Ambassador to the United States
Lindsay Hoyle Excerpts(1 week ago)
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Several hon. Members rose—
Mr Speaker
I gently say to the right hon. Gentleman, as he is a senior Member, that though he has taken the time he felt was required, it has been longer than 15 minutes.
May I just say that when we refer to other Members, it should be by constituency, not by name. I call the Chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee.
Emily Thornberry
I really am finishing. If we do not have the opportunity to scrutinise this failure, how can we ensure that we stop it from happening again? We need to improve our scrutiny and our decision making.
Florence Eshalomi
I thank my hon. Friend for making her point. I think about the amount of abuse that many parliamentarians in this Chamber sadly face—particularly black and minority ethnic Members—just for their mere existence. I know about the horrific domestic abuse that my hon. Friend has faced, and I hope that, with time, the Labour leadership will look at some of the issues around suspension. She will know that I am not privy to that, but I know that many of us continue to raise these issues with the leadership.
I will finish by highlighting some of the many questions that I hope the Minister will respond to. The key question that many people are asking, including many of my constituents, is about the recruitment process going forward. Will the Minister—the Foreign Secretary is not here—assure the House that the recruitment process will be strengthened so that in future our ambassadors will bolster the standing of our civil servants on the global stage?
UK Ambassador to the US: Appointment Process
Lindsay Hoyle Excerpts(1 week, 5 days ago)
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Andy McDonald (Middlesbrough and Thornaby East) (Lab)
I am sure I speak for the whole House in sending our best wishes to my hon. Friend the Member for Washington and Gateshead South (Mrs Hodgson) on the appalling fire at her office overnight. We send our very best wishes to her and her staff.
May I thank the Minister for his statement? The Prime Minister has made exactly the right decision, and I think that has to be acknowledged. He has moved at pace to put it right—[Interruption.] Don’t be ridiculous. Treat this seriously.
Mr Speaker
Order. Please—this is very important. A lot of people will be listening to what is going on in this Chamber, so let us give some courtesies to each other.
Stephen Doughty
First, I was not aware of the terrible incident that my hon. Friend refers to; I have just been informed of that this morning. I am sure the thoughts of the whole House will be with my hon. Friend the Member for Washington and Gateshead South (Mrs Hodgson). I know how seriously you take the safety and security of Members of this House, Mr Speaker, particularly in the light of international events and the tragic loss of colleagues. That underlines all the more why we must be able to go about democratic debate in this country, whatever our views, in a safe and secure way.
I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Middlesbrough and Thornaby East (Andy McDonald) for his comments on the decision. As I said, the decision has been taken by the Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary, and Lord Mandelson has resigned. My hon. Friend asked about the process. Any candidates for ambassador positions are subject to routine, extensive vetting and background checks as a matter of course; I point him to the formal processes outlined in the diplomatic service code, which highlights the robust security clearance and vetting process that all members of the diplomatic service undergo.
Helen Maguire (Epsom and Ewell) (LD)
Our thoughts are with the friends and families of the victims of 9/11. I also express my regret and sadness at the murder of Charlie Kirk, and I hope that the hon. Member for Washington and Gateshead South (Mrs Hodgson) and her staff are all okay following the incident at her office. Political violence should have absolutely no place in society.
Lord Mandelson was tasked with overseeing the UK’s relationship with Trump, and the accusations surrounding him cast a damning shadow, so it is right that the Prime Minister has withdrawn his support for Lord Mandelson. Yesterday the Prime Minister stood by Lord Mandelson’s appointment and confirmed that rigorous background checks had taken place. What has changed since then? Questions remain over what the Government knew and when about Lord Mandelson’s relationship with the sex offender, whom he had previously described as his “best pal”. Did he resign, or was he sacked?
It is vital that the Civil Service Commission now investigates whether the ambassador broke the diplomatic service code by failing to come clean over these revelations sooner. Was the vetting process pushed through too fast? Will the Minister confirm that an investigation will take place so that no such incidents can happen again? Reports have surfaced that the Cabinet Office suppressed the release of a memo about Mandelson’s relationship because it could compromise relations with the US. Will the Minister confirm whether that was the case?
Stephen Doughty
We have an excellent team overall in British embassy Washington. Indeed, I pay tribute to the work of all our diplomatic service colleagues across the world, who do an excellent job in representing this country and ensure that our security and prosperity is at the forefront of their work. Of course, our special relationship and unique security partnership with the United Staes is crucially important. I will be at the United States embassy later today. It is our closest and most important relationship. I agree with my hon. Friend that there is an excellent team in British embassy Washington.
Sir Edward Leigh (Gainsborough) (Con)
Obviously this is a very sad day for the United States, with 9/11 and the assassination last night. Our relationship with the United States is crucial, and there is a dark cloud over the upcoming state visit, so will the Minister forgive me if I give him some gentle advice? In my experience of such scandals, the cover-up, the lack of due process and allegations of cronyism are much more serious than any original offence, or alleged offence. Will he ensure that every single document about the process is released post haste, including about the meeting that Mandelson requested with Prime Minister Blair over Epstein? We need everything released straightaway, and we need to move on and get a new ambassador.
Several hon. Members rose—
Mr Speaker
Order. The hon. Member for Camborne and Redruth (Perran Moon) has just mentioned another Member. I presume that he has contacted her to let her know that he was going to do so. Is that the case?
Mr Speaker
Please do not do that again. We are meant to treat each other with respect. This message is for all Members: if you are going to mention another Member, do them the courtesy of ensuring that they are first made aware of the fact.
Richard Foord (Honiton and Sidmouth) (LD)
On the Foreign Affairs Committee, we have seen the high calibre of career diplomats who usually take up the most senior ambassadorial appointments, so it is not obvious to me why the British ambassador to the United States was a former MP. In the emails that have leaked overnight, it appears that Lord Mandelson thinks that to govern is to schmooze. He famously declared in an election victory speech that he was a fighter, not a quitter, yet he urged the convicted paedophile, Jeffrey Epstein, that to fight for early release was the right thing. And Lord Mandelson did not do the decent thing and quit. Does the Minister regret the original appointment?
Neil O’Brien
On a point of order, Mr Speaker. The Minister says that the only reason why Peter Mandelson had to resign was the additional information that he had campaigned for the early release of Epstein. The Government are not saying exactly what they did or did not know at the point of appointment. The only way for this House to know exactly what they knew is for the Government to publish the documents relating to his vetting. If the Government will not publish those documents, as the Minister says they will not, would it be possible for this House to attain those documents using the Humble Address mechanism?
Mr Speaker
That is not a decision for me. The Treasury has heard, and if the Minister wishes to respond, I am more than happy to let him. He is not going to.
Mr Speaker
I am not going to continue the debate, but I will take a point of order.
Stephen Flynn
On a point of order, Mr Speaker. I would welcome clarity further on points just made. The Minister was asked on numerous occasions when the Prime Minister was made aware of the additional email information that led to Mr Mandelson’s sacking. He has not provided the House with that information. What avenues are available to us Members to find out when the Prime Minister knew this additional information?
Mr Speaker
The right hon. Member and party leader knows very well the mechanisms that he can use. I do not think that today is the end of the matter. I think this will be returned to at some point. In fairness to the Minister, he said that the House would be updated as and when the Government had the information. The points have been taken, and I expect the questions to be answered at some time. There is a long weekend before we get to Monday. Let us leave it there; I do not want to continue the debate.
Paul Holmes
On a point of order, Mr Speaker. This relates to the issue we have been discussing, but is about the House procedures. What I took from the Minister’s answer was that Lord Mandelson, a Member of the House of Lords, had not given a full account of his past actions while going through vetting processes. What disciplinary mechanisms can be used by the Lords to make him accountable for that, if true?
Mr Speaker
I have enough to do, dealing with the House of Commons. Responsibility for the House of Lords is not for me, and I will certainly not take it.
