Live Debate: Lords Chamber

Oral questions: Interim update on UK Supreme Court judgment in 'For Women Scotland v The Scottish Ministers', issued by the Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) on 25 April

I thank the noble Lord for his question and obviously agree with him. I just want to touch on one example of one of the new bodies

11:39

Baroness Smith of Malvern, Minister of State (Minister for Women and Equalities) (Labour)

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that has been criticised by colleagues opposite. Great British Rail, Your Lordships' House discussed on many occasions. Is discussed on many occasions. Is going to replace Network Rail. Is going to save £150 million a year in going to save £150 million a year in fees paid to the private sector. There is a purpose to what we are doing to make sure that we have the doing to make sure that we have the right arm's-length bodies were necessary but that we also have appropriate responsibilities and accountability to Your Lordships' House.

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Fourth Oral Question, Baroness Ludford. I beg leave to ask the question standing in my name on the Order

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Paper. The government did not receive advanced site or notice of this

11:39

Baroness Levitt (Labour)

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advanced site or notice of this interim data from the EHRC. The government had requested a meeting with the chair to discuss their approach to developing an updated statutory code of practice which will reflect the implications of the ruling and support service providers, and this meeting will take place soon. The EHRC will consult with relevant parties on its revised code and we expect them to do this widely and broadly, listening to diverse voices. We will then consider the EHRC's updated draft code once they have something -- submitted it.

-- submitted it.

11:40

Baroness Smith of Malvern, Minister of State (Minister for Women and Equalities) (Labour)

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I thank the Minister for her answer. I speak today as primarily a lawyer but also as the parent of a transit child. These matters should be discussed in a non-partisan way with the respect of all those involved. Does my noble friend agree that it would be wise for the EHRC to consult the Attorney General given that the update issued last Friday evening contained legal inaccuracies which, of course, because consultation --

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consternation to real people living their lives. The approach set out is precisely

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The approach set out is precisely what I outlined last week in responding to the statement. The government has set out our government has set out our expectation that service providers follow the clarity that the ruling follow the clarity that the ruling provides. The EHRC's update provides how the judgement should be applied in some areas. The snapshot reflection rather than full reflection rather than full guidance. The EHRC has updated -- announced they will be updating their code of guidance.

I'm sure that they will consult widely on this. I would add that the application of the Supreme Court ruling to different services and settings is complex. It requires careful work to ensure that we provide clarity for a wide range of varied service providers of different kinds and sizes so that they have confidence in how they apply the equality act on a day-to- day basis.

11:41

Baroness Falkner of Margravine (Crossbench)

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I declare an interest as Chair of the EHRC and I hope that I might be able to eliminate into the house what happened and appreciate the Minister's response just now. Which she agree with section 2.2 of the framework documents that we have with government, that EHRC does not perform its functions on behalf of government and is to operate independently of government. Moreover, she has to ensure that the commissioners -- commission is under as few constraints as possible in

11:42

Baroness Smith of Malvern, Minister of State (Minister for Women and Equalities) (Labour)

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as few constraints as possible in determining its activities, priorities and timetables. Having listened to her response, I know listened to her response, I know that she will agree with me that our priority is to explain the lot to the public, which we have done so in the public, which we have done so in this interim statement and to undertake the consultation of the practical implications of the practical implications of the judgement. We will be seeking views from as many affected stakeholders as we possibly can.

This is profoundly important for the trans profoundly important for the trans community and it is right that we publish a brief statement of the law and will be consulting with them extensively as we go forward.

11:43

Lord Herbert of South Downs (Conservative)

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The noble Lady is right that the EHRC is the government's independent regulator of equality, of the Equality Act in this case. I welcome her commitment to both producing statutory code of practice and to the consultation that she has alluded to.

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The advance of Equality for gay

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The advance of Equality for gay and lesbian people over the last century has largely become settled because it was achieved without because it was achieved without diminishing the rights of others. But in seeking protections for transgender people, there is often a transgender people, there is often a perceived or actual clash with the rights of others, namely women, and

11:43

Baroness Smith of Malvern, Minister of State (Minister for Women and Equalities) (Labour)

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rights of others, namely women, and there in lies the difficulties which we are discussing. And helping us to navigate these issues, would there be merit in overall independent review of these matters as I proposed three years ago? At the moment, we have a piecemeal approach with the Supreme Court decision, EHRC rulings, the Cas review, other governmental decisions and in all of this, a culture war being fought which is immensely damaging to the individuals concerned. Is it not time to look at these issues dispassionately, carefully, to detoxify the debate, and put the interests of all of those concerned

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in the right footing? Well, I think the Supreme Court did look at the issues dispassionately, but the point is dispassionately, but the point is that there is now the requirement to consider the implications of the judgement. To do that in a way that judgement. To do that in a way that provides assurance to service providers and others, that the role of the code of practice and the EHRC, in the way in which I've just outlined. Where I agree with the noble Lord, and let me speak clearly that the Supreme Court was clear about this as well, is that this is not about winners and losers.

It's about ensuring that there is more clarity in the law and brought respect for the rights of all people respect for the rights of all people in this country. As the Supreme Court made clear, there is nothing Court made clear, there is nothing in this ruling which undermines the protections for trans people as put protections for trans people as put into the Equality Act 2010.

11:45

Baroness Burt of Solihull (Liberal Democrat)

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The need for the interim statement into -- illustrate to meet

11:46

Baroness Smith of Malvern, Minister of State (Minister for Women and Equalities) (Labour)

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the extent of the anxiety, confusion and disruption surrounding how the ruling will be interpreted. And ruling will be interpreted. And whilst the government, whilst the guidance is only interim, it shows guidance is only interim, it shows that there are still a lot of unanswered questions about how this is going to work in practice. So will the government plays take a will the government plays take a lead, can the situation and begin to work across party to find a way forward which allows everyone to feel safe and protected by the feel safe and protected by the

11:46

Baroness Williams of Trafford (Conservative)

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I hope we have been calm. We have been clear but I also think we have been calm and committed to ensuring that all groups. What it by the actions that we take. The responsibility for laying down the code of practice does rest with the EHRC and I'm sure they will have heard the call from the noble Lady. We are committed to making sure the cord is developed of the back of cord is developed of the back of widespread consultation.

-- code. widespread consultation. -- code.

11:47

Baroness Smith of Malvern, Minister of State (Minister for Women and Equalities) (Labour)

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Before statutory guidance is issued, how will the government meet legal obligations across public services in compliance with the judgement?

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Baroness Thornton (Labour)

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In terms of the clarity of the judgement, as we discussed last week in response to the statement, there is already work going on across, for example, the health service and other parts of government services and I think the important clarity around some of the complexities in the application of this judgement will be provided through the statutory code that the EHRC are producing and I look forward to that. that. Notwithstanding what the chair of

11:48

Baroness Smith of Malvern, Minister of State (Minister for Women and Equalities) (Labour)

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11:51

Legislation: Children’s Wellbeing and Schools Bill - second reading

11:51

Baroness Smith of Malvern, Minister of State (Minister for Women and Equalities) (Labour)

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My My Lords, My Lords, second My Lords, second reading My Lords, second reading of My Lords, second reading of the Children's Well-Being and Schools Bill.

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Whilst I might have felt offended by the exodus of so many people at the end of oral questions, I am the end of oral questions, I am reassured by the large number of people who want to contribute to people who want to contribute to this debate today. I beg to move that this bill be read a second that this bill be read a second time. It is an honour to read the second reading of the well being and schools Bill.

There are a few topics which unite members of orthoses more deeply than the well-being of children and the numbers of children and the numbers of contributors demonstrate that today. This bill has been steered through the other House by ministerial colleagues and I want to acknowledge those across political parties and from key external organisations you have spoken so passionately and sensitively in support of child safeguarding and ensuring every child has the opportunity to thrive. There are voices had been invaluable in shaping this debate and the commitment to protecting children is appreciated.

I'm pleased to be working alongside Baroness Blake. Her expertise in social care and education is invaluable and I'm grateful for her support as we take this bill forward. It represents an enormously important opportunity to improve social care and school systems and the chance to make meaningful change to the lives of children and families through legislation of this kind is real and I look forward to the full and impactful debate ahead. It delivers on manifesto commitments to drive high and rising standards in schools and ensure every child has the opportunity to achieve and thrive.

I know that all members of the House share fundamental belief that children deserve more but life chances are currently limited by systemic obstacles. Children at risk of abuse are falling through the cracks of the safeguarding systems and at the same time while the best schools and trusts have shown how collaboration and strong leadership and innovation can transform education, many schools are held back by a system that does not work well enough. The bill will strengthen protections for vulnerable children and ensure those in care have the security and stability that they need to thrive.

It goes beyond these essential safeguarding reforms and ensures opportunity is encouraged in every school. Every child deserves access to excellent teaching and a school system that gives them the foundations to succeed, no matter where they live audio circumstances. The bill sets out a comprehensive package of support to advance significant improvements across the education and care systems and encourages innovation and excellence and ensures fair and accountable system that work for every child. For too many children, the background has a decisive negative impact on the life that they are able to build.

Ensuring every child starts the school being nourished, focused, ready to learn as fundamental to the commitment to breaking down barriers to success. That is why this bill delivers on the manifesto pledge to place a duty on every state-funded primary school, to introduce free breakfast, making them accessible to all children regardless of background. Breakfast clubs have proven benefits and boost attendance and improve academic attainment and enhance emotional well-being of children. Access remains fragmented and despite the good work of the breakfast program, it only reaches 2000 primary schools and covers only a fraction of those in need and funds only a fraction of the cost of food delivery and leaves skills to cover expenses.

The bill goes further than expanding the existing program. It is a fundamental shift in supporting education and well- being. From April, 750 schools across all main regions including 45 across all main regions including 45 special skills have led the way in daily breakfast clubs and have saved parents up to £450 a year. Early adopters will be part of the test to strengthen the delivery of the national role and learn what works and develop the program and the bill will ensure the opportunity is provided by universal breakfast clubs to reach all primary children.

In a country where 3.5 million children are growing up in poverty, we must ensure no child's future is determined by financial circumstances and breaking down barriers to opportunity goes beyond the classroom. The bill will help by limiting branding items of school uniform and reducing unnecessary costs and putting money back in the pockets of parents. Our responsibility is greatest to those children who need our protection and safeguarding. We must learn from the safeguarding. We must learn from the tragic cases of children who have been failed by the system.

The bill delivers on important recommendations from recent reviews, including the independent review of social care, the Child Protection Review published by the review panel and a study into social care placements published by the Competition And Markets Authority and the Measures Are Informed by evidence of local practice. The priority is to keep children and families together wherever it is safe to do so by helping more families stay together and improving outcomes for our children and reducing the number of children that need to enter the care system.

The bill strengthens early support and ensures those at risk of family breakdown can create a plan that prioritises the needs of their child. It places duty on local child. It places duty on local authorities to offer decision making trips before an application for a supervision order is made and potentially preventing many children from going into care and instead safely remaining with their families. To support more children staying with relatives, friends, connected persons, the bill requires connected persons, the bill requires all local authorities to publish details.

Every child deserves a stable and loving home and this bill takes meaningful steps to make that takes meaningful steps to make that a reality and to strengthen safeguarding. We are placing a duty and partners to fully include education and childcare settings in arrangements, ensuring no opportunity to protect children is missed. We are also requiring local safeguarding partners to establish multiagency child protection in every area and take decisive action when necessary. For too long, poor information sharing has contributed to serious child safeguarding incidents including in reviews following the death of our serious injury to a child.

To ensure no child goes unseen or unsupported, the bill sets the foundation for the introduction of a unique identifier for children and strengthens the regulatory regime in place for independent educational institutions. Parents have the right to have wishes regarding their child's educator respected but that education must be suitable and the child must be safe. This bill establishes mandatory registers for children not in school full-time. So that we know where children are and that their education is safe and suitable.

