance at events hosted by the Government of Rwanda; we are freezing trade promotion activity with Rwanda; we are reviewing our existing trade infrastructure in facilitation projects; and we are pausing direct bilateral financial aid to the Government of Rwanda. We are excluding from this our support for the poorest and most vulnerable, which is not direct support; we are committed to that. We are also co-ordinating with partners on potential sanctions designations and suspending future defence training assistance to Rwanda. Our position is absolutely clear. We want to ensure that these measures achieve what they set out to do: to ensure that Rwanda commits to the peace process led by the African Union.

[Lord Browne of Ladyton (Lab)]

My Lords—

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Browne of Ladyton (Lab)]

My Lords, my right honourable friend the Foreign Secretary warned that the conflict in the DRC

“risks spiralling into a regional conflict”.

It is already a humanitarian crisis, with 40,000 refugees fleeing to Burundi alone—the largest influx that country has had in 25 years. Are we contributing to the UNHCR’s $40.4 million appeal to provide life-saving assistance to 275,000 internally displaced people in the DRC and to support refugees and returnees across Burundi, Rwanda, Tanzania, Uganda and Zambia?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

My noble friend makes a very good point. The real risk was that this was going to create regional instability, which is why we not only supported the Luanda process but very much welcomed the convening of the SADC-EAC meeting in Dar es Salaam last week, which set out a very clear process. He is absolutely right to draw attention to the huge humanitarian cost of 2.7 million people displaced—IDPs in eastern DRC. The United Kingdom is the leading humanitarian partner in DRC and the second-largest donor in the country, allocating over £62 million for this financial year for humanitarian programmes in eastern DRC. I also take seriously my responsibility as the envoy for the prevention of sexual violence in conflict. That is a huge risk at the moment, and we are devoted to supporting survivors of sexual violence in that region. We are not going to rest until we ensure that all parties are focused on that agreement reached in Dar es Salaam at the end of last week.

[Lord Purvis of Tweed (LD)]

My Lords, during the passage of the Illegal Migration Bill and the safety of Rwanda Bill, I asked the previous Government for details—but failed to get them—of the £240 million economic and integration fund that the previous Government gave to Paul Kagame’s Government. Can the Minister assure me that not a single penny of UK money has gone to non-humanitarian assistance in Rwanda, and especially the £20 million credit line provided to Paul Kagame’s Government for preparation of facilities that were not then needed? How much money are we getting back from his Government?

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The noble Lord knows that we stopped that agreement immediately when we came into office. We are absolutely clear that we have ceased all payments in respect to it and will not return to making any of those payments. But we are determined to support those most vulnerable and most in need, and we will continue to do that.

[Lord Alton of Liverpool (CB)]

My Lords, can the Minister tell us what happened in Kasanga in Kivu on Thursday last, when 70 people were hacked to death with machetes and hammers by an organisation that is said to be linked to ISIS as they took refuge in a church? What are we doing to confirm those reports? Have we raised this with the International Criminal Court and the African Union to ensure that those responsible for this terrible atrocity are brought to justice?

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The noble Lord is right to draw that to our attention, but the reality is that we are trying to ensure that all crimes committed in the process of this advance are properly investigated so that we can hold people to account. When I met the Foreign Minister of Rwanda this morning in Geneva, he denied all these accusations and refuted the story in the Guardian. I reassured him that we would be absolutely determined not only to ensure that they comply with the communiqué but to hold people to account for crimes against humanity.

[Lord Bellingham (Con)]

My Lords, is the Minister aware that it is not just a question of regular Rwandan troops being embedded in M23? There are now special forces involved as well, and there is overwhelming evidence that war crimes have been committed on both sides. I congratulate the Minister on the very robust set of measures he announced; the Government deserve credit for this. He mentioned SADC, but can he say what he is doing with the AU? Its offices can also be very useful in trying to find a way forward.

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

The noble Lord is absolutely right. When we committed to the Luanda process, we were not sure exactly what steps we could achieve in the final outcome. President Lourenço assured me about what he was trying to achieve. We cannot restore trust, but we can build confidence at each stage. Unfortunately, the 15 December summit did not take place; things fell apart, and we saw the advances. Now, as I said, SADC and the EAC have come together in Dar es Salaam, overseen by the African Union. They are taking the lead. The African Union has also appointed three facilitators to ensure that the process is moved forward in a much more consistent and coherent way.

[Lord Anderson of Swansea (Lab)]

My Lords, is there not a danger of contradictory policies? A country invades its neighbour. Its forces carry out human rights atrocities and take several cities. We rightly condemn what Russia is doing in Ukraine. Should we not be equally robust in respect of a Commonwealth country, Rwanda?

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)]

My noble friend is absolutely right. We have been clear with all allies, including the United States, in condemning this absolute breach of DRC’s sovereignty. We are making it clear that it is unacceptable. We and our allies have taken co-ordinated action so that Rwanda commits to the process it has agreed to and delivers the long-lasting peace that the people of DRC so deserve.