Qatar: Israeli Strike
Lindsay Hoyle Excerpts(1 week, 6 days ago)
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Mr Falconer
Mr Speaker, as you would expect and as is our usual practice, I will not be commenting on sanctions from the Dispatch Box. The Prime Minister has set out to this House his intentions for his meeting with President Herzog later. I can confirm that the Foreign Secretary met President Herzog this morning and raised these points among a range of others, including the urgent need both to ensure that aid gets into Gaza and that there is further Israeli support for British efforts to medically evacuate injured children and to provide fully funded scholarships to the UK.
Emily Thornberry (Islington South and Finsbury) (Lab)
What happened overnight illustrates a huge problem that the new Foreign Secretary will need to deal with; I am pleased that the Minister will be ably helping her. The problem is this: there is an emboldened, far-right Israeli Government who believe that they can do whatever they like and there will be no consequences, while on the other hand the country of Qatar is genuinely working towards peace. I know the Minister has met the Qatari Ministers; I have met them too. They could not be more sincere in the efforts they are making, yet they get bombed for their efforts. The question for the new Foreign Secretary is how we can make sure that we are not just bystanders but play an active role in dealing with this issue. How will the Prime Minister be able to convey such a message to President Herzog this afternoon?
Mr Falconer
I thank my right hon. Friend for the question. It is vital that at such serious moments that the UN Security Council plays its full part, so I can confirm to her that the UK is supporting calls for an emergency session of the UN Security Council this evening. The Foreign Secretary will be joining calls with her E3 counterparts this afternoon, and we will be discussing this matter, as my right hon. Friend would expect, with a range of G7 allies, including the United States.
Priti Patel (Witham) (Con)
This is clearly a very, very serious moment for the middle east. No one in this House wants to see a spiral of escalation of hostilities. Both Israel and Qatar are important and valued strategic partners for the United Kingdom, and we value and recognise the extensive efforts by the Qatari Government to secure the release of hostages and work towards securing a ceasefire. It is tragic, as the Minister has highlighted, that security guards were killed in this attack, but there are some fundamental issues here, and many of these points have been made from the Dispatch Box time and again.
This is a moment for our country. Britain must contribute and provide the British expertise necessary for conflict resolution and support strong regional initiatives, including backing Qatar and the Qataris on releasing the hostages and achieving a ceasefire.
On top of that, of course, we must work with our allies in the United States, and next week’s visit from President Trump is a crucial moment. There can be no more equivocation, as this issue continues to afflict the region day after day after day.
It is also true that we certainly should not be mourning the Hamas leaders who have been killed. Hamas have held innocent hostages in terrorist captivity for over 700 days, and they were responsible for the atrocities of 7 October 2023, which also killed British nationals.
In recent months, Israel has been removing terrorist actors across the middle east—the leadership of the Houthis, Hezbollah and malign individuals in the Iranian regime too. That means that our Government must play a strong role and stand firm on degrading Iran’s nuclear capabilities and that malign influence in the region. In recognising the sensitivity of the situation in the Gulf, will the Minister confirm what actions he and the FCDO will take to stabilise efforts to secure the release of the hostages; what proactive steps are being taken to degrade Hamas and their capabilities; and, of course, how we can work constructively with our partners in the region to drive the right outcomes, including achieving a ceasefire?
Oral Answers to Questions
Lindsay Hoyle Excerpts(3 weeks ago)
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Stephen Doughty
We have to make very difficult choices as a result of the decision we made. We remain absolutely committed to international development. The detailed allocations will be set out in due course, and they will of course be informed by impact assessments before we publish multi-year allocations.
Wendy Morton (Aldridge-Brownhills) (Con)
At a time when we face global development spending reductions across critical areas such as global health, women, peace and security, girls’ education, water, sanitation and hygiene, and nutrition, Ministers have chosen to increase energy and climate spending by £244 million—an increase of 59%. Could the Minister explain the rationale for that significant increase and outline how those funds will be allocated, particularly as, unlike in 2024-25, no breakdown of political priorities is available for scrutiny?
Stephen Doughty
As I have just said, we will set out the detailed allocations in due course; they will be informed by impact assessments. The right hon. Member rightly raises the issue of women and girls. Of course, less money does not mean less action, and we see our work on women and girls as essential for development and our UK missions overseas. We have appointed Baroness Harman as a UK special envoy for women and girls. We are amplifying the voices of women’s organisations and movements, including in climate-affected contexts, and embedding gender equality across our international action. That is absolutely a priority for us, and we will set out the details of individual programmes, informed by those impact assessments, in due course.
Mr Speaker
With congratulations on her marriage over the summer recess, I call Louise Sandher-Jones.
Louise Sandher-Jones (North East Derbyshire) (Lab)
Mr Falconer
I agree very much with my hon. Friend. The US of course has a key role to play in securing a lasting peace in the region. As the Foreign Secretary said yesterday, he has raised the issues directly with his American counterparts, as have the rest of the ministerial team. I confirm the Government’s full support for the US, Qatar and Egypt in their vital work to secure a sustainable ceasefire.
Calum Miller (Bicester and Woodstock) (LD)
One hundred and sixty-eight days ago, the Foreign Secretary described the Netanyahu Government’s aid blockade of Gaza as a “breach of international law”, before correcting himself to describe it as only risking a breach. Yesterday, the Foreign Secretary told the House that Gaza faces a “man-made famine” and that he was “outraged” by the Israeli Government’s block on aid, so do the Government now accept that Israel has breached international law?
Stephen Doughty
As I have explained many times in the House, those figures are completely misleading. The net present value of payments under the treaty is £3.4 billion. The average cost of the deal in today’s money is £101 million per year. That is just a fraction of our Defence budget, and represents a few hours of spending on our NHS. This Government will not scrimp when it comes to the national security of the United Kingdom and our allies.
Emily Thornberry (Islington South and Finsbury) (Lab)
Given that the Foreign Office has not agreed with Mauritius a defined financial allocation for the Chagos marine protected area; given that no additional money has been secured or ringfenced for environmental protection; given that no one who would be involved in the administration of the marine protected area has so much as visited the archipelago; given the very little communication between the Mauritius Government and the British scientific community, who currently protect the area; given that the capacity of Mauritius to patrol the archipelago for poachers is unknown; and given that it is not clear whether the dispute mechanism set out in the treaty can even be used if the UK deems that Mauritius is in breach of its marine protection commitments, what are the Minister’s hopes for this absolutely unique and priceless marine protected area? Can that all be fixed by the memorandum of understanding?
Mr Speaker
Order. Sorry, but I have a lot of Members to get in. I have given the Chair of the Select Committee a lot of leeway. It might be worth her putting in for an Adjournment debate, if there is so much to say on the subject; I would be more than happy with that.
Stephen Doughty
I thank my right hon. Friend for her interest in this important issue, which she and members of the Foreign Affairs Committee have raised with me previously. The Government have secured a deal that will help to protect the unique environment of the Chagos archipelago, supported by an enhanced partnership between the UK and Mauritius, under which we will support Mauritius’s ambition to establish a marine protected area to protect the globally significant ecosystems to which she refers. The agreement of the terms of the technical support and assistance is a priority within the ongoing implementation process with Mauritius. I have listened very carefully to what she says and she can be assured that I have already been asking questions about many of those issues.
Andrew Rosindell (Romford) (Con)
The Government have now been forced to admit the real cost of the catastrophic Chagos surrender deal: it is not £3.4 billion—oh no, Mr Speaker—it is a mind blowing £34.7 billion, which is 10 times more that we were told. No wonder Mauritius is planning tax cuts of its own, and it is British businesses and families who will pay the price. This deal leaves our country poorer, our defence capabilities damaged and our standing in the world weakened. Will the Minister now apologise to the British people for this epic failure in diplomacy, withdraw his Chagos surrender Bill and keep the islands British?