And when care is necessary, it must work for children, not for profit. In 2022 the Competition And Markets Authority and Independent Review of Social Care find levels of profit in the care placement market were above those that would be expected in a those that would be expected in a To prevent children's healthcare providers writing at the expense of vulnerable children, we are introducing a new power enabling the introducing a new power enabling the Secretary of State to cap profits.

End because care does not end at four -- 18, we are providing support to ensure that young people leaving care have stability and the right help to build a bright future. Every child is entitled to a high quality state education. Whilst there has been progress over the years, our system is simply not working well enough for everybody. Standards vary widely with a stark contrast between the best and worst schools. The gap between the best and worst performing schools is now equivalent to more than two GCSE grades per subject.

To many schools are stuck, trapped in cycles of underperformance without the capacity or momentum to improve and children with additional needs are not getting the support that they need. The attainment gap for disadvantaged children at key stage II and Key stage IV has remained consistently high and has yet to return to pre-pandemic levels. There are large and persistent attainment gaps at all stages of education. Currently, 39% of children are not meeting expected standards in all of reading, writing and maths as they believe -- they leave school.

We have an absence crisis with approximately one in five children missing school each fortnight. This needs to change. High and rising standards in every classroom must be the right of every child. Delivered through a broad, high-quality curriculum, taught by skilled and dedicated tutors -- teachers. That Assessment Review which will deliver a broad, ridge and innovative curriculum to ensure that all children and young people have the essential knowledge and skills that set them up for work in life.

Teaching quality is the most important in school determinant of outcomes. That's why this government is committed to recruiting 6.5 thousand new expert teachers among the mainstream secondary and specialist colleges, schools and art colleges. This bill then is a charter providing core guarantee of education in every school no matter where you live. The bill will establish by requiring all schools to adhere to a pay minimum. This to adhere to a pay minimum. This will ensure a pay structure supporting retention.

Additionally, Academy trust will be required to consider school teachers pay and conditions document when setting staff conditions, further promoting fairness and consistency across the education system. The bill will ensure that when the rational curriculum is reformed -- national curriculum is reformed, it will work for all children in all schools. New teachers either have or are working towards qualified teacher status followed by a period of statutory induction. To provide greater certainty for families, the bill strengthens collaboration between schools and local authorities on admissions and placed planning.

It also introduces more flexibility in how we support struggling schools. When academies were introduced by the last Labour government, they were the disruptors in the system. They challenged and supported the schools who most needed it to improve. Now they are the system. Over 80% of secondary schools are academies. We need new challenge, new urgency and new tools to drive improvement were schools just are not doing well enough for our children. That's why this bill enables range of intervention to address underperformance.

While academisation will remain a key tool for tackling failing schools, the bill gives the government more discretion to apply the most appropriate solutions to individual cases. This includes supporting the deployment of our RISE teams. These are teams of proven leaders with a track record of improving schools and delivering for children. As we announced on Tuesday, additional 45 advisers have joined last month, tripling the total number to 65. This will enable us to expand our reach from initial 32 schools to more than 200.

We will reach more than 200,000 children and put us on track to reaching schools by March 2026. Through these reforms we aim to ensure that every child can attend a high quality local school and receive the education they deserve. This bill makes a vital, practical changes to our children's social care and education systems. There will be tangible improvements for every young person as a result. This government has been clear in setting out its mission to ensure that a child's future should not be

12:07

The Earl of Effingham (Conservative)

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determined by their circumstances. I know that this is a principle widely know that this is a principle widely shared across the house. By shared across the house. By addressing the systemic barriers that too often hold our children back, we have a unique opportunity through this bill to create a more through this bill to create a more equitable and successful environment where all young people have the where all young people have the chance to achieve and thrive. My Lords, I beg to move.

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Lords, I beg to move. The question is that this bill be

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now read a second time. My Lords, please let me thank the

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My Lords, please let me thank the noble Baroness the Minister for the comprehensive way with which she has set out the purpose of this key legislation. His majesties official wrap -- opposition welcomes the wrap -- opposition welcomes the government's ambition to protect children and ensure that they have the best opportunities in life the best opportunities in life regardless of any challenges they may have faced during their childhood. As Your Lordships' House is aware, this bill comprises two is aware, this bill comprises two have -- two halves.

And whilst both parts of the bill are focused on the future of children across the country, there are some distinct differences between the two parts. The former seeks to improve the children's social care system. Noble Lords know that outcomes for children in the care system remain stubbornly poor, despite efforts from repeated governments to improve them. Part one includes many elements that were recommended by the independent review into children social care, commissioned by the last government and published in 2022. As noble Lords will be aware, it was ably led by the honourable member for white having.

-- Whitehaven. There are areas in part one where we all seek to probe, development clarify regarding the practical implementation but in the round, this is the second of the bill were the need for legislation is understood. It is a huge responsibility to do one plasma collective best to represent the interests of children and young people who have been so disadvantaged through no fault of their own. And in doing so, we will focus on areas where we think the bill could be strengthened, including in relation to support for kinship carers in particular and foster carers more broadly.

We are keen to see the support for care leavers be as effective as possible. We will encourage the government to consider what support can be given to mothers who have already had one or more children removed from them by the local authority, and we will press the government to improve the protections for children deprived of their liberty, some as young as seven, which is a truly chilling thought. We will press for greater clarity on the implementation of family group conferencing and seek an explanation for the approach the government is adopting to the introduction of a unique child identifier.

More broadly, we remain sceptical about the government's approach for regulation of children's homes and fostering agencies. We fear that this will result in more bureaucracy and no change in the supply. Given that research by Ofsted showed that up to 50% of children in children's homes had a foster placement specified on the care plan, there is a pressing need to address the fundamental issues, which limit the number of foster carers. We are aware that many organisations, including the Children's Commissioner have called for childcare and education agencies to be full partners in local safeguarding arrangements.

We anticipate that on many of these issues, we will be probing the government alongside noble Lords from all sides of the house. It from all sides of the house. It would be fair to say that we cannot share the same enthusiasm and support for the second part of the bill, which relates to schools. We believe that the measures in this part of the bill simply will not provide the best education possible for our children. If past, these elements of the bill will override years of cross-party support and will reverse the very system that has seen English children move up the rankings across the board in reading, science and maths -- passed.

This bill risks undermining the consensus of the last 20 years on the benefits that come from giving greater autonomy to local schools and trust, whilst having house -- high standards of transparency and accountability. It is the system that has seen English schoolchildren become the best in the Western world at both reading and maths, and to change this without clear evidence to justify it without clear evidence to justify it is both serious and risky. My Lords, we foresee far-reaching and negative consequences arising from some of the provisions in the second half of this bill.

We are not alone in this view. The Confederation of school -- School Trusts is very concerned about the removal of academy freedoms that have so improved our education system. One only needs to look at the contrast with Scotland and Wales who have not adopted the English reforms to see the evidence in stark relief. We will respectfully explore, we will respectfully explore, we will question and in some cases, as His Majesty's Government have themselves done when they were in opposition, we will challenge outright.

Please allow me to begin with the area on which we have the greatest concerns. Namely, the clauses relating to academies. These are the most significant as they seek to undo the progress that has been made over the last two decades. Academies represented 80% of secondary schools in 2024 and nearly 43% of primary schools. So for His Majesty's Government to introduce such wide- ranging and radical changes without support from the sector does not make sense. We respectfully urge the government to listen to the voices all around Your Lordships' House to make improvements to the bill as they did in the other place over the pay and conditions of academy teachers.

Academies have been at the forefront of fostering innovation in our school system and led the turnaround of some of the most challenging schools in this country. I know that the noble Lord Lord Harris of Peckham, Lord Agnew of Oulton, Lord Fink and Lord Nash have all been involved in doing this difficult and crucial work, as well as the noble Lord Lord Younger Laughton -- Lord Young of actin. -- Acton. The Children's Commissioner has also raised concerns about the restriction of academy freedoms and we hope the scrutiny that Your Lordships' House will provide His Majesty's Government will allow the time needed to consider the importance of these expert voices.

None of this is to suggest that improvements could not be made to the current system of regulation of our schools, but a forward-looking, positive and aspirational vision for all of our schools appears to be lacking from this bill. The bill lacking from this bill. The bill also fails to introduce a ban on the use of smart phones in schools. The previous government guidance for schools on banning phones was a positive first step to take but it is not doing enough.

Only 11% of schools have an effective ban in place and scores of scientific studies have been undertaken which link both better mental health and better school attainment to removing better school attainment to removing We recognise this is not universally welcomed by head teachers. We are concerned that in this case we should use the precautionary principle when dealing with the mental health of children. I am very much looking forward to the noble Baroness Lady Kidron's valuable contribution today, following on from the excellent debate that she led on this subject in November of last year.

There are also concerns of breakfast clubs being introduced through the bill having practical issues and we will seek to table amendments to deal with this. Of the 750 schools involved in the program, they have already been 79 schools that have dropped out. We understand that some of these schools have given funding shortfall as the reason for a living. The CEO of the Warrington Academy Trust says the scheme is in danger of falling flat because of the funding shortfall and so there are practical issues remaining before the scheme can be rolled out nationwide.

If the Minister can please take the opportunity to explain the government position on the dropout rate in closing remarks, it would be appreciated. We turn to the proposal set out in the bill to introduce laws that govern the specific number of school uniform items that a of school uniform items that a school can require a child to have. We worry that this approach could backfire, with children feeling under pressure to wear the latest fashion which is more expensive than they are uniform.

This blanket approach does not allow for schools to provide a free uniform or account for the fact that schools may provide it at a discount and therefore it can be more expensive. We will explore this further art committee. Protecting the well-being committee. Protecting the well-being and education of children is essential for protecting the future of the country and indeed for economic growth and reducing the burden of the NHS. The official Opposition accepts some part of the bill are parts of manifesto commitments and we will seek to ensure that these areas work well in ensure that these areas work well in practice.

The Speaker list is like a Who's Who of education experts and on our benches alone we have three former secretaries of state for education as well as the noble Lord, education as well as the noble Lord, Lord Harris of Peckham. What allows Lord Harris of Peckham to have legal -- hero status as he has done more to help children than any Labour Pearson is Clement Attlee and Bevan. I am looking forward to hearing from Lord Mohammed.

It was said to be impossible to get all of the

12:20

Lord Addington (Liberal Democrat)

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speakers today into a room together speakers today into a room together at the same time was it not for your Lordships house. We hope that the government will listen to the collective experts sitting all collective experts sitting all around the House on aspects of this, including on their own benches who were involved in the leadership of were involved in the leadership of multi-Academy trusts and thinking again because surely children deserve no less.

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My Lords, I agree with a couple

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My Lords, I agree with a couple of things that he said. One is that we have the great and the good of we have the great and the good of education gathered in the House today and many people actually have been involved in education and the been involved in education and the current education system for a long current education system for a long time and I look forward to hearing what they have got to say because I what they have got to say because I have worked against and with some of them successfully and sometimes they may have cursed me but we have striven forward and I look forward to what they have to say.

Part one to what they have to say. Part one of the bill you have many things that have provided us with debate after debate and many of them are depressing debates and I thank the government for bringing them forward and let's hope we can look at them. Many issues here we have heard an untold number of the bits about and it has not gone that well. In the way that they choose to implement the passing of information, this might be one of the most interesting bits and often the mistakes that have come have been from a lack of coordination and I look forward to seeing how we can advance that and check it as far as we can by debate and make sure it will work properly.

It is not an easy topic and I think most people involved accept that and they might not be perfect answers improvement is possible and certainly looking at it cohesively together is something we should have done a while ago. I thank the government for doing that. Baroness Tyler is involved in a lot of this and I feel others that I cannot imagine will be quiet and it is something that we have discussed a something that we have discussed a lot.