Stephen Doughty
I set out the position on the changes to our aid budget earlier. I can assure the hon. Gentleman that we recognise the important work that civil society does in Georgia, and indeed more broadly, in ensuring a free society. He will appreciate that the situation there is very difficult. We have suspended all our programme support for the Georgian Government, restricted our defence co-operation, limited our engagement with Georgian Dream representatives and frozen the annual strategic dialogue in response to the very disturbing direction of travel that we have seen in Georgia. I also thank the hon. Gentleman for his kind comments.
Sir Alec Shelbrooke (Wetherby and Easingwold) (Con)
It is indeed time for a step change in the UK’s response to the sinister crackdown on freedom and political opposition in Georgia. It is welcome that the Minister is assessing asset bans and freezes on those responsible for this wholly unacceptable situation. May I ask that he steps up efforts for the Georgian civil society counter-destabilisation hybrid activities, especially in the information space and the actors that might be involved in that? What discussions has he had with the US Administration in the light of the MEGOBARI Bill going through Congress?
Mr Lammy
I thank my hon. Friend for raising this issue once again. It is absolutely a standing item on the agenda with our friends in the United States, and of course we discuss these issues with our friends in Ukraine. Very shortly, my hon. Friend will see a further announcement in relation to this terrible atrocity.
Priti Patel (Witham) (Con)
As Ukraine passes the grim milestone of its fourth independence day since Putin began his barbaric invasion, we have seen nothing but sustained aerial assaults and brutality from Putin. May I ask the Foreign Secretary directly what he will do to redouble his efforts in relation to sanctions—specific sanctions on those who are profiteering and making money from Russian oil? That is effectively what is fuelling Putin’s war machine and his barbaric assault on democracy.
Mr Lammy
I say to my hon. Friend that we have been clear right throughout this crisis that Palestinian territory must not be reduced in the conduct of this war, and we do not support the forced displacement of people. Palestinian civilians must be permitted to return to their communities and rebuild their lives.
Priti Patel (Witham) (Con)
The Joint Committee on Human Rights’ recent report into transnational repression recommended that China be placed on the enhanced tier of the foreign influence registration scheme, alongside Iran and Russia. Clearly, this follows concerns following the China audit and the national security strategy, so I have a very specific question for the Foreign Secretary: when will he recognise that China is a threat to our national security and put it on the enhanced tier of FIRS?
The Minister of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Stephen Doughty)
First, I express my deep condolences over Holly’s death. I know this is a very distressing time for Mr and Mrs Woodcock and the whole family. My hon. Friend will know about the consular support that is being provided, as we have spoken about that. I would, of course, be very happy to meet him and the Woodcock family to discuss the matter further, although he will understand that I cannot get directly involved in overseas investigations by authorities in France.
Calum Miller (Bicester and Woodstock) (LD)
The Business Secretary is due to travel to China next week to restart trade talks. His trip will fall 50 days after Beijing announced its latest round of extraterritorial bounties, targeting 19 pro-democracy Hongkongers, including several more UK-based activists. In an earlier answer, the Minister laid out the many steps to sanction the Georgian Government for their assault on democracy. Will the Foreign Secretary implore the Business Secretary to cancel his trip and press for a block on all UK ministerial visits to China until Beijing rescinds those bounties?
Mr Falconer
Mr Speaker, as there has been a number of different reports on this, let me clarify that we believe that it is the Houthi Prime Minister, rather than the Yemeni Prime Minister, who has recently been struck. The Houthis, as the House knows, are a threat not just to the people of Yemen and to the region, but to international shipping. I have engaged closely with the Yemeni Government, including with both the previous Yemeni Prime Minister and the current Yemeni Prime Minister, who I am happy to report is still alive.
Sir Edward Leigh (Gainsborough) (Con)
Does the Foreign Secretary agree that one of the worst aspects of the actions of the Israeli authorities is the continual stripping away of the dignity of the Palestinian people in Jerusalem and the west bank? Only last week, the Greek Orthodox patriarch learned that, for the first time in history, Israeli authorities launched a property tax on Greek Orthodox churches. There was international outrage at the freezing of bank accounts. That has made a difference. Can this House and this Government stick up for the rights of the Palestinian people? Not even the Ottomans tried to impose a church tax.
Mr Lammy
We applaud President Trump’s efforts to bring about a sustained and sustainable peace, and there are detailed discussions going on about security guarantees and what role the United States may play as a result of the summit, but our assessment is that Putin is not up to seriously negotiating. We condemn the killing and the loss of life that has continued, and the injuring of a security guard at the British Council.
Sarah Champion (Rotherham) (Lab)
We need to recognise that, due to climate change, conflict and population growth, forced and economic migration is only going to increase. My Committee will shortly publish a report on displaced people, covering both the drivers and possible solutions. I note with concern that Jordan—a country that houses many refugees—is receiving a 35% cut this year. Will the Foreign Secretary outline his strategy to keep people safe and economically viable in their own or host countries, and how that can be achieved with a dramatically reduced ODA budget?
Sudan
Lindsay Hoyle Excerpts(2 months, 1 week ago)
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Catherine West
I thank my hon. Friend, who is a loud voice here on behalf her Sudanese diaspora. The most important things the UK can do to build on the momentum of the important London Sudan conference—bearing in mind that we were the first to have such a conference—are to continue to base our work on the statement from its co-chairs; to continue, as she says, to use our role at the United Nations; and to work through the new friends of Sudan grouping to keep pushing at the highest level, using our position on the UN Security Council to galvanise its action and continue the important supply of aid into the region.
Wendy Morton (Aldridge-Brownhills) (Con)
I am grateful to you, Mr Speaker, for granting this urgent question, and my right hon. Friend the Member for Sutton Coldfield (Sir Andrew Mitchell) for pursuing this matter.
The situation in Sudan is dire. We are deeply concerned by the International Criminal Court’s findings last week that there are reasonable grounds to believe that war crimes and crimes against humanity may be being committed in Darfur. The humanitarian situation continues to deteriorate, with the UN warning on 30 June of drastic cuts to life-saving food aid for Sudanese refugees fleeing to neighbouring countries. Sudan has been identified as the global hunger hotspot of highest concern, and without immediate humanitarian assistance, the risk is terrible. With recent attacks on UN aid convoys, can the Minister provide her latest assessment of the situation and the extent of aid blocking? How is she ensuring that UK aid—including the £120 million announced at the April Sudan conference—will reach those who need it, and that aid workers are protected?
More broadly, what new measures are the Government taking to compel the warring parties into a ceasefire, to allow more aid in and to facilitate deconfliction for its delivery in the meantime? How has the Minister supported Sudanese civilian and political forces to engage in constructive dialogue processes such as the Cairo conference, and what is her assessment of the effectiveness of these processes? Despite the spending review, we are yet to understand what the 0.3% figure means for bilateral aid, so will she confirm the bilateral spend for Sudan this year?
Sudan matters. It is not in the UK’s national interests for the crossing of red lines in this conflict to persist, to have the displacement of people on this scale, nor to see the further destabilisation of this region of Africa.
Catherine West
I thank my hon. Friend her for her important work in pulling together groups—in particular aid workers whose focus is on medical relief—and for her role on the Foreign Affairs Committee. I am sure she shares with me the worry about the news of a cholera outbreak in the region. I thank her for her important work in that regard. She also impresses on the House the importance of the UK’s support to women and girls.
The Foreign Secretary visited the Sudan-Chad border in January to raise awareness of Sudan, speaking directly to refugees, including survivors who shared harrowing stories of sexual violence and torture, and in March, Lord Collins, the Africa Minister, chaired a UN Security Council briefing on committing to the prevention of violence against women and girls in Sudan, but my hon. Friend is quite right to say that this week, as the House comes towards its rising, we must do even more. I will undertake to share this particular dialogue in the House with the Minister for Africa, so he can redouble his efforts in the month of August to ensure that the UK is well represented in international discussions.