I hope that we have an open mind to look at the experience of the House to make sure that we get through. Personally, I will spend slightly more time and consideration on part two of the bill and I would like to say something about that. Anybody who has been in the House a long time would be surprised if I didn't mention special educational needs. At the moment, it is a hideous mess. The primary beneficiaries of the system are lawyers and people giving expensive diagnosis and that is a definition of failure and we don't have anything on here and my honourable friend in the other place move forward an amendment on this and we should look at that again and possibly more.

We have got to see if we can set the grounds for easier intervention. I look across and there are certain aspects of the current system which have not helped. The fact you can be a failing school, let's start with a declaration of interest. I am dyslexic and President of the British Dyslexia Association. And the chairman of a firm that does assisted technology in education and if you do not make it easy to give structure and help to schools, you will always have problems.

The emphasis on passing English to a dyslexic almost felt like a personal assault. You have to do this if I have got it right. My Lords, it is a system that is bad for people with bad short-term memory and so it does not work that way. It is the way that you are supposed to teach and a greater degree of flexibility, something we were told about before, and it will be a great strength of this and it is something that is important.

If we get some guidance on the way the curriculum and the SEND strategy is envisaged as it comes in, in the course of this bill, I will be grateful. It is something coming in and is also an opportunity because of the high number of pupils not in school. We are talking about home education in the bill, a lot about it. The biggest group of home educators that I first met were people for whom the SEND was not being met.

Parents often reluctantly are taking children out of school and it has become a more acceptable way forward Global Lord Agnew have been talking about this and it is against the spirit of the academies and if you have a system where your career and school and status can be defeated or destroyed by not having the correct pass rate, on diagnosed, suspected, dyslexics and other neurodivergent students are something I might think about getting rid of if I was in that situation.

A better definition and better identification process here would be massively helpful and making sure that there is a gap for it is something that we must do. To look at the rest of it, the academies must work with local authorities in bringing this for the forward and that is something that we must look at and make sure that we get right. The fact that they are a dominant group, let's look at it this way, in terms of when the previous government decided it would not go for compulsory academies at the fact that there were local authority schools will be doing a good job and this seems to be consensus and there is a group of converted academies and there is not converted academies and there is not much in it.

If I have got the term right, those who have been forced to change. If we're going to make sure that they all work together against this, I welcome the fact that we are going to get them working together. There are other things. The school uniform, it is getting a little silly, a few items. Why not put a maximum budget on fortune can charge? Encouraging second-hand school uniforms might be one solution and when it comes to the breakfast clubs which have been much promoted, all I can say is that the bus is occasionally late and in rural areas making sure the baskets there on time will be a challenge.

How the government proposes to deal with local transport systems will be interesting. We think the extra calories should be given to you at lunchtime. There are solutions like school branch but I feel it sounds like a daytime TV program. We applaud the fact that making sure people are properly fed, we think it is a difficult way of doing it and as we go through the rest of the bill, I don't think that there is much to say other than the joys of clause 63.

Henry VIII has raised his head again. Last time that we had a big education bill here, the previous government in charge, we had this upfront and we got these ones tucked in the back. If I am wrong about this, I look forward to the Minister telling me why I am wrong. The fact that you can make changes by regulation and we know how difficult they are to change, we cannot amend them, we have got to reject them, and this is something that happens every time we try, Kandy minister explain how that will work? It is not the case of the Secretary of State saying we will change with no element of Parliamentary insights.

Having said all that, I look forward to the bill and working through it. There is no shortage of expertise on this to make sure we can actually dig down into it and I hope that we will come to a better conclusion. One final point, wouldn't it be a good idea if, in this bill, we could find one little section that encourages outside bodies like sports clubs to

12:30

Lord Bichard (Crossbench)

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enhance the activity of school sport? The same could be done for drama and music. It would be nice to drama and music. It would be nice to take the opportunity to correct that bit of the education system because bit of the education system because we all know it is only if you do it at school you stop being at school

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at school you stop being at school By any measure, this is a landmark bill. In the very short time available today, I want to focus on that part of the bill which concerns child protection and safeguarding, and in particular safeguarding, and in particular clauses 2 to 4. Child safety remains a priority of the education system and the government. Schools themselves are safer places than they were back in the day when I heard the enquiry.

More rigorous staff interviews, designated safeguarding, better training for all staff have played their part in that. Is the Children's Commissioner said recently, schools also play a fundamental and wider role in keeping children safe and protecting them from harm. Children simply trust schools. They trust teachers, they trust teachers assistants and those teachers are often the first to know if children are facing challenges in their lives. So it's important to ensure that the knowledge which schools have is available to all who are tasked with protecting children.

That's why the bill places a duty on safeguarding partners, local authorities, the police and health, to secure the participation and -- of health setting. To ensure that the education view is heard. That's a step forward. But I agree with the Children's Commissioner and others that schools should not just be participants. They should be equal partners to properly underline their status and their responsibility in the safeguarding process. I also think that the bill should recognise and reference faith-based and community organisations in the safeguarding frameworks and safeguarding process to avoid gaps in oversight, especially from marginalised children.

Well-being and safeguarding are not the sole responsibility of the statutory organisations. They are the responsibility also of community organisations who play such an important part but who at the moment are overlooked by the bill in the way that they can sometimes be overlooked on the ground. The common thread, as has already been said in the findings of every child abuse enquiry, since the case of Maria Cardwell 15 years and more ago, a common thread has been the failure of agencies involved to share information.

Your Lordships own public services select committee which I sat on at the time in 2021 concluded that data sharing between government departments and between local agencies was a long-standing problem, which endangered vulnerable children and their families. At the moment, social care services are not always told when the police arrest a child. They don't always know if pupils are on waiting lists for mental health services. So I'm actually delighted that the bill seeks to address data sharing. I'm seeks to address data sharing.

I'm especially pleased to see that very long overdue proposal to introduce a consistent, unique identifier for children. That should make it easier to create a comprehensive profile for a child, should make it easier to achieve smooth transitions when children change schools or move local authority areas. The question local authority areas. The question for me and one we should be asking ourselves during committee is whether the changes proposed even know go far enough to reverse decades of learned behaviour.

I have long argued that our society has prioritised the protection of data ahead of the protection of children. That has changed. This is the chance

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to change it and we should take it. My Lords, I begin by expressing

12:35

The Lord Bishop of Manchester (Bishops)

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My Lords, I begin by expressing my thanks to all noble Lords who have reached out to me following the announcement that I will be taken on announcement that I will be taken on the role of convener next month. I look forward to working with you all. I also look forward to data hearing maiden speeches from the noble Lord Mohammed of Tinsley and Lord Baker -- Biggar. My own journey through this house highlighted the disadvantages seen by many care leavers.

Research from Barnardo's shows that 39% of care leavers are not in education and training compared to 13% of young people in general. We are failing almost 2 in five of those who have care experience. Care leavers I met through the charity become highlighted how much depends on the whim of their particular local authority. Young people who move away for work or further education are especially prone to losing support. We need a universal offer for young people leaving care, one which local authorities are obliged to meet.

At a later stage, I will be seeking to explore the shape of such an offer, potentially including prescription, bus travel, help with rent deposit and guarantees, eligibility for the over 25 rates of Universal Credit and greater support for those who go into apprenticeships the University. Care leavers are proportionately -- disproportionately represented in unemployment, poverty, homelessness, for educational attainment. I've been looking at amendments to embed care experience in quality assessments so that care leavers are put at the heart of decision-making.

I'm grateful for the comments about foster parents who provide such an important service in helping children to flourish and thrive. Moving briefly to other areas, I have received some very concerning representations regarding the impact of the bill on the issue was that support -- Yeshivas that supply private schooling. If this goes ahead and amended, Yeshivas will be forced to close. They will not register as educational institutions as that is not what they are. I hope the Minister will be able to assure us there will be some comprehensive consultation with faith communities regarding the regulatory framework that is to be applied under clause 36.

Children who have a parent in prison are at particular risk of going into the curses of. This bill could represent a step forward for the provision of support for such families. Church of England schools along with colleagues in the Catholic education service are passionate about how we improve the lives of children with incarcerated parents. The Bishop of Gloucester who can paint her place today will be looking at how the bill can be strengthened in this regard along strengthened in this regard along with me.

We welcome and look forward to engaging positively with this will as it progresses.

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I join -- just wanted to very

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I join -- just wanted to very briefly about schools today. I seen verse -- first-hand the transformative power of academies to deliver excellent education has been

12:38

Baroness Morgan of Huyton (Labour)

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deliver excellent education has been very. And academies were introduced, and I was an involved enthusiast, they were two further urgent improvement of schools. Not an ideological symbol. The idea was simple but radical. Open up to new energy and expertise, other great writers, freedoms to create enthusiastic teams and ensure there was accountability so that schools that were failing children, particularly from the most disadvantaged workers, could not carry on feeling the next cohort. Network. Any of us in this house were involved in this mission.

I fear we have lost sight of the original purpose. The debate in recent times has shifted from standards and structures, from outcomes to ideology. Today, of 80% of secondary schools are academies. The landscape has fundamentally changed. Academisation alone and not be the answer when it's already the dominant model. In some cases, has delivered hugely but it does not a panacea. What we need now again is to refocus on standards and outcomes for every child at every school, whatever the structure, whatever the badge on the school gate.

We should remember was work and replicate that. We should be totally and utterly impatient and relentless about quality in any school. Any school that is failing its pupils should be given a short focus period to improve dramatically. -- If it can't, leadership must change. Handing over a school to a poorly providing provider is not acceptable ever. Quality and rigour are what matters. Every year, child fails is a year of potential loss. The disadvantage And regional disparities persist. What frustrates all of us is that we know we have the tools to address this but sometimes we lack the will to use them consistently.

The current reprogramming process can take years during which children continue to be felt and that has to change. We need to recapture the original spirit of Academy reform. Clear standards, strong accountability, swift intervention when those standards are not met for all schools. Accountability is more than data measurements and inspection regimes. It's about having the courage to act decisively when children are being let down. I used to say when I was there that Ofsted had to be an agent for improvement. It's reports have do need to change.

I remember talking to pupils in some of the very first academies we created. They were so excited about the tangible evidence of investment in their future. The ambition embodied in every aspect of a school. We must not lose that sense of possibility and drive for excellence. The evidence of strong chains and networks shows what would. Strong leadership, great teachers, curriculum expertise, behaviour policies that create camp learning environments, and crucially the willingness to share what works across schools. The goal remains what it always was.

To ensure that every child regardless of background has access to excellent education. Academies can and do play a crucial role in this mission but they are a means to an end, not an end in themselves. This bill has clauses that I know will lead to heated debate and I believe will improve this bill as we go along. I won't go bear on these details today. Today, message is clear to all and this has. These, let's return to first principles, high standards, strong accountability, swift action standards are not met, let's avoid excuses, justifications, compromises.

Letters Judge schools by their outcomes and letters act with urgency that our children

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deserve. There is much to commend in this

12:42

Baroness Shephard of Northwold (Conservative)

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There is much to commend in this bill. Not least because it seeks, as did the last government to did the last government to strengthen the link between education and social services for the benefit of all of our children. However, it is regrettable that the bill, while the government claims its enthusiasm for driving of school standards, at the same time attacks the very freedoms of academies, which have achieved just that since the introduction. In that time, the UK has moved from 21st to seventh in maths and science.

And in the many cases where academies have replaced failing schools, they have given fresh hope to children often in disadvantaged areas. I do also question the wisdom of loading local authorities with so many obligations to set up new bodies and practices at this very moment when they themselves are facing massive change and uncertainty through the government's plans for devolution. Those changes will be necessary, of course. Is just the timing that seems to be a bit questionable, especially as some of them are due to come into force within two months when the act is passed.