Monica Harding (Esher and Walton) (LD)
The ongoing war in Sudan is the world’s largest humanitarian catastrophe and the biggest since aid began. I thank you, Mr Speaker, for granting this urgent question, but I regret that in the past seven months there has been only one statement on Sudan from the Government.
Local and community-led emergency response rooms are central to the on-the-ground response. Will the Minister outline how the UK is increasing support to those ERRs? Since the London conference, what bilateral conversations have the Government had with regional actors and the US about Sudan? War crimes are being committed on an almost daily basis. The two principal warring parties oppose a democratic Sudan, so what are the Government doing to support Sudanese civilian groups and civil society fighting for the democratic future?
Since 2023, The New York Times has repeatedly reported that the United Arab Emirates is funnelling weapons to the Rapid Support Forces, and the UN’s expert panel on Sudan deemed those allegations credible. What are the Government doing to address the proliferation of outside weapons in Sudan, and to uphold and expand the arms embargo? How are they clamping down on the illicit international trade in Sudanese gold, which is financing this war? Finally, what assessment have the Government made of the American judgment that chemical weapons are being used in Sudan?
British Indian Ocean Territory: Sovereignty
Lindsay Hoyle Excerpts(2 months, 3 weeks ago)
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Stephen Doughty
My hon. Friend is absolutely right. National security is the top priority of this Government, and working with our crucial allies, including the United States, is key to that. He is absolutely right to point out the support that was gained for this deal through a full and detailed inter-agency process in the United States, at the highest levels of the Administration, as well as the support from our Five Eyes partners and from India. The fact is that this deal secures the base and secures our capabilities, and it would not have been signed off if it did not do that.
Calum Miller (Bicester and Woodstock) (LD)
The shambolic process of securing this deal has left many questions for the House, but the glaring omission at the heart of that negotiation has been the failure by successive Governments to properly consult the Chagossian people. For much of their history, Chagossians have been denied consultation on who governs them and their right to self-determination. We Liberal Democrats now fear that in handing over the sovereignty of the islands to Mauritius without properly reflecting the interests of Chagossians, the Government are only reinforcing that legacy.
The right hon. Member for Witham (Priti Patel) criticises the actions of Liberal Democrat peers in the other place, yet only the Liberal Democrats championed the rights of the Chagossian people and secured a commitment from the Government to make statements to both Houses on their approach before ratification. In the light of those shortcomings, it is wrong that the Government have not brought the treaty to this House for scrutiny. Will the Minister reverse that decision today and give parliamentarians the opportunity to assess and vote on the final deal?
Stephen Doughty
My hon. Friend asks an important question. Since the treaty was laid, I have had 50 written questions from the right hon. Lady. In comparison, I have had four on Gibraltar, two on Ukraine, and one on Poland. He is right that this matter has received scrutiny.
Mr Speaker
I am not being funny, but it is amazing that the Minister had those figures to hand.
Sir James Cleverly (Braintree) (Con)
The hon. Gentleman, for whom I have a huge amount of respect, keeps saying that the Government had no choice but to do this deal. I do not believe that to be true. My successor, Lord Cameron, did not believe that to be true either, which is why neither he nor I signed off an agreement. Will the Minister please explain to the House in detail why he believed that he had no choice, including what body, at what time, and with what jurisdiction?
Oral Answers to Questions
Lindsay Hoyle Excerpts(2 months, 4 weeks ago)
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Mr Falconer
We have set out the reasons why the Government have had to take special measures to ensure that the F-35 programme continued to operate, which includes our continued role in the global spares pool in the United States. However, I agree with the sentiments of the hon. Lady’s constituents; the deaths around aid distribution centres are clearly horrifying, and there needs to be a full investigation and action taken. Vitally, aid must get into Gaza at the scale required and from enough distribution centres in order to avoid the horrifying scenes that we have seen.
Emily Thornberry (Islington South and Finsbury) (Lab)
We must not forget Gaza. Despite the eyes of the world now being turned to the Iran-Israel war, it is important that we continue to remember the suffering of the Gazans and continue to move on it. As a witness from Médecins Sans Frontières said to my Committee, there is “lethal chaos” in Gaza. There is one read-across from the Iran-Israel war that I think we should learn from: the clear closeness between Israel and America, and the fact that America can influence Israel. I ask the Minister to ensure that we continue to say in our conversations with the Americans not to give up on Gaza, and to use their influence to ensure that the Israelis do the right thing. There must be peace and the hostages must come home.
Mr Falconer
As I have said, the Foreign Secretary has raised these issues with both his American and Israeli counterparts, and I have done the same. We remain steely in our focus on the situation in Gaza, including the tragic scenes around the deprivation of aid and the impact that is having on civilians right across the strip, including children. We are trying to take every measure we can to reduce that suffering. That includes aid where it can be brought in; aid into the region, where that is the most appropriate way to reach the medically vulnerable; and in a few small cases ensuring that Gazan children can access medical assistance here.
Priti Patel (Witham) (Con)
The humanitarian situation in Gaza simply cannot continue. We have spent a lot of time in this House discussing the extent of that situation and the fact that food and essential supplies are not getting through to support innocent victims. What proposals has the Minister put to Israel about the opening of specific crossing points for aid delivery into Gaza? Will he give his assessment of why the Israeli Government may not be listening to this country and our Government on this particular issue?
Mr Falconer
The disagreement that the Israeli Government have is not simply with the British Government; it is with a wide range of their partners. As the right hon. Lady is aware, we signed a statement with 26 partners about the humanitarian situation. We made a leader-level statement with France and Canada. There is wide disagreement with the approach that the Israeli Government are taking in relation to aid distribution. At the weekend, the Foreign Secretary discussed these matters, including entry points, with the Foreign Minister of Israel. We would like to see the Israeli Government shift position. It is clear, for the reasons that she says, that that shift must come urgently.
Calum Miller (Bicester and Woodstock) (LD)
On Thursday, I received a message from Mohammed, an NHS doctor with family in Gaza. He wrote:
“My 16-year-old nephew was missing for five days after heading out to retrieve humanitarian aid at a location announced by Israeli forces. We found him dead yesterday; his body mutilated, eaten by stray dogs. He died alone. No one could reach him or others like him in time. He was only a boy who desperately wanted to get food for his starving family.”
On 10 June, the Minister sanctioned two Israeli Ministers who advocated for the blockade of Gaza, noting that that would not remove Hamas or ensure that the hostages were released. But nothing has changed. What further steps are the Government taking today to signal to the Government of Israel that the UK will not stand idly by while children in Gaza are starved, denied medicine or killed as they seek food for their families?
Mr Lammy
I am grateful to my hon. Friend for continuing to prosecute this issue and for raising it at every opportunity. It is a heinous crime. We have already sanctioned some of the individuals who lie behind it. I will not comment on future sanctions, but we are, of course, keeping this under full consideration. It will be a topic of discussion with both Ukrainian Foreign Ministers and NATO Ministers later today.
Priti Patel (Witham) (Con)
Ukraine has bravely fought back Putin’s illegal invasion, and that is with our undoubted support. Will the Foreign Secretary give an update on what action is under way to release the billions of pounds of frozen Russian assets? On the subject of Russian threats and malign influence, he will be alarmed to know that the political opposition leaders in Georgia have been arrested and imprisoned this week. What steps are the Government taking in response, and will further sanctions be considered to curtail Putin’s absolute abuse of democracy in Europe?
Mr Lammy
The Minister responsible for Europe, my hon. Friend the Member for Cardiff South and Penarth (Stephen Doughty), has condemned what took place in Georgia over the last few days, and I endorse that condemnation. On the issue of Russian assets, we are engaged particularly with European colleagues who are more exposed than we are. It has been right to allow new Governments in Europe to take their place and consider these issues, because they require some technical understanding, but we continue to press this issue, and it will be a topic at the NATO summit later today.
Calum Miller (Bicester and Woodstock) (LD)
Over the weekend, while the world’s attention was fixed on the escalating conflict in the middle east, President Putin restated publicly his desire to conquer the whole of Ukraine and his readiness to use nuclear weapons against Kyiv. I welcome the Foreign Secretary’s assurance that he is maintaining a focus on Putin’s barbaric war against Ukraine.
The Foreign Secretary previously told the House that Germany and Belgium were the blockers to international agreement on seizing frozen Russian assets. Will he set out how he and the Prime Minister will raise this proposal with his Belgian and German counterparts at the NATO summit? Has he considered replicating the EU’s proposals to extract billions of euros more from those assets by moving them into higher yielding investments?
Julia Lopez (Hornchurch and Upminster) (Con)
I should like to know what steps the Foreign Office is taking to protect women and girls in this country. There can be no better candidates for deportation than non-UK nationals who have violently raped children here. After the Casey report into the gangs scandal last week, Ministers promised that they would do everything they could to deport the men involved. Will the Foreign Secretary confirm that he has already told Pakistan that British aid and diplomatic visas will be withdrawn if convicted rapists are not taken back?
Catherine West
It is probably a question for the Home Office, but we in the Foreign Office will do anything we can to support victims and bring people to justice.
Wendy Morton (Aldridge-Brownhills) (Con)
Education is a basic right, and ensuring quality education for every girl is essential to building a more equitable world. In 2023, the Conservative Government launched the women and girls strategy to deliver on the three Es: education, empowering women and girls, and ending violence. Does the Minister stand by the commitment to ensure that at least 50% of aid reaches women and girls? Most importantly, will she confirm the 2025-26 official development assistance spending for global education following the spending review?
Stephen Doughty
I could not agree more. This deal is supported by the United States, by our Five Eyes partners and by India. It secures our national security, the security of our allies and the base well into the next century. As I have said many times, if there was not a problem, why did the previous Government start negotiating?
Andrew Rosindell (Romford) (Con)
Labour’s surrender of British sovereignty has been welcomed by China, Russia and Iran, and now we learn that the UK will have to notify Mauritius of any military operations coming from Diego Garcia, jeopardising our national security. Far from upholding our international obligations, this treaty is a shameful betrayal of British Chagossians, with no guarantee of access to the Mauritian-controlled £40 million trust fund and British taxpayers forking out £30 billion to subsidise tax cuts in Mauritius. Why will the Government not allow this House a proper debate and a vote before next week’s 21-day deadline under the Constitutional Reform and Governance Act 2010? Should we not keep the Chagos islands British and under the protection of the Crown? Would that not be a better policy?
Mr Lammy
My hon. Friend will have seen that we worked with Australia, Canada, New Zealand and Norway on taking those sanctions against Ben-Gvir and Smotrich. I cannot speculate on future sanctions, but I reassure him that we are co-ordinating with our allies. He will know that on the issue of humanitarian aid, for example, 26 countries joined us.
Priti Patel (Witham) (Con)
Given the clear threat that Iran poses to the United Kingdom, our allies and the middle east, does the Foreign Secretary support the actions undertaken by the United States to degrade Iran’s nuclear weapons? He will have heard that President Trump has said that Iran’s nuclear capabilities are gone. Does he welcome that?
Yasmin Qureshi (Bolton South and Walkden) (Lab)
Yasmin Qureshi
What steps is the Minister taking to stop the killing of Palestinians, and to recognise the state of Palestine?
Shockat Adam (Leicester South) (Ind)
Earlier this month, the US President ordered the brutal Immigration and Customs Enforcement raids in Los Angeles, and called those protesting against these raids “paid insurrectionists” and “criminal invaders”. A few days later, a gunman assassinated Democratic politician Melissa Hortman. In recent months, figures associated with the US President have spread disinformation and polarising rhetoric via social media, even targeting a Government Minister. I am sure that the Secretary of State agrees that this level of political violence—
Mr Speaker
Order. This is topical questions; I have to get other people in. Questions are meant to be short and punchy. Please, let us now hear a quick answer from the Foreign Secretary.
Mr Lammy
Just as the hon. Gentleman would not expect members of Congress or the Senate to comment on domestic issues in our country, I am not going to stray into domestic issues in the US. It remains the closest of allies.
Middle East
Lindsay Hoyle Excerpts(3 months ago)
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The Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs (Mr David Lammy)
With permission, I will make a statement on the Israel-Iran conflict.
Since I last updated the House, the United States has struck three Iranian nuclear sites at Isfahan, Natanz and Fordow. Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth has said that the action was “intentionally limited”. Britain was not involved in the strikes, just as it was not involved in Israel’s operations, but Britain has long had concerns about Iran’s nuclear programme. Iran can never have a nuclear weapon, and the United States has now taken action to alleviate that threat. A nuclear-armed Iran would endanger the immediate region and threaten the global community.
This is a perilous moment in the middle east. Waves of strikes between Israel and Iran have lasted for 10 days, continuing overnight. I know that the whole House will have in their thoughts the many civilians impacted by the fighting. I can confirm today that they include one British national injured in Israel. We have reached out to offer consular support.
Iran has consistently failed to reassure the world that it is not pursuing a nuclear weapon. The House will recall Prime Minister Gordon Brown calling out Iran for perpetrating “serial deception” over years after exposure of the fortified Fordow nuclear site. Today, Iran’s enriched uranium stockpile is 40 times over the limit set by the joint comprehensive plan of action. Iran is enriching at 60%, while typically, a commercial nuclear reactor such as the one at Sizewell operates with uranium enriched at between 3% and 5%. Iran lacks any civilian justification for this level of nuclear activity, and the International Atomic Energy Agency’s board of governors has declared Iran to be in breach of its nuclear non-proliferation obligations.
As we respond to this fast-moving situation, our first priority remains the welfare of British nationals in Iran and Israel and of our staff on the ground. Our crisis teams in London and the region have been working around the clock, and Israel has put restrictions on its airspace since Friday 13 June. The British embassy in Tel Aviv and the British consulate in Jerusalem are open. All our diplomats remain in place supporting British nationals, and we have bolstered the embassy in Tel Aviv with a rapid deployment team from the UK.
We have been working closely with the Israeli authorities to prepare flights to evacuate vulnerable British nationals and their dependants. Yesterday, we launched a booking portal for British nationals. Today, as soon as it was possible to enter Israeli airspace, I can confirm to the House that a Royal Air Force A400 has flown in to Tel Aviv and taken 63 British nationals and their dependants to Cyprus, from where they will be brought home this evening. Further flights will follow in the coming days, security allowing. We will prioritise those with greatest need and contact those allocated a seat directly. We will send updates on future flights to all British nationals registered with the Foreign Office, and I encourage all British nationals still in Israel and the occupied territories to register their presence, so that they receive our updates. These British nationals should follow instructions from the Israeli authorities. International land border crossings to Jordan and Egypt are open, and commercial flights continue from both those countries. Consular teams are on hand to assist British nationals who have crossed the border.
In Iran, airspace remains closed and there has been a near-total internet shutdown. Due to the security situation, we took the precautionary step last Friday of temporarily withdrawing our staff from Iran. The embassy is operating remotely, though our ability to support British nationals still in Iran is extremely limited. The House will know that the Foreign Office has advised against travel to Iran since 2019. Those seeking to cross Iran’s land borders can contact the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office for assistance, including with additional paperwork.
British nationals in the wider region should follow our travel advice closely. Following a US security alert for its nationals in Qatar, out of an abundance of caution we now recommend that British nationals in Qatar shelter in place until further notice.