Will devolution be fully in place in two months? And will be no which local authorities still exist in their present form and which do not in a completely different framework? I don't think so and it would be helpful if the noble Lady the Minister could comment on this point in her windup. It seems to me there is something of a mismatch of expectation at this stage. I welcome the planned involvement of Ofsted in and registered and therefore illegal independent schools, and importantly private providers, including those for SEND pupils.

I also welcome but very guardedly because it is a very sensitive area the introduction of a register of children not in school. Many of those educating their children at home, and this can include SEND pupils, understandably regard the motion -- measure as intolerable intrusion. Perhaps it might be better if it applied only to children known to social services. Views on this will emerge as the bill goes through this house. The noble Lord Lord Storey has done a very important work on this with his Private Members' Bill and he is concerned about the case of Sara Sharif.

I have been marked for life by the story I will recount in this house in my time as an MP, about an egregious case in 2001, ending in the manslaughter of Lauren right, aged eight at the hands of her father and stepfather -- Wright. If the social services had visited the family home, the death of Lauren would have been prevented. The Labour government at the time refused a public enquiry. I do believe, however, that the introduction of school attendance orders should be helped, especially in the wake of the pandemic and the new world of working from home.

And in the worrying reports of school heads feeling powerless to insist on attendance. Heads and teachers should be able to feel that they are supported by the provisions of the supported by the provisions of the I have noticed in my lifetime involvement in education that many, including politicians, frequency talk about what should and should not be achieved in the classroom. All too frequently, they forget that they are not in the classroom and heads and teachers are.

Those heads and teachers need the convergence of and teachers need the convergence of support within which to work. Many have commented on the expertise within this House and I believe these issues can be debated robustly these issues can be debated robustly and knowledgeably and with national expertise to the benefit of all of our children and I look forward to debates that are to come. debates that are to come.

12:47

Baroness Kidron (Crossbench)

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My remarks will focus on technology and skill and I wanted to take the opportunity of saying I find myself increasingly in situations where the needs of children are balanced with the proportionality principle of others and adult freedoms and there is no recognition of the Broads with of rights we are obligated to give them. I thought I would start by saying that the well-being bill should represent rods with of children's rights and meet the needs in that sense.

And it does strike me that one of the easiest and cheapest things we could do is to give them a break from well documented intrusions of digital tech while at school. I quote, a 15-year-old said it gives them brain right and stops them talking from each other. Excessive device use at home has been described as the critical bit rather than the subject in school for the decline in well-being and attainment of children but that logic normalises the constant presence of smartphones in the life of a child and actually it does nothing at all to tackle phone use at home.

I will bring this evidence to committee and it is showing that the restrictions are helpful to school communities, not only for learning but for peace in the community and friendship and flourishing, human flourishing and that the guidance, the current guidance, which is excellent, puts pressure on teachers that the statutory rules could relieve. The ministers are slow on smart phones but increasingly evangelical about bringing the technology into the classroom and I recognise that there is good evidence that those with disabilities or special needs can benefit from such technology and with more children there is no such evidence at all and there is no oversight, no pedagogical criteria, no understanding of the efficacy, no proof of learning outcomes, and, similarly, I have sat down with four ministers of education and explained the risks of uncertified safety the risks of uncertified safety technology and yet we still do not have minimum standards.

It is another, not the first, but another accident waiting to happen. Some technology is wonderful and some is benign and some is stealing data in schools and stealing opportunity to learn. And yet we are rapidly wrapping pupils in the world of digital products which isolate and normalise the screen of the human and there is no proof of the benefits. I would say the same thing about the early years, who has not seen the site of a child and a plan with a device strapped to it and children are arriving with inhibiting social skills and language and yet all of my attempts to get mandatory training for early years professionals in technology has been rebuffed and I would say that is by both sides of the House and government and Parliament must recalibrate the COVID timebomb in which children are developmentally stunted and isolated and that is increasingly the new norm of childhood in which children who are socialised by the brightly lit screens which are focused on the attention economy and not on humans flourishing.

During the committee, I will join others and put forward amendments on the issues and I will also seek to understand the scope of the technology being promised and the government's plans to give an exception to AI companies for all of our children's work and behaviour at the school. There are many wonderful uses of technology but, my lords, we must make sure that school is a place of privacy, safety, and learning for children.

12:52

Lord Blunkett (Labour)

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I would like to offer a warm welcome and I look forward to the speech of Lord Mohammed of Tinsley and inaudible remind me of how old I am by reflecting on his childhood. I think over the last four months there has been the most misleading rhetoric in relation to part two of the bill and I think it is our job and the House of lords to lower the temperature and get to the reality and if there are amendments to be made, to clarify, we should do so and I hope we can do that in the spirit of coming together in the interests of children.

I take up the point which is that what goes on in the classroom is what matters. And I pay tribute to those, the largest and ladies and myself and I think many would accept immediately that we did not transform where we did the ability of children to succeed and the development of the talent and the ability to shine through. It was world leadership in schools and the first class teaching and support staff that did that job.

That is what we must build on soul that I set aside the disagreements about whether multi-Academy trusts are maintained schools have done better and look at the statistics. They are very interesting. I have not got time to go into them but I can pay tribute to the sponsors and the leaders of multi-Academy trust because I was the Secretary of State who first floated the academies in the first place. Let's get it right and put the record straight about minimum rather than maximum pay and conditions and put the record straight on what happens with skills that are failing children and the required interventions and we can put the record straight on misleading comments about admissions where, by the way, the drop in pupil numbers will be catastrophic and there are no need to be coordination if massive resources are not to be wasted and I hope we can clarify the issues around a basic entitlement to a National Curriculum which Lord Baker brought in in 1988 and we will be speaking to him next in the House and P tribute to him and I to declare an interest.

I have two grandchildren at the University and technology College and I have one to go in September I now know we can clarify that a basic entitlement to a National Curriculum will not interfere with the innovation, creativity of UTCs. Let's get it right. There is so much to be done And I feel so strongly about this. Absence is up. Exclusion is up. 1 million children leaving school between 16 and 24 are not in education, employment, training. In education, employment, training.

In the surveys by PISA one life satisfaction we are second from bottom and there is so much we can do if we put the rhetoric behind us

12:56

Lord Baker of Dorking (Conservative)

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I'm delighted to follow Lord Blunkett who was an outstanding education secretary enormously improved the literacy and numeracy of memory skills. One thing that endeared him as two sides going to the college I went to in Sheffield for a high quality education and we have another one on the outskirts and this bill threatens the existence of UTCs. Clause 47 is pretty radical and makes this bill an international, and major change of power in the country.

It makes it a constitutional bill and because clause 47 gives powers to the secretary of and the Department. David Blunkett and I never wanted those powers and it removes the power from the local area to the centre. There has been no consultation on this. There has been no research papers saying anything - it has been plucked out of the air. I think it is very harmful indeed. Schools have done very well by young academies. I established the first early ones in the 1980s.

When we introduced the National Curriculum in the 1980s my permanent secretary Sidibe, "You cannot instruct skills to follow it and you cannot tell them to do it but you can make suggestions." This is because schools have been run by boards, local authorities, multi-Academy trust. Those powers, Liz Truss, they are being transferred to the Department and the Secretary of State. Giving powers I never had and never existed. When there is huge change like that with no checks and balances, there is usually consultation and there should be out there has not been any consultation on this.

I do not believe this measure was in the manifesto of the Labour Party but it is a major constitutional change and that is why in fact I think we have got to think very carefully about it. The schools I promoted do not follow a National Curriculum. What they do, a lot of 14-year-olds, in the first week, they are spending two days a week, they are spending two days a week learning how to use tools and machinery with their hands, or going to the computer room to get data skills or going to the design studio in order to improve communication about laser printers, 3D printers, the greatest invention since the 19th century.

They are doing that and not following the National Curriculum. They have got their own curriculum and they are very successful. If we have to follow the National Curriculum, we would have to become bog standard comprehensives and that is not acceptable. And so I am going to ask the government to think again about this. When you have such a huge constitutional change as that, there is usually consultation. People are asked about it. There has been no consultation at all on this enormous change of power and so there should certainly be consultation.

I am reasonably confident the government will be sympathetic because we are exempt at the moment from the gold curriculum or the National Curriculum. When students start at 14, and most of them do, they spend two days a week in a workshop learning to control tools and machines and some then go and do, as I have already said, data skills or This is not going to be allowed, if this bill goes through, as it is. I do have some optimism, if I may say so, I do know that the Secretary of State herself has visited one of the best UTC's in Durham, one of the best in the north-east of England.

The Minister has visited the Aston UTC. The head of the Aston UTC was actually taught by the Minister and she inspired him to go into education. It was a very moving meeting. What was also interesting was that she found she was given a knighthood by the school. Although the school concentrates on the motor industry, introduced auto Matt Reed. They were able to give her an eye test. -- Introduced optometry. We now have some other students who want to do that.

What I'm saying to the Minister is that there should be flexibility and we have exemption from the National Curriculum and we had exemption from the Gove curriculum. I very much hope she will be able to ensure that we will have that. She won't remember, she wasn't in the House when it happened. In the last Conservative government they brought in a bill which allows them to give huge powers to the Department of education and there was an unusual reliance, Lord Storey, Lord Judge who headed the crossbenches and they defeated the bill.

This is the Department of employment, education, trying to do it in a different way. I think that in fact I'm optimistic, in fact that the government will realise that the exemptions that have been enjoyed in the past will have to be enjoyed in the future.

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So much to say, so little time to say it. I welcome this bill and many of these measures, but I do think that there is plenty of scope for that there is plenty of scope for strengthening and improvement. I'm strengthening and improvement. I'm very much looking forward to hearing the two maiden speeches. Although my main interest is in part one. I want to emphasise the interrelated nature to emphasise the interrelated nature In order to attend, attain and In order to attend, attain and thrive, at a school, child unease to feel safe, secure, well supported and with good mental health and emotional well-being.

Despite having the word well-being in the bill's title, in my view legislation currently lacks measures, that will improve the mental health and well- being of children. It is of real concern of that according to the latest piece of data, the lowest level of well-being in Europe -- PISA. The link between school PISA. The link between school absences and poor mental health. There is also growing recognition of the gap in a mental health support for children and young who need a greater level of support than is currently available in a school mental health teams, that do not require, or aren't eligible for specialist treatment, from the cams.

I intend to press and to rectify this gap based on my current Private Members' Bill, requiring a suitable health professional in all schools, primary and secondary -- CAMHS. I strongly support the introduction of a national well-being measurement program, for children, throughout England and I would like to pay

13:04

Lord Arbuthnot of Edrom (Conservative)

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tribute, both to Be Well and others for their work in this area. Data on children's well-being and mental children's well-being and mental , across the NHS, schools and local authorities. We should take the opportunity to introduce a national well-being measurement, to focus well-being measurement, to focus efforts and provide measurable standards, for which we can mark progress. This will give all children a voice, and the issues of the matter to their well-being, allow regular tracking of national allow regular tracking of national progress, support detailed cross agency service planning at local level and provide any evidence of what works, to improve well-being.

It will also provide a framework, to understand and enhance the bill's impact. Without this we will never

13:05

Baroness Tyler of Enfield (Liberal Democrat)

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impact. Without this we will never

13:05

Lord Arbuthnot of Edrom (Conservative)

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move forward. There is more to do to strengthen the voice of the child, throughout this bill. And ensure their wishes and feelings are known and fed into decisions about them.

13:05

Baroness Tyler of Enfield (Liberal Democrat)

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And like the noble Lord, Lord Bichard, as he reminded us, serious case reviews have repeatedly shown to lack information sharing, record-keeping and conflicting information systems have resulted in a missed opportunities to identify and protect children from serious harm. The worst cases hit headlines have been so harrowing and heartbreaking. Having a unique consistent identifier for individual consistent identifier for individual children will allow professionals working with information easily and prevent children from falling through the gaps. I welcome its inclusion in clause 4, but can I ask the Minister if she will commit to the full implementation of a single unique to, by the next election and if so can she confirm the use of the NHS number.