Alongside our consular teams, our diplomats are fully engaged in trying to end this crisis. We can and we must find a negotiated solution. The window has narrowed, but the risks of further escalation are so great, and the costs so considerable for Britain and all in the region, that this is the Government’s priority. We do not yet know precisely how far the US strikes have set back Iran’s nuclear programme, but there remains the need for a durable diplomatic solution. Strikes cannot destroy the knowledge Iran has acquired over several decades, nor any regime ambition to deploy that knowledge to build a nuclear weapon. That is why we have been working so intensively with the new US Administration to reach a new agreement with Iran.
Iran and President Trump’s envoy, Steve Witkoff, held five rounds of negotiations. Britain joined France and Germany in seven rounds of engagements with Iran, too. Even after the Israeli strikes, I travelled to Washington and then Geneva last week, meeting in the White House with Secretary Rubio and Witkoff, and then sitting opposite Iranian Foreign Minister Araghchi in several hours of talks, pushing for Iran to accept the diplomatic off-ramp. Directly after the US strikes, we have been at the heart of a collective drive with partners to get back to negotiations. My right hon. and learned Friend the Prime Minister has spoken to President Trump. I have spoken to Marco Rubio and Israeli Foreign Minister Sa’ar. We have both been in touch with European and middle eastern partners. That is why I spoke again to Minister Araghchi yesterday.
My message for Tehran was clear: take the off-ramp, dial this thing down and negotiate with the United States seriously and immediately. The alternative is an even more destructive and far-reaching conflict, which could have unpredictable consequences.
The situation presents serious risks to British interests in the region. Following the moving in of additional assets on a precautionary basis, force protection is at its highest levels. The House should be in no doubt: we are prepared to defend our personnel, our assets, and those of our allies and partners. We are closely monitoring how energy markets are responding to the conflict, and we have been extremely clear with the Iranians: any action to blockade the strait of Hormuz would be a monumental act of economic self-harm, making a diplomatic solution even harder.
We are also maintaining a sharp focus on other conflicts in the region, first and foremost the catastrophic plight of Gazans and the ongoing ordeal of the hostages and their loved ones, all fearing that this war leaves them forgotten. Today I met Eli Sharabi, held in chains by Iranian-backed terrorists, who was released from Hamas captivity only to discover that they had murdered his family. Last week the Israel Defence Forces recovered the bodies of two hostages, as well as that of Shai Levinson, an Israeli with British family killed on 7 October, which Hamas had been cruelly keeping from their loved ones. Half a million Palestinian civilians are facing starvation and more than 400 have reportedly been killed in recent weeks trying to access food, while Gazan hospitals have had to stop services that are vital for childbirth and emergency surgeries. This is appalling, it is unacceptable, and it must finally end. The Israeli Government must lift aid restrictions, and Hamas must release all the hostages. An immediate ceasefire has never been more urgent.
The consequences of the current situation are hard to predict. History can offer us no guide after events that are unprecedented in the region. The Government have sought to react quickly to the twists and turns of recent weeks, while maintaining a focus on where British interests lie—with a lasting end to Iran’s nuclear programme, a de-escalation of tensions, and security for our people across the region. We will continue to persevere with diplomacy.
I commend this statement to the House.
Mr Lammy
I am very grateful for the co-operative tone in which the right hon. Lady has made her remarks. Quite rightly, she has a number of questions that I will attempt to answer, but let me begin by saying that, fundamentally, we are in agreement that the regime in Iran can never have a nuclear weapon, and all our efforts are designed to ensure that that is the case. The whole House will understand that this is not just about Iran, the region and global security; we have to remain steadfast in our commitment not to see nuclear proliferation. If Iran got a nuclear weapon, others in the region would clearly seek to follow. It is, therefore, a sober commitment, beginning 80 years ago, that we must see to completion in relation to those ambitions.
The right hon. Lady asks about British nationals in Israel. Just over 4,000 British nationals have registered their interest following our appeal last week, and judging by the pattern in previous crises in Israel and the region, we estimate that between 15% and 20% of them will take up the offer of British assistance to leave. As she knows, the airspace has been closed, so that offer—until this point—has been about getting them to the border, but I am very pleased that a flight has landed and taken off, and we hope to work with the Israeli Government on further flights from the area. My understanding is that the Americans have put on a military plane from Israel for its citizens, but she will understand that the uniqueness of the relationship between the United States and Israel facilitated that opening, and I am very pleased we have been able to garner the same agreement with the Israeli Government. This is an ongoing and fast-moving situation, and she has heard what I have advised British nationals in Qatar today. Of course, we keep this under close review, and there may need to be further updates over the next few days.
It was important that I was in Washington DC to sit down with the US Administration, and in that meeting with Marco Rubio and Steve Witkoff last week, it was very clear to me that all options were on the table and that President Trump had those options in front of him. I of course discussed with them in detail the trip I would be making to Geneva, alongside my French and German counterparts and the European High Representative, and they were keen and hopeful that it might be successful. It was not successful, but we continue to press the Iranians to take the off ramp and get into negotiations with the United States and the E3 to ensure that they are in compliance.
The right hon. Lady asked about the legal advice. That must rightly be a matter for the US Government in relation to their action. I am pleased that she mentioned the ministerial code. She will know that paragraph 2.13 of the ministerial code prevents those of us in government —and she has been in government in the past—discussing legal advice so that Government can operate in the appropriate way. However, I would say to her that this was not our action. We have been clear that we were not involved. She asked whether we had any request from the US Government. We did not get such a request, but we were notified before the action took place.
The right hon. Lady also asked about state threats, and it is right to say that we have thwarted 20 such state threats in this country since 2022. She will know, including from the fact that we put Iran in the highest tier for national interference, that we take the threats from Iran very seriously. We are reviewing the gaps that Jon Hall found in how we deal with state threats in our country, and we will come forward with legislation in the coming months.
Emily Thornberry (Islington South and Finsbury) (Lab)
The only way to stop Iran building a nuclear bomb is a deal, but there cannot be a deal without negotiations and there cannot be negotiations without trust. President Trump tore up the first nuclear deal and is now acting alongside Israel, and its attack last week ended the US-Iran negotiations for a new nuclear deal. The war aims of this campaign are so unclear, with an emboldened Netanyahu Government calling for regime change, and President Trump hinting at it, too. In all those circumstances, it is difficult to see how there can be negotiations based on trust. Does the Foreign Secretary agree that Britain must continue to play a role in the negotiations, even though they must seem an incredibly difficult and challenging prospect?
Mr Lammy
I am very grateful to my right hon. Friend, the Chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee, for her question. It goes to the heart of where the UK should be at this time, and that is at the centre of the diplomatic effort. a diplomatic effort will be necessary at the end of this process because, sadly, once people have the ability to enrich uranium to 60%, that knowledge is not lost. It is the stepping stone to an advanced weapon, and therefore only a diplomatic solution and the correct framework can ensure that we keep the global community safe.
Calum Miller (Bicester and Woodstock) (LD)
I, too, thank the Foreign Secretary for advance sight of his statement.
The Liberal Democrats share in the condemnation of an Iranian regime that poses an existential threat to Israel and has terrorised its own people as surely as it has citizens from other countries around the world, including the UK. That is why we support the consensus in this House that Iran can never be allowed to have nuclear weapons.
Yet it is not clear that military action by Israel and the US can provide the necessary long-term lock on Iran’s nuclear ambitions. Following this weekend’s strikes, it was reported that Iran will work at pace to develop weapons with what remains of its enriched uranium supplies. That should give pause to those on the Conservative and Reform Benches who have breathlessly echoed President Trump’s line that the strikes have been an unrivalled success. Instead of bringing security, Trump and Netanyahu’s unilateral actions have increased uncertainty and the risk of a full-scale regional war. Their belief that might is right both further erodes the rules-based international order and undermines the prospects of containing Iran and other rogue states in the long term. This is not the UK’s interest.
That is why Liberal Democrats have called consistently for the application of robust diplomacy, supported by International Atomic Energy Agency monitoring and grounded in international law, as the only sustainable way permanently to limit Iran’s nuclear ambitions. Our immediate priority must now be to ensure the safety and support of British nationals in the region, learning the lessons of unacceptable delays on previous occasions, so why has it taken over a week since the start of strikes to begin repatriating Britons from Israel? What more is being done to support those in the wider region who want to leave?
The Government have also remained silent on the legality of this conflict. Will the Foreign Secretary now commit to publishing the Attorney General’s advice on whether any UK involvement in the conflict would constitute a breach of international law? Will he confirm that this House will be given a vote before any decision for the UK to enter this conflict?
Several hon. Members rose—
Mr Speaker
Order. I am aiming for 5 o’clock, so if we can speed up questions and answers, that would be very helpful. For a good example of that, I call Louise Jones.
Louise Jones (North East Derbyshire) (Lab)
When there was US offensive action against Iran five years ago, we saw proxy action taken against UK and US personnel deployed in the middle east, where we sadly lost Lance Corporal Brodie Gillon. I do not expect the Foreign Secretary to give me details, but can he assure me that everything is being done to make sure there is adequate force protection for those who are still deployed on behalf of this country?
Gibraltar
Lindsay Hoyle Excerpts(3 months, 1 week ago)
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The Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs (Mr David Lammy)
My thoughts, and I am sure those of the entire House, are with those who have been affected by the tragic plane crash in India this morning. We know that British nationals were on board. I can confirm, Mr Speaker, that the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office is working urgently with local authorities to support British nationals and their families, and has stood up a crisis team in both Delhi and London.
With permission, Mr Speaker, I will now make a statement on Gibraltar. Yesterday, the United Kingdom reached a political agreement with the European Union on the last major unresolved issue from our decision to leave the EU, providing much-needed certainty for people and businesses in Gibraltar. The deal removes another obstacle to closer ties with our EU friends and, crucially, protects British sovereignty over the Rock.
The need for this deal is well understood. As Members across the House have often highlighted, the current situation is not sustainable. Every single day, approximately 15,000 people—half of Gibraltar’s workforce—cross the land border with Spain to do their jobs, and to buy goods and services. Without a solution, the EU’s incoming system of entry and exit controls would have introduced a hard border, at which every individual’s passport would be checked, and all British goods heading for Gibraltar’s supermarket shelves would be subject to time-consuming customs checks. That would cause chaos and backlogs, endanger the livelihoods of British citizens in Gibraltar, wreck the territory’s economy and possibly cost it hundreds of millions of pounds a year, and place pressure, ultimately, on the UK taxpayer to pick up the bill.
All my predecessors since the referendum have had to wrestle with the looming threat to Gibraltar’s economy and way of life. These issues were, regrettably, left out of the EU exit negotiations. The previous Government began further talks to address them in 2021, when the former right hon. Member for Esher and Walton was Foreign Secretary. The issues were taken forward by the right hon. Member for Braintree (Sir James Cleverly), and the noble Lord Cameron of Chipping Norton came close to reaching an agreement. I pay tribute to their efforts, and to them for briefing me on Privy Council terms when I was in opposition.
It fell to this Government, when we came into office last year, to get a deal over the line, and it was imperative that we did. Gibraltar is part of the British family. Its people are British citizens. Its military facilities are of the utmost importance to Britain’s security, protecting important global trade routes in volatile geopolitical times. Britain is safer thanks to the work of our armed forces on the Rock. Since coming into office, therefore, we have made it a priority to negotiate a lasting solution with the European Commission and Spain.
I acknowledge the role of the Minister for Europe, North America and the Overseas Territories, who, in opposition and government, has been a relentless advocate for the people of Gibraltar, and has been integral to finding a mutually beneficial way forward. I also thank the Minister for the Armed Forces, as well as the dedicated team of Foreign Office diplomats for all their efforts, led by Lindsay Appleby in Brussels and Robbie Bulloch in London; their negotiating skill and deft diplomacy have been in the finest tradition of our diplomatic service.
British Ministers and officials have worked hand in glove with the Government of Gibraltar to conclude these tricky negotiations. Chief Minister Fabian Picardo has been at the table at every single stage of the process. Yesterday, he welcomed me to Gibraltar before we travelled together to Brussels to conclude the talks—as he said, as “a united British family”.
This Government would never agree to any solution that did not have the full support of the Government of Gibraltar—nothing about Gibraltar without Gibraltar. The Chief Minister has said that what we have agreed is
“something remarkable…Something bold. Something forward-looking and hopeful.”
I pay tribute to all those whose tireless efforts have helped to get us here. We have protected Gibraltar’s sovereignty, economy and way of life for the long term. Since 2021, this and previous Governments have been involved in 19 formal rounds of talks and countless technical discussions, sherpa meetings and ministerial calls—it was a massive collective effort—to ensure that Gibraltar could continue to prosper.
We have agreed a unique and practical solution to the problem facing Gibraltar, the only British overseas territory that shares a border with the EU’s visa-free Schengen area. Its people’s livelihoods depend on a fluid border. Our solution will deliver jobs, investment and stability, not just for Gibraltar, but for the entire region. British sovereignty over the whole of Gibraltar, including British Gibraltar territorial waters, remains sacrosanct and iron-clad. On starting talks, I immediately secured an agreement to add a clause explicitly protecting our sovereignty, and the same goes for British Forces Gibraltar, which will continue to operate without interference or interruption, exactly as it does today.
Traffic at the border between Gibraltar and Spain will be able to flow, without checks on the people crossing. Residents of Gibraltar and of nearby Spanish communities will be able to go about their daily life, as they have done. For those arriving by air at Gibraltar’s airport, there will be dual border control checks—a model similar to the one whereby French police operate in London’s St Pancras station. Ignore the fake news: Gibraltar will not be joining Schengen. That was never on the table. Immigration, policing and justice in Gibraltar will remain the responsibility of Gibraltar’s authorities.
As for products entering Gibraltar across its land border, there will be a unique goods and customs model, avoiding the need for onerous checks at the border. With this pragmatic solution, flights will be able to operate from Gibraltar airport across Europe, driving growth and jobs for the people of Gibraltar.
This Government are showing that a pragmatic, positive relationship with the European Union pays off for the British public. Just as at the UK-EU summit last month, we are solving the problems left by the previous Government and their thin Brexit deal, and are making working people across the British family safer and better off. We can now also strengthen our co-operation with Spain, our NATO ally, a place that British people know so well.
I am grateful to my counterparts in Spain and the EU for completing these negotiations in good faith, in the spirit of win-win solutions for all parties involved. This agreement paves the way for finalisation of the UK-EU treaty text on Gibraltar. All parties have committed to completing this as quickly as possible. I can reassure hon. Members that the House will have the opportunity to scrutinise it in the usual way. I hope that Members from all parts of the House take this matter with the seriousness that it deserves and back the solution that Gibraltar’s Chief Minister and I have come to, guaranteeing Gibraltar’s sovereignty, economy and way of life.
This is what competent government looks like: fixing problems, not creating them; standing up for our overseas territories, not leaving them exposed; and protecting Britain’s interests abroad, to ensure security and growth at home. With this agreement, Gibraltar will have easier access to the European economy. Its businesses can plan for the long-term once again, and its citizens can feel reassured about their future. Britain’s commitment to Gibraltar remains as solid as the Rock itself. I commend this statement to the House.
Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories
Lindsay Hoyle Excerpts(3 months, 1 week ago)
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The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs (Mr Hamish Falconer)
With permission, Mr Speaker, I will make a statement on Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories. The two-state solution is in peril. There is catastrophic conflict in Gaza and a shocking deterioration in the west bank. This is an affront to the rights of Palestinians, but it is also against the interests of Israelis; against their long-term security and their democracy. Today I will update the House on new actions we are taking to uphold human rights and defend the vision and viability of two states living side by side in peace.