Early intervention plays a vital role in providing support to Children and Young Persons Act and giving them the help they need to thrive, before problems escalate. Families reach crisis point. I do intend to bring forward some amendments, in this area. Could I end by asking the Minister what assessment the department has made, of the impact of reductions in early intervention funding and the rising demand for child protection service and placement. There were so many other areas I wanted to talk about, particularly children in care, excessive profiteering, the national carer's leave, etc., etc., etc..

Time precludes me, but I will Time precludes me, but I will certainly be returning to these issues. issues.

13:06

Baroness Morris of Yardley (Labour)

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I want to restrict my comments to those clauses in the bill, on schools. We are entering our third decade of discussing the structure of schools in England. Interesting though that may be, it is not been though that may be, it is not been the easiest of discussions. There has been a lot of peaceable changes to government bills that been completely withdrawn on the subject, because of differences of opinions, within the Conservative party. Throughout all that time teachers are managed, they have managed to keep the school system going.

And raise standards. I hope most of all that this can be a turning point, when we put behind is this a debate on the structure of schools and begin to focus on what makes the difference and that is what happens in the classroom. We have got to learn from those decades of discussion and years of change and without doubt there are more schools than there were before. Without doubt, the growth, the birth and growth of academies have contributed to that. Academies have brought something new to the system.

As a disrupter. They brought outside expertise and that it wasn't always easy to get into schools and they brought in energy and they have helped to raise standards. But there is no evidence that I can find that shows that they should be the universal model that is only within that model that excellence can be achieved. There is often a lack of generosity of spirit of acknowledging that that excellence, that innovation, that improvement exists in state schools as well. Academies do not have a monopoly of excellence, nor innovation, nor of turning around failing schools.

So my conclusion is that both types of school should be allowed to flourish, as part of a strong school flourish, as part of a strong school system. And if you want a choice of governance, that is what it is about. If you want to leave the partnership of the local authority and the partnership schools, if you want to take on those extra responsibilities choose to be an academy, but if you want to retain that relationship with the local authority and that local funding of schools, choose to be a maintained school.

Quite frankly policymakers should be able to learn to live with that, rather than offering bribes or incentive to change. If we can live with that, we can live with that choice and focus on other things, I think most schools will improve. If we want every school to be a good school, we have not only got to make sure that as policymakers we give them each school the best possible chance of succeeding, but we've got to make sure that they don't achieve this, by behaving in a way that makes it more difficult for other schools are to succeed.

So we need a policy framework for individual schools to succeed and do we need a policy framework that determines how schools relate to the wider school system. It is not a market that should govern whether schools succeed or not it should be the strength of that partnership and the acknowledgement of the school system. So I welcome parts of the bill that make that more likely to happen. So I welcome coordinated admissions. I welcome the power of local authorities to direct academies and to accept particular individual children, often in tragic circumstances and I welcome the removal of the ability of academies to set their own admission numbers.

Not because I want to take away the freedoms, but because those can be exercised in a way that makes it impossible for the school down the road to flourish. That can't be road to flourish. That can't be right. I welcome the National Curriculum as well. Not because I want to tie the hands of teachers but because I have never understood why it is a privilege afforded to academies and not maintain schools. It is a national curriculum, the clue is in the title.

When I look back through all of my years of politics and education I can't remember a time when flexibility The National Curriculum. I can't remember a time. I think if the Minister in replying could reassure us that there is a National Curriculum and there are exceptions, I think it would put a lot of minds at rest. But the decisions should centre in terms of the National Curriculum on the needs of the child. Not the status of the school. Because if a child has the need to do something other than the National Curriculum, in the maintained sector, why on earth should they sector, why on earth should they have that freedom in the same way as have that freedom in the same way as an academy, I hope this bill gives us a strong framework for strong schools, within a strong school system.

system.

13:11

Lord Aberdare (Crossbench)

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I support much of this bill, it is recent issues about the schools part of the bill. We likely emphasise the need for a broad and emphasise the need for a broad and balanced curriculum. We also need a broad education policy. It is clearly important to ensure that every school meet certain minimum standards. The report of the Education for 1116 Year Olds Committee which I said speaks positively of the mandatory National Curriculum that ensures a common entitlement for all pupils. But at the same time there needs to be scope for teachers to bring their own passions and selections into their teaching if they are to inspire pupils with a love of learning in the spirit of discovery and joy that all too seems lacking.

Many of us will recall teachers who made the most positive impact of our own learning. I was lucky enough to be taught by three remarkable classics teachers from whom I gained and have retained an enduring love of classical languages, art and civilisation. Which affect our lives in so many ways. I continue to attempt that on Saturdays. I also learnt that after the most inspiring teachers, those who seem most constrained within services or teaching them. The pendulum seems to me to be swinging too far towards the fixed minimum standards and the weight of expanding teaching.

I worry that this bill may take it even further in this direction by opposing a degree of rigidity and uniformity, well beyond the requirements of a entitlement for all pupils. For example by imposing a standard curriculum on all schools, reducing or removing academic freedoms and through the proposed restrictions and required qualifications and payment arrangements for teachers. The education committee also highlighted the lack of balance between academic and technical or vocational subjects in the current curriculum.

Again, the bill looks as though it may exacerbate this. Skills base subjects require greater flexibility, flexibility in the curriculum, in methods of assessment and in the teaching skills and experience required. Examples of successful skills which pursue different approaches to teaching, to learning. Such as the ex-P trust who schools teach the curriculum through expedition-based projects. And another trust which has outdoor learning at the centre of its curriculum. Other similar examples include a specialist movement and art schools, as we have heard University technical colleges providing a more work focused a balance between academic knowledge and marketable job related skills.

And it is a pity that too many schools don't recognise apprenticeships as an equally positive destination as higher education. So, I should be anxious to ensure that the bill, when it leaves that this House allows sufficient flexibility for schools to provide relevant knowledge and skills for all peoples, whatever their talents and aspirations and also to attract a wider range of people to become inspiring and memorable teachers, across the curriculum and beyond. I think through this bill we should be aiming for a system that is not one sizes.

13:14

Baroness Morgan of Cotes (Non-affiliated)

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It is a pleasure to speak in this debate on such important topics and I declare my interest as chair of the national growth and enterprise company to stop it is a great pleasure to follow the noble Lord for his comments, I read, but also all those speakers. I will undoubtedly start with clauses 47 and clauses 50, in relation to academies. I entirely agree with the sentiments, expressed by both the noble Lady, Baroness Morris and the noble Lord, Lord Blunkett and also my namesake, Baroness Morgan who exhorted us to remember the actually what we should be looking for, in our schools is a debate about quality and rigour and standards.

I think we're going to have a good debate in this House, I think your Lordship's House, with the expertise here, is going to help to improve the bill and ask the great questions of the government to both academies and maintain schools. Based on my experience, one of the challenges of maintaining two systems is that both in relation to funding, but also in in relation to funding, but also in What will explore the particles 50 if academies nation is not the answer to situations then what is? What is best for school improvement? Which has been the holy grid of governments over decades and actually going to be achieved, who does that most effectively? As the noble Lord has just said, we should want freedoms, we should on the National Curriculum to be perhaps a minimum standard but I think as we also heard, there are a number of specialist schools who feel very strongly that actually the National Curriculum is not right for them and of course as the noble lady, the Minister said at the begin we have this curriculum review at the moment and I think we are all, as we heard earlier on the former education secretaries and the Ministers talking about what goes on in the classroom but even more we love talking about what is happening in the curriculum.

Unfortunately we all have views on that. We wait therefore for the coming review with great interest. I think that will be relevant actually in terms of the curriculum that we want all of our schools to be following. In relation to specialist schools I think I and a number of the noble Lord have written to various specialist school providers -- written to by various specialist school providers who have said in relation to the UTCs they offer, in offering choice the schools bring relevance to education to thousands more students than we would otherwise have seen this with.

It is offering breadth and depth in a way that would not otherwise be available to learners in this country. Moving on given the time available, in relation to schools inspections I would very much like to explore the continuing role of the Independent schools Inspectorate having had recent experience of them where they have failed to interrogate properly the governance of a school. I think governance is often under looked when debating education. It is hugely important and I do wonder whether perhaps the time has come, whether it is to work more closely with Ofsted or even to merge with them and perhaps we will debate that.

In relation to home education, I do broadly support and in fact I really do support the provisions in this bill. I think should allow more when we were in government in relation to knowing exactly which children are home educated and who has chosen to opt out of going into the school system. Have heard of the tragic case that the noble Lady Baroness Shephard talked about in Norfolk and sadly there will be others as well. And of course the difficulty but this will be difficult example particularly in some religious schools meaning that actually the option of reform is not taken when it should be.

And so I really do welcome the government proposals. In relation to well-being I notice the noble Baronesses back in her seat. We have worked together on the Online Safety Act well and one of the danger she outline to our children's wellbeing is no doubt the online internet. I remain slightly unconvinced by the banning of phones in schools. I think there is guidance available. I think schools can do it but I think they need to be absent willing to listen to the evidence and ability will bring to this debate.

Honestly I think if we feel that strongly about it that we need to ban a lot of apps on smartphones for under 16's which luckily my son is 17 so I will not have any opposition at home. But I do think one of the great challenges in relation to teachers and safety in the classrooms and I would be interested to hear the noble Lord's opinions on this is misogyny. Much of it feels online and I think -- fuelled online and I think the limit to exposing them to artisan phones is very important there.

I think we will have a good set of debates which I hope the Minister will welcome.

13:19

Baroness Longfield (Labour)

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It is a huge pleasure to take part in this important debate today and I draw attention to my interest in the register. All of us in this chamber want the children in our country to succeed but I think we also know that many will not do so without extra help. If we are in any doubt about that we should look at what has happened in recent years since the pandemic and during the pandemic. Where it was revealed that systems consistently failed vulnerable children.

And I have been arguing for decades we need to be making bold reform from the top to the bottom and we need to close those gaps in systems that have lent away and continue to lead away from vulnerable children and put those children at the very centre of our systems. Protecting them from harm of losing their life chances. This bill is a commitment. I think and an opportunity to do just that. The measures to improve our safety and our education systems are very welcome.

I really welcome the conversations we have already started in this chamber today. About the importance of putting children and children's outcomes at the centre of these debates. Not the structures, those are all means to an end that we need to make work. It has to be about the children's outcomes. A good education of course is crucial foundation for children. But we do know hundreds of thousands of children are missing school either through poor attendance or because they are being homeschooled.

Elective home education. I had thousands of parents telling me actually they feel pushed out, their children are pushed out and ignored by a system. They are left with no other options to home educate. Despite often not feeling they have often well equipped to do so. We also know children who have been taken out of school delivery so harm, the harms they are coming to are not seen. And there are children who are not in school and go off the radar fall into the hands of those who want to groom and exploit them.

I strongly welcome the new register of children in schools and the new powers for local authorities. I also welcome measures in this bill support councils to provide better improved early support for families and which publications work together better. To protect and support children. I know that is something them as of this House will have been talking about for a long time. And with that early intervention and support for families being very important too. And the single unique identifier for children gives an opportunity again to see that through.

We need to see better investment in early intervention and prevention. That is also absolutely critical, critically important as part of this, these reforms. But while the ambitions of the bill absolutely clear there will be things that we all want to discuss as we have already heard today. And that will be strengthening the sections will stop some of the things that I am keen to talk more about, a greater focus in the early years that would strengthen and drive a move to prevention.

The government's commitment to universal breakfast clubs is essential and very very welcome. Let us capitalise on and make sure food in those practice clubs is nourishing -- breakfast clubs is nourishing and healthy given the important widescale obesity crisis. Similarly I welcome measures to require local authorities to offer family group decision-making. I think we could sharp -- sharpen up on that and particularly look at increasing the chances of reducing the number of children going into care in this way.

I also support calls for the bill to include measures of well- being to provide strong evidence base for current and future policies. Finally as Children's Commissioner's -- Children's Commissioner, I call for the removal of the recent chastisement of physical punishment and I continue to support that. The things in the change that has happened in Wales, in Scotland and in Ireland and the world has not fallen in. So it is probably time we caught up. Most of our children are happy and have opportunities to thrive in their childhood but a significant number or not.

Must be ambitious but those children too. This bill gives a welcome opportunity to do exactly that.

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It gives me profound humility and sincere gratitude that I rise to make my Maiden speech in your

13:24

Lord Mohammed of Tinsley (Liberal Democrat)

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make my Maiden speech in your Lordships' House. Never did I imagine a child born in Kashmir to parents of a humble farming background that I would stand here amongst you not as an observer but as an equal. Entrusted with responsibilities to speak up for communities like the ones that raised me. I arrived in the United Kingdom in 1977 at the age of four with my mother. To join our family in Sheffield. A proud community, who are in material wealth but rich in spirit.

And the contrast could not have been greater are the clear ice cold streams of the valleys of Kashmir to the steel of the lower Don Valley. It was here I learned resilience, solidarity and the values of opportunity. My Lords, my journey has not followed the traditional path but one is a member of this House expected. My father grew up on a small piece of land with his siblings. They all lived a simple, fragile house -- lived in a simple, fragile house made of mud and straw, rock and water.

Life was harsh. Often food was consisting of a chapati while they harvest the wheat by hand. In the searing midday sun. It was gruelling. However when opportunity arose to work in British Steel industry he grafted. Bringing with him dreams for a better life for the generations to come. The steel Mills of Sheffield gave my family hope. But the decline in the 1980s took much of that security away. Like many of us my father lost his job.

Like many others were relied upon the state support. I grew up receiving free school meals and free clothing from Sheffield City Council at a time when we were led by a very useful leader -- youthful leader. I emphasise the word useful because he was known as David Blunkett. I wonder what happened to him my Lords. Although I excelled at school particularly in mathematics, family necessities meant at the age of 16 I entered the world of work through the youth training scheme YTS as it was known.

Earning £27.50 per week and working a 40 hour week. Unloading lorries at the Sheffield Co-op superstore in Hillsborough. It was a tough start but without, not without its blessings. I was supported by my manager who gave me Wednesdays off, not to go and watch my beloved Sheffield Wednesday but to attend college to do my A-levels. This small act of faith helped secure a place for me at Sheffield University to study business as a mature student. I was the first in my family to go to university.

After graduating I dedicated myself to youth workers in the city of Sheffield. Supporting young people like me who needed a second chance. That passion led me to be elected to Sheffield City Council in 2004. Followed by a spell in European Parliamentary champion young people, women's rights, human rights and international development. I see my arrival as a mark of this House is enduring commitment to represent all walks of life. To recognise the importance of lived experiences alongside legal academic and business expertise.

I also served as a Magistrate in Sheffield and I cannot resist sharing with your Lordships moment from our very first day of the Sheffield bench. I arrived early but I was mistakenly directed through the public entrance. And I spent an anxious 10 minutes or so mingling only with defendants who were due to appear before me. Before I saw an eagle eyed receptionist had seen the error and swiftly moved me to an appropriate floor. I am pleased to report no such confusion accompanied by day here in this House, my first day here in this House.

Thank you to the exceptional support from the team, the clerks, the doorkeeper's, this acuity staff, the police officers, the catering staff, the wonderful attendance of the library are my supporters, the noble friends Baroness Benjamin and Lord Alan Mallon. Turning to the important business for us today, the children and well-being bill for like the Children's Wellbeing and Schools Bill. I wish to speak on the issue of home education. During my time as a youth worker I worked with many post-16 needs. These are young people in employment -- not in employment, education or training.

I often encountered those who had been educated at home who suffered disrupted schooling. Without structure and support and oversight these young people can easily slip through the net, falling far behind their peers and missing opportunities to enable them to thrive. This is why I welcome the provisions in this bill for local authorities to maintain contact with home educated children. Not as a heavy-handed intrusion but as is vital as a safeguard to ensure no young person is left behind. Supporting young people is not merely a moral imperative, it is in our national investment.

When we help young people realise their potential we strengthen the fabric of our society is for generations to come. I will always think I have achieved everything venison to my achieved everything venison to my parents, the highness of the parents, the highness of the strangers who believed in me and the kindness afforded by this great country full but is now my privilege to give back, to save your Lordships to give back, to save your Lordships with the same spirit of duty and with the same spirit of duty and

13:30

Lord Scriven (Liberal Democrat)

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It is a truly with joy and pleasure to follow my noble friends maiden speech, Lord Mohammed of Tinsley. Someone who I have known for over half a century and who I am proud not just to call a political colleague but a personal friend. After similar laws, it is not long that Lord Blunkett and I found ourselves in agreement. In fact it usually signals that something truly extraordinary has happened in Sheffield. I say this to my noble friends, you have really raised the bar onto coming together on your first speech, so I look forward to you solving the Ukraine crisis in your second.

I met my noble friend back in the early 2,000 when he was standing for what can only be described and I think I'm being generous here as they are no hope council seat. I was dispatched to give a bit of moral boosting, which is always a delicate task when you know full well that you are likely to become a distant runner-up. Even The assistance and most of all his principles that have stayed with him throughout his remarkable career. As it turned out our political journeys have continued in tandem.

He was eventually elected to the Council of Broomhill, the same ward I represented and later he served as a vital member of my cabinet in Sheffield, claiming on political sides of the University technical College, please to say that was during our administration. When he was in my cabinet he was always driven by a fierce commitment to tackling a quality, endlessly constructive and an immensely valued colleague. Now my noble friends journey from unloading lorries at 27... £27.50 a week, which I point out that we now have within your Lordships' House our own resident youth worker.

I'm sure we can use at our disposal if we require his diversionary tactics and services. He did also represent Yorkshire in the European Parliament and now today's red benches. It reminds us My Lords of the very best of Britain, a country where opportunity, public service and someone determined to take something, public determination to take someone from the YTS scheme to the House of Lords. If there ever was a voice needed in this chamber to speak for youth, for fairness and for equality of opportunity and with that no-nonsense straight talking Sheffield spirit.

For one I am glad Sheffield spirit. For one I am glad he sits behind me, beside me. I'm used to heckling. I wish him well in his endeavours. I'm sure he is going to add to our work here in this Parliament. Turning to this bill before us today, I want to talk about the provisions of that address the issue of legal and registered the issue of legal and registered schools. A liberal society can and must accommodate a wide range of educational settings, including independent schools, properly regulated home education, as well of course state schools.

However, in accommodating such education, the wishes of parents and religious groups need to be balanced against the rights of the child. I therefore broadly welcomed the measures within the bill, that are aimed at ensuring all children can have their right to broad education adequately protected. Although no precise figures are known for the number of children currently in registered schools. The former chief inspector of Stead, estimated it was likely to be in the tens of thousands -- OFSTED. She described conditions in some, "You wouldn't want to put a dog in, let alone a child.

" Earlier this year a report from the Jewish policy research Institute found that over 6,600 children in ultra- Orthodox Jewish communities are not attending a registered school. Suggesting many are being sent to unregistered faith schools, which represent the same pattern, in other religious faith groups. These are concerning figures, given the repeated findings that many unregistered religious schools unregistered religious schools failed to deliver tuition in a subject outside of a religious instruction. Denying students skills, vital to a successful and fulfilling life.

With some peoples even left unable to read and write in English. Moreover, the existence of unregistered school poses a significant safeguarding risk. Evidence has documented children are being taught in deplorable conditions, alongside instances of physical and sexual abuse and an alarming presence of a safeguarding procedures. This kind of religious education offered, in the settings, typically lacks a broad and balanced perspective on a range of beliefs. Instead, intends to indoctrinate children and young people with a narrow religious worldview.

These are limited perspectives undermined the ability for pupils to engage with communities outside of those in which they are being educated and an important aspect of life in modern Britain. I would like to take this opportunity to acknowledge the work of the National Secular Society and I raise, I raised my interest is in the register, which was one of the first organisations to raise awareness of the plight of pupils, languishing in such schools. Every child, irrespective of their parents religious outlook and decide deserves access to a safe and deserves access to a safe and learning outlook.

Which fosters respect for diversity beliefs. Every child, regardless of the background should have their independent right to be safe, abroad and education respected. This bill removes the existing presumption that a new school automatically be an academy. This change means that the faith- based schools were not necessarily be subject to the 50% cap that limits religious election in a newly established faith-based preschools and admission arrangements was not a measure introduced to promote diversity, inclusion and fairness. It is my sincere hope that this House will ensure that the bill, intended to eliminate barriers to educational opportunities does not inadvertently create new barriers in the form of more faith schools applying 100% religious selection.

Such an outcome would undermine the quality and freedoms in the choice of families within communities do not share the same religious beliefs, as at the school.

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I would like to congratulate Lord

13:38

Lord Hampton (Crossbench)

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I would like to congratulate Lord Mohammed of Tinsley on his excellent and inspiring maiden speech and greatly look forward to Lord greatly look forward to Lord Biggar's in a second. I declare my interest as a teacher at an academy in Hackney. An unpaid trustee of the elephant group charity, and can ship care of between 13-year-olds, parent of two teenagers. I'm also a hereditary peer and this could well be my last major piece of legislation in your Lordships' House.

As you might say, I'm quite vested in this bill. What abilities, 137 pages, 67 clauses and forming us to talk about it. As everyone has said it is a bill of two halves. Well-being is many things to like. A lot of amendments, but basically there is a lot to like about it. Sadly it misses out on the defence of reasonable punishment. What better place to put it in then a bill that talks about children's wellbeing. I believe the evidence, from Wales is pretty conclusive on that part.

But, to describe the school's part as a curative egg, if I were the curate, I would just eat the toes. Head teachers should be there less people to make decisions over the schools. Whether they are academies, or edtech. The bill doesn't deal with the lack of respect of the parents, for schools. It's a decreasing innovation. This bill has taken away the autonomy and entrepreneurial spirit that has made outstanding academies flourish. Such as the UTC's are ready mentioned, providing tactical technical education, alongside industry.

To get students into skilled work. The school where I teach, a community academy, where students can choose public speaking, film and film and media and yoga, among other mainstream subjects. How these trailblazing schools going to continue to innovate, if they have to slavishly follow the rigid and dare I say it rather uninspiring a National Curriculum. I know that charities like tender are worried about the lack of a national P SH, PHSE strategy. We wait to see what PHSE strategy.

We wait to see what the review has to say about that. As far as we go about school uniform, My Lords. Lord Addington will be pleased to know that in our school you can buy in almost a new blazer for a tenner. That could potentially last a child their entire school career. The average markup on school uniforms is a 7%, according to the school were Association. The school uniform Sports Kit As Well. Then a School Sports Ship Is Considerably Cheaper Than a Premiership Football Shirt that doesn't have to be changed once a year.

All have an away shirt, as well. I told a 14- year-old girl who was pregnant and you would have never have known it, because of the blazer. Children, especially girls, change shape throughout their school time, something a blazer hides very effectively. School uniforms can also be used in stead of suits for children to go to university interviews. There by driving up interviews. There by driving up social mobility. We are going to be very busy at committee stage, I am afraid, you haven't heard the last of me.