In 2024 we saw the worst settler violence against Palestinians in the west bank in the last two decades, and 2025 is on track to be just as violent. Between 1996 and 2023, an average of seven illegal settler outposts were established annually. In 2024, settlers erected 59. These outposts are illegal under both Israeli and international law. Two weeks ago, the Israeli Government themselves announced 22 new settlements in the west bank. Every outpost and every building the settlers erect is a flagrant breach of international law and disregards the views of Israel’s international partners. There are now in excess of 500,000 settlers living in the west bank and over 100,000 in East Jerusalem, the territory that must form the heart of a sovereign, viable and free Palestine.
The sharp growth in settlements alone is dangerous enough, but it has been accompanied by a steep rise in settler violence and extremist rhetoric. Itamar Ben-Gvir has led seven provocative intrusions into Haram al-Sharif since 2022. In 2023, settlers rampaged through the village of Huwara, in what Israel’s own west bank military commander described as a “pogrom done by outlaws”. Last month, the villagers of Mughayyir al-Deir fled their homes in fear after the construction of an illegal outpost 100 metres away. This month, settlers attacked the town of Deir Dibwan. They set fire to houses and injured residents. This violence and rhetoric are deeply concerning. They are an assault not just on Palestinian communities but on the very fundamentals of a two-state solution. This is an attempt to entrench a one-state reality where there are no equal rights.
The two-state solution remains the only viable framework for a just and lasting peace—and I know that it is supported on every side of this House—with Israelis living in secure borders, recognised and at peace with their neighbours, and free from the threat of terrorism; and with Palestinians living in their own state, with dignity and security, free of occupation.
We are steadfastly committed to defending that vision, not just with words but with action. That is why we have pledged £101 million in additional support to the Palestinian people this year, and why we are working to strengthen and reform the Palestinian Authority. It is why my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary signed a landmark agreement with Prime Minister Mustafa, and why my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister welcomed him to Downing Street. It is why we are clear that Hamas must release the hostages immediately and unconditionally, and that Hamas can have no role in Palestinian governance. It is also why we are committed to working with civil society, Israeli and Palestinian, to support those who believe in peace and coexistence. However, the gravity of the situation demands further action.
The reality is that these human rights abuses, the incitement to violence and the extremist rhetoric come not just from an uncontrolled fringe but from individuals who are Ministers in this Israeli Government. We must hold them to account and protect the viability of the two-state solution. So today we are sanctioning Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir. We are acting alongside Australia, Canada, New Zealand and Norway, which have also announced their own measures today.
These two men are responsible for inciting settler violence against Palestinian communities in the west bank—violence that has led to the death of Palestinian civilians and the displacement of whole towns and villages. That violence constitutes an abuse of Palestinians’ human rights. It is cruel, it is degrading, and it is completely unacceptable. We have told the Israeli Government repeatedly that we would take tougher action if this did not stop. It still did not stop: the appalling rhetoric has continued unchecked; and violent perpetrators continue to act with impunity and encouragement.
Let me tell the House that when we say something, we mean it. Today we and our partners have shown extremists that we will not sit by while they wreck the prospects of future peace.
Our actions today do not diminish our support for the security of Israel and the Israeli people. The agendas of those two men are not even supported by the majority of Israelis, who recognise that those individuals are not working in their interest. As the Foreign Secretary said to this House last month, we want a strong friendship with Israel based on shared values and our many close ties. Our condemnation of Hamas—a proscribed organisation —and of the appalling attacks of 7 October is unequivocal. Our commitment to the security of Israelis and the future of Israel is unwavering. We will continue to press for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza, for the release of the hostages still held so cruelly by Hamas, and for a ramping up of aid to those Gazans in desperate need. The repeated threats by Hamas to the lives of the hostages are grotesque and prolong the agony of their families and loved ones. Hamas should release all the hostages immediately and unconditionally.
The situation in the west bank cannot be seen in isolation from events in Gaza. Extremist rhetoric advocating the forced displacement of Palestinians, the denial of essential aid, and the creation of new Israeli settlements in the strip, is equally appalling and dangerous. This Government will never accept the unlawful transfer of Gazans from or within Gaza, or any reduction in the territory of the Gaza strip. The humanitarian situation in Gaza remains catastrophic. As Israel’s ground and air operations expand, Gazans have now been pushed into less than 20% of the territory. Hospitals have been damaged and destroyed. The entire population of Gaza is now at risk of famine.
Meanwhile, Israel’s newly introduced measures for aid endanger civilians and foster desperation. They are inhumane. The Red Cross field hospital in Rafah reported last week that it has responded to an unprecedented five mass-casualty incidents in the two weeks prior. In each case, Palestinians have been killed or injured trying to access aid in Gaza. Desperate civilians who have endured 20 months of war should never face the risk of death or injury simply to feed themselves and their families.
We need further action from the Israeli Government now to lift all restrictions on aid, to enable the UN and aid partners to do their work, and to ensure that food and other critical supplies can reach people safely wherever they are. We will continue to support the UN and other trusted non-governmental organisations as the most effective and principled partners for aid delivery. Our support has meant that over 465,000 people have received essential healthcare, 640,000 have received food, and 275,000 have improved access to water, sanitation and hygiene services.
We of course support the efforts led by the United States, Qatar and Egypt to secure an immediate ceasefire in Gaza. We welcome the initiative of France and Saudi Arabia to chair an international conference next week to advance a two-state solution. A two-state solution is the only way to bring the long-lasting peace that Israelis and Palestinians deserve, but it cannot remain an empty slogan repeated by generations of diplomats and politicians while increasingly divorced from the reality on the ground. Mr Smotrich has said there is no such thing as a Palestinian nation. Mr Ben-Gvir has spoken of his rights in the west bank—a territory that his Government are occupying—as being more important than the rights of millions of Palestinians. Their own words condemn them.
To defend those Palestinians’ rights, to protect the two-state solution and to see Israelis and Palestinians living side by side in safety and security, this Government are taking action. I commend this statement to the House.
Mr Falconer
I want to be really clear that the two men against whom we have announced sanctions today do not represent the majority of Israelis. There are so many connections between the UK and Israel, and we hear about the extent to which the decisions, rhetoric and language of those two Ministers cause concern in Israel as well. We are taking action on extremist rhetoric and extremist actions that threaten the human rights of Palestinians, and that continues to be the threshold for these sanctions, which we will keep under review.
Calum Miller (Bicester and Woodstock) (LD)
I also thank the Minister for advance sight of his statement. I welcome the step taken by the Government to sanction the extremist Ministers Ben-Gvir and Smotrich. It is only right that they face consequences for their relentless calls for the forced dispossession of Palestinians, which have so egregiously undermined prospects for securing a just and sustainable peace in the region. My party leader, my right hon. Friend the Member for Kingston and Surbiton (Ed Davey), was the first to call for these sanctions last February, when the Ministers’ extremist views were already clear. My only disappointment is that the Conservatives refused to act when they had the chance to do so, and that it has taken this Government nearly a year to take this important step.
It is essential that the Government keep taking steps towards a just resolution of the conflict. That must include getting aid in, getting the hostages out, and agreeing an enduring ceasefire. In the last week, we have seen the product of the extremism advanced by Ben-Gvir and Smotrich: the death of more Palestinians, who were queueing in desperation for food from the so-called Gaza Humanitarian Foundation. Calls for Palestinian displacement can no longer be tolerated, so will the Government build on today’s progress by urgently considering sanctions on other extremist Ministers who continue to call for the blockade of Gaza and for expanded military action in the strip, starting with Israel Katz?
The time has come to listen to Members in all parts of this House and officially recognise the independent state of Palestine. Will the Government commit to taking that vital step at next week’s summit in New York? Recognition will demonstrate the UK’s commitment to self-determination, and will make it clear that, building on today’s announcement, the UK will do all it can to wrest control away from the extremes and give both Israelis and Palestinians hope of a lasting peace.