13:41

Lord Layard (Labour)

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Child well-being is in the title of this bill. And so it should be. Obviously children's wellbeing matters but it is also the Becks predictor of how happy an adult will be in the subsequent life. Predicting it far better than the qualifications which they obtain. Yet, the only outcome of education already measure is those qualifications. What you measure becomes what you treasure. Exam results have become the only touchstone of the school success which is a catastrophe. And that is only one way to change which is of course to measure well-being as well, to put something else into the balance.

And that is what happens in many countries, tapas and the Netherlands, in South Australia and in England, it happens in Manchester and in Hampshire. And the system is quite simple. The government decides a questionnaire and holds it on the central platform. It arranges once a year for the students, in the school to complete the questionnaire, it takes about 20 minutes or so. The results are then analysed centrally on the findings and then sent back, from the centre to the school.

From this the school gets a vital information about how well exactly it is doing and progressing with the well-being of its students. It is left up to the school how it uses this information. Participation in the survey is voluntary, for both the school and for the individual and the individual responses are totally confidential, to the individual. This is a change which could change what happens in our schools. It could give them the incentive to do more for the well- being of their children and the justification which actually most of them want, for paying more attention to it.

There is no conflict between doing more for well-being and doing more for well-being and improving academic performance. All the evidence shows the extra time devoted to life skills improves not only well-being, but also improves academic performance. Certainly doesn't no harm. Our children are subject now to all kinds of new pressures. Their mental health has suffered. We have got to do something about well-being. That is the reason why a cross-party group of us will be moving an amendment. That the government should introduce a measurement system of the type that I've been describing.

It is of course, it is true that it is possible for a school, or schools to measure well-being already. It is a huge effort to make that happen. If we want this to become the norm, we have got to make it as easy as possible. That is what we heard from our children and that is what the system I have described would do. system I have described would do. Finally, let me turn to our greatest education floor, many don't get education beyond 17.

The number of apprenticeships for young people has fallen and more than halved in the last 10 years. The Government needs to take on, for these young people the same obligation that it takes on for young people wanted to go to university. Maybe ensuring there are enough places for qualified applicants. In 2009 at the premiership at put that obligation on the statute book. It was repealed the coalition government and I believe it should be reinstated, in

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Let me begin with the customary round of thanks which I give the wholehearted. Black Rod, the goalkeepers, all of the administrative and service staff I have encountered in this House and have encountered in this House and the extraordinarily helpful and patient and Mr Thomas Burgess

13:46

Lord Biggar (Conservative)

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patient and Mr Thomas Burgess brought me a glass of water without my asking for it. Thank you very much. Let me thank you too my noble friend Lord Griffiths and the Right Reverend and noble Lord Harrison, long-term rentals of mine and he introduced me to this House -- mentors of mine and who introduced me to this House. I assure the noble Lord Harris will forgive me for having chosen to sit on the Conservative benches. When I tell you I am a retired Professor of Christian ethics I imagine some of your Lordships may matter to yourselves that is nice but what is he doing here? If so I would synth sympathise -- sympathise especially because intellectuals of art and humanity are best kept clear of politics especially considering we tend to suffer from the virus of wishful thinking.

Being conservative however I have long sought to educate my moral ideals with reality. In 1998 the Belfast Good Friday agreement I ran a conference in Oxford under the title bearing the past after civil conflict. At the begin of the Conference started to beginning to talk -- started to begin to talk about healing without embarrassment before... Twice in prisons by the commonest authorities of East Germany because of a political distance. -- Dissidents. Who said I now live in the same street as the man who informed of me, I did not know him then and I certainly do not want to know him now.

So what exactly do you mean by healing? And reconciliation? I look forward to being further educated by the array of practical experience this House being an elected this House being an elected contains. -- Unelected contains. In previous years I have been preoccupied with colonial history for political reasons. As an Anglo Scot I had a dog in the fight that was the 2014 referendum of Scottish independent. Although an instinct of opponent I felt morally obliged to consider nationalist arguments.

One argument I came across was this. Britain equals empire equals evil. Therefore Scots should the collar, disintegrate the UK and sail off into a bright new shiny new future. But having read British imperial history for nigh on 20 years I knew the equation empire equals evil is not historically or morally tenable. I call to facts, the British Empire spent the second half of its life suppressing slavery from Brazil to New Zealand. Second from May 1944 12 months the Empire offered the genocidal racist Nazi regime in Berlin the only military opposition with the sole exception of Greece.

Empire cannot be identified with evil. Nevertheless 45% of Scots voted to disintegrate the UK in 2014. Which according to our representative at the UN would have delighted the Kremlin. And damaged the international standing of this country much more than Brexit ever could. And the 45% voted in spite being told by the London Treasury they would each be £500 poorer for it. So if the noble Lord was a member of this House which of course he was not but if he were, I would say to him no my noble Lord stupid it is not just the economy.

It is also the story, the national story is politically potent and a false story is politically disruptive. Which brings me very briefly to clause 47 of the bill we are considering. Teachers unions are clamouring for decolonisation to be embedded in the curriculum. And the decolonisation does involve the story of 400 years of Britain's imperial engagement was nothing but a litany of racism and slavery. If the curriculum were to be colonised and if the state were to imposed -- de colonised and of the state were to impose that curriculum on academies, academies can no longer serve as centres of intellectual diversity and dissidents.

My Lord, the national story matters politically. And having liberal schools that are free to challenge dominant ideologies and to tell the whole story, not just the lamentable failures and wrongs but also the heroic achievements of our country that is important too. And I hope

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the government will agree. My Lords, what a privilege and

13:52

Lord Hannan of Kingsclere (Conservative)

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My Lords, what a privilege and what a pleasure to follow to such outstanding maiden speeches. One outstanding maiden speeches. One from my former Europe colleague and one from my former college chaplain. And pray to the slight absorption we have as teenagers, even then I was able to recognise the qualities that also enriched by other councillors. His humility, his intellectual curiosity and above all that generosity of spirit. The largeness of soul. That makes him consider other arguments.

And other people on He had such intellect and curiosity in front of -- inside of him. When I first met him he looked like any other scruffy academic and he dressed like any other academic and I would have been surprised had he told me that out of him was going to come this extraordinary ethical balance sheet of colonialism. And I think it surprised a lot of his colleagues. And because he brought to bear that imperious of them and that calm collectivist that should be valued in all academic settings it triggered in us in this deranged culture war, intricate a very negative reaction.

His book was initially denied by publisher and then it was howled down by people who blatantly had not read it because all he was doing to try was to be -- was trying to be balanced. In which I'm sure he will be in all debates here. I think the way he does this and the reason he can be so indifferent to public opinion is because he has a genuine faith in something bigger than public opinion. And not everyone has the gift of religious faith but all of us I hope can at least exercise the self-respect that allows us to be honest and true to ourselves in difficult times.

I want to begin by thanking very sincerely all of the former Secretaries of State for education, not just for having been Secretaries of State but on both sides were having presided over a rise in standards which up until recently would have been unimaginable. And that happened I think the reason is that we have hinted at and the noble Baroness Morris has hinted at. It was the beginning of diversity and freedom in education that allowed people to pilot new ideas to trial new schemes and this raged -- this raised standards across the board.

She is right to say was not just on academies. It was something that was happening in maintained schools as well. I think one could make a case this was the single greatest achievement of the last Labour government in terms of the impact it had on people's lives. And a merit of, a measure of its merit is the new government adopted it and claimed it as its own and people talk about Cameron and Gove reforms when they were really reforms by -- pioneered by some of the memos opposite.

-- Reforms pioneered by some of the members opposite. We had at the beginning a measure of how they worked because the reforms in England drove English schools up, PISA and indeed all of the other measures that were international measures on that success but there was a controlling that experiment. Because in Scotland and in Wales there were not such reforms. And those schools more or less stayed where they were all slightly drifted down. -- Or slightly drifted down in academic rankings.

I hope we can all agree these were successful reforms. I think the Ministers from what they have been saying today and in previous debates, do not want to undo the successful parts of them. There is one very specific thing I then want to raise. It was the point flagged by my noble friend, the Lord Baker of Dorking. It is the future of the 44 University technical colleges. These are the schools that are set up by local businesses and by universities to fill identified skills gaps.

They have an extraordinary success rate by any definition. 86% of them are rated good or excellent by Ofsted. And there is demand for more of them. Nuance of plant -- new ones are planned in Southampton and Doncaster because there is local demand. And what is not always appreciated is because these schools start typically with children of 13 or 14 by a lot of the academic measures at this age these children are not at the top of their cohort. A lot of the secondary schools really fight to hang onto the kids who are going to push up their standards.

And children who have perhaps not done well sitting in rows and having a classroom-based education suddenly come into their own. And what is really extraordinary about these schools is not they turn out Grange engineers which you kind of expect. But how much better these children then stop performing in the English A-levels and such because they are responding to a different kind of teaching. They are being cheated -- treated as if they were already in the workforce, divided into groups and sent to do tasks and they flourish.

It is not for everyone but they flourish. This is the real point about the diversity that comes from the freedom to apply the curriculum flexibly or to derogate from parts of it. I think people sometime have the idea these technical schools are teaching metalwork. Yes they do teach metalwork but they also teach 3D printing, advanced electronics, procurement, logistics. The only way they can fit all of that into the school day is by not having as much of that day taken up with modern languages, history, music and so on.

There are plenty of other options for children who want a humanities- based educational stop and I do hope we can retain a measure of diversity. I was very encouraged to hear the Lord Blunkett say we should be prepared to amend the bill to put these things fall beyond doubt as has happened on the question of teachers pay and some of the other scare stories about the bill. I was privileged once to spend a day at not quite a UTC but it is almost the same thing, a technical Academy which is housed in one of Richard Arkwright's earliest bills.

The children as they come in walked past one of his turbines it has now been purposed -- repurposed to be a turbine once again. Arkwright and those who made the Industrial Revolution were not academic hits. Almost all of them dropped out of education in their early or mid teens because they wanted to get teens because they wanted to get thing -- wanted to get into the workshop and start tinkering. Where is the next Richard Arkwright? Let's is the next Richard Arkwright? Let's make sure they are capable of getting the kind of education that will help them and will help our employers going forward.

13:59

Baroness Grey-Thompson (Crossbench)

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I would like to draw your attention to my Register of Interests and President of the LGA and chair of the Duke of Edinburgh awards and a trustee of the foundation of light. I would like to thank Alfie, the allowance -- alliance for inclusive education but also their commitment to improving education for disabled children. The bill before us today presents a valuable opportunity to enhance the well-being of our children and ensure no child falls through the gaps.

Sadly too many do. However there are many missed opportunities in this bill and there is an ongoing failure to address deep-rooted barriers for disabled children. If the government is serious about getting disabled people into work, education is a key part of that. In 2024, 55% of children cited school failings as a reason for starting homeschooling. It works for many. But it should not be a last resort due to incorrect provision or used in a way that further segregates disabled children. The National Audit Office revealed funding for SEND support has risen by 58% over the past decade.

To £10.7 billion. It is not sustainable and it is in need of urgent reform. In the same report published in October 2024 the Gulf education to become more inclusive. Parents have to be expert in every part of the disabled child lives. I was looking -- lucky. Errors in mainstream junior school when I was paralysed and my parents used the words of the noble Lady and cited my right to be educated in the best environment for me, they threatened to sue the Secretary of state for Wales in my right to go to mainstream school.

It was a long battle and my parents one. I received an amazing education my life would be very different now if it were not for my parents. What has changed in the last four decades will not enough. Parents of disabled children are still fighting and I receive emails about disabled children not receiving education they need numeracy. One parent wrote to me and said the provision they are being offered is not physically accessible for their child. And with X blew their child from the beginning of their education and will negatively impact them for the rest of their lives.

I will forward the details to the Minister for top schools committee have little incentive to support disabled people. There is little lived experience in the system. I spoke to a teacher who became a wheelchair user and I was told they knew they only kept their job because they had been at the school along they knew the law. This is not acceptable. They provide a positive role model for all again the government should commit to commuting -- including more disabled people such as Systematic enabling and others that push calls out of school.

I welcome breakfast clubs, they must be accessible, ensuring transport arrangements enable them to get there. Feeding children are so important but the social connections matter too. There are other gaps in the bill, I look forward to hearing from Lord Moynihan later, we need a fit healthy nation we need to think about physical activity in a different way, throughout the whole day. Physical literacy and its measure should be an integral part of the day. There's so much research on the benefits of activity and well-being at all well.

A child that is active is happier, more resilient and more trusting of others. Getting 23, 24, 41,000 a few hours of PE were taught in schools, compared to nearly a decade ago. We need to establish a more holistic approach to improving the health and well- being of our child. Hockey player has done great work on uniforms that children went to school and how it can increase engagement for girls. In Wales we have the well-being and future generations act, a lens we can use to assess the impact of the legislation on children.

Is it not time that we consider that as well. I look forward to the committee stages.

**** Possible New Speaker ****

It is not about me, it is about our principals, teachers, support

14:03

Lord Harris of Peckham (Conservative)

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our principals, teachers, support staff and children. We have got a many academy groups that get fantastic results and also good GCSE results. They are unwell, because they have the freedom to run, like a school should be run. Since the 6 November, last year. We have had 11 schools outstanding. The rule is now if you are good, you cannot be outstanding and three, the second time. Two good and on Friday we got another outstanding which I can't mention and yesterday we had another outstanding.

The record is pretty good, over 85% and we are grateful. I would like to talk about one school in Peckham. Peckham has got a school, in a 75 years and has never been outstanding. It takes in the bottom 3% of the country. On the last inspection, two weeks ago, four weeks ago, it was awarded outstanding by Ofsted. The inspector said, a quick the education provided by this school is transformative for many of its pupils. A large proportion joint after year seven, with many coming from all Sts.

Pupils go on to achieve above the national average by year 11. This is because of the movement they have in the curriculum. " There is no point if somebody comes from abroad. That is one thing I think we should look at. I hope we look at it to see if we are going to stick to a standard for everything. Also the government said that failing schools, why are we giving them another two years? They have been probably failing for a couple of years ago to have another couple of years are being failing.

We took over one in Croydon, five years it was failing. Five years it was failing under another group and academy group. It was taken off them, we got it and within two years and two terms that school was turned to an outstanding school. We are changing the lives of so many children. So why do we need to wait? Failing schools with two years to try to approval me have a good academy groups who can handle an improvement quickly.

Also, we talk about training, untrained teachers. We have a 190 teachers start with us, underqualified. Within a year, 95% of them are qualified. They don't only want for our academy, they go to other academies all over the country. We want to continue doing this, good teachers help pupils get good results. I hear that many secondary state schools only get A-level. Of course that they do they are left with only 25, 26% of schools as against nearly 8% of academies.

The only way we can get them under free school a failing school. Now they are coming up level and I think we need more of these failing schools, 22, 23, 24%. We can give the children a better education. This is about giving children a better education, a better chance in life and a better opportunity. One of the things we've got is the primary schools. There is quite a lot of primary schools that are failing. We've got 23, 21 why do we have to wait two years for those children at a young age before a failing primary school, to go to a proper school.

A school like an academy. Lots of very good groups. Why do we have to. We shouldn't, we should get on, make sure they get an education. The other thing, two areas. The government are pleased that they could put more money into retention. The UN I bill that has come out, which is costing us, the Academy group 1.5 more than we paid. We have got to find the funding for 1.5 more. They are not giving us at the same about of funding.

The 2.8, they are only finding 1.3. This is going to be difficult to find, not only for our schools but every school in the country. So we have got to look at what is happening. We have got to make sure we are doing better. We have got to make sure the government look at things. I'm sure they will. I'm a person who wants to work together to give the children the best education possible. I believe a child only get one chance at a good education.

We want to give it, all of us who want to give it and we can make it happen.

14:09

Baroness Blackstone (Labour)

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I welcome this bill as an important beginning to remedying a lumber of long-standing problems in childcare. The safeguarding of children and the operation of homeschooling and in the registration of illegal schools. The strengthening of Ofsted powers, in this area. The failure of the previous government to tackle these issues and the decision to withdraw legislation and it is disappointing. I don't propose today to cover the second part of the bill concerning academies. How they compare with local authority schools, in the way that their run.

I will say that local authorities should be able to establish new maintained schools where they can make a well argued case, particularly on demographic grounds. They are in a position to assess this and to identify appropriate funds where new schools can be established. Some areas where the population is declining, they may need to merge schools to create a new institution, were existing schools are now unviable. Such decisions offer local authorities. Turning to part one of the bill, the fact that many children in care suffer terribly is a scar on our society.

As the Minister set out, children in care are likely to have the worst outcomes, in terms of educational performance, mental health, being sexually abused and committing crimes. Serious underfunding and lack of coherent national structures, to support them Their neglect. It is horrifying. The number of children in care has increased by 28% since 2010. It reflects badly on the opposition when they were in government. Better prevention is urgent to stop this figure increasing. I therefore welcome the bills, the bills decision to, for families, on aiming to keep families together but ensuring children are safe.

For example through a statutory decision-making as well as the statutory requirement for multi agency and child protection teams. Whether the bill goes far enough in providing support for families, before the problems escalate out of control. The provision of family hubs, regarded by many experts as of the most effective approach. These hubs become vulnerable, because of the funding crisis in local government, leaving them to focus on statutory obligations. I would like to ask the Minister that the government might strengthen the bill by improving special duties on local authorities to provide family centre support accessible to all families in need.

Such a legal opportunity must be accompanied by another targeted funding to create a national network, instead of the current postcode lottery. Another concern is just how deprived young people are, who have been in the care system, when they leave it. Recent figures show that almost 40% are not in education, training or employment, between the ages of 19 to 21, as are the speakers of mention. This is three times more than the age group as a whole. Around half of them have a mental health problems.

Around 1/3 of them become homeless, within two years of become homeless, within two years of leaving care. The bill does go some way to address their problems by, for example dis-applying the intentionally homeless classification and extending the duties of local to, in relation to staying close. The publication of information about the services that care leavers of course is vital. The Education Select Committee were right. In their recent report they recommend a national offer of support and patchwork system.

When the Minister tell the House whether the bill might be amended to include this. Could she also comment on what, if any approach has been made to further education sectors, on the admission of care leavers to universities and colleges. What additional help they could provide to improve the retention of such students, by helping them to cope students, by helping them to cope with the extra demands of studying at this level.

14:13

Lord Young of Cookham (Conservative)

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When I was in the other place I went around a primary school in Andover whose catchment area was from a less known part of the town. A teacher there, in the year one had been there for 20 years and she was also a local GP. She told me that within a few weeks of the beginning of term, she could tell which children were likely to end up in trouble. There are many other primary school teachers like her. Early intervention for children who need support is crucial.

And that brings me to SEND. The system is failing too many children, too many parents and too many other children in the class. One statistic makes the case. Councils one just 1.3% of appeals, in 2023 /24. So to underpin what is in the bill, we will need a comprehensive SEND reform plan, to give the children the legal support, the support, when they need it, without all the current delays. Because of some of the problems with SEND, many families are home educating.

Along with Lord Hamilton, I sit on the social mobility Select Committee. Last week, we heard from witnesses that within the cohort of children educated at home, are a few for whom it was not an act of choice, but rather a decision of last resort. In many cases as a result of bullying, sometimes after encouragement to deregister. Some of those children may then fall through the various safety nets. I agree with my noble friend, Baroness Morgan that we do need to have a look at this bill.

And make sure we look after the children. Section 30 requires local authorities concerned for certain children to be withdrawn from school. Mainly children who have protection concerns. I'm a vice-chairman of the APPG on young carers, there is concern that some young carers are being withdrawn from school, in order to increase at That means they could have even more responsibility foisted on them. It also cuts them off and support they were getting at school. I think an amendment that -- to that bit of the bill might be needed.

A quick word on fostering. A long time ago my wife and I were registered foster parents. I welcome what is in the bill and I also welcome what was in the Spring Statement. The McAllister review which has already been referred to describes foster carers as the bedrock of the social care system. But in the last five years we have lost over 5,000 foster carers and there are more than 5,000 extra children in care. Living with a family as opposed to being in a children's home can provide a child a more stable environment as the child grows up.

It also does so at 1/4 of the cost. So I asked the Minister, what is being done to encourage more foster carers to come forward. And also to address the long delays in the assessment process. On smartphones along with other noble Lords I join the webinar held by the exchange where we listened to the principle of John Wallace Academy. He had tried what many schools have tried, namely a ban on the use of phones during lessons with progressive penalties for breach.

He said that had not simply worked with one third of lessons continuing to be disrupted by smartphones. So 18 months ago the school went smartphone free. Truancy was reduced, attendance was increased, there were fewer incidences of bullying both in school and out of school. That dropped by 80%, children were polite to each other and politer to teachers and teacher well-being improved. Children had actually started playing chess during the lunch hour. We do need a serious debate about smartphones led by the noble Baroness, Baroness Kidron.

The Minister has difficult choices to make, the universities are in trouble as our overseas students fall away, primary and secondary have got underfunded paying increases even before the pay review. Difficult choices have to be made. I end where I started. All the evidence I have seen is that it is in investment in early years under five provision, children centres, family hubs, Sure Start that has the greatest return. Not just for the greatest return. Not just for the child but for society as a whole.

I hope the government will safeguard that investment.

14:18

The Lord Bishop of Derby (Bishops)

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My Lords, I welcome this bill and the government commitment to improving children's lives and their outcomes. My faith teaches me in this work we echo Jesus commitment. Place children at the heart of God's transforming work. Of such is the kingdom of God. As Nelson Mandela said, there can be no keener revelation of a society's soul than the way it treats its children. I declare an interest as the chair of the Board of Trustees at the children's Society.

I would like to register my support for the cause -- calls for there to be better datasharing to protect children, including without from faith communities. -- With and from faith communities. As we await the review of the child protection strategy, I await the answers on the cost of children's uniforms and the provision of healthy, accessible free school breakfasts. As poverty is a primary factory -- factor in the well-being of children I am pleased to hear Lord Bird who cannot be in his place today will be tabling an amendment introducing a new clause to set out a new duty on government.

To set targets for the reduction of child poverty for --. I add my voice to the support of our well-being, our voice coalition. -- Our well-being our voice coalition. They call for the establishment of a national well-being program. To offer demonstrably evidenced based data to shape and track holistic interventions to improve childhood well-being. We know schools across England are already engaged and excellent with antipoverty, antiracist, anti-neglect wait for example. And some as we have heard are already benefiting from collecting and monitoring well-being data.

To inform their interventions. I trust we can agree there is value in equipping schools with a comprehensive picture of the well- being of their students. I therefore seek reassurance from the Minister this recommendation will be reviewed. I welcome the intention of the bill to cap profits of children's homes providers and independent fostering agencies. I ask this oversight might be extended to the secure state. Such as secure schools and secured children's homes for their profit does not replace the best interests of some of our most vulnerable children.

I want to commend the intention of my Right Reverend friend, the Bishop of Lincoln who cannot be in his place today. To support the traveller movements proposal to mandate reporting and recording of racist incidents in school settings. And any subsequent actions taken. My Lords, I would like to suggest children themselves are best placed to advise us of the challenges they face and what would make life better. And I conclude therefore with the words of a care experienced young period -- young person as quoted in the love matters report from the Archbishop's Families and Households Commission published in 2023.

They said, " $$CAPITALISEGive us the right support and help us to help others and we will surprise you and help you do better the children and."

14:22

Lord Hill of Oareford (Conservative)

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15 years ago almost to the day I had the privilege of standing at the Dispatch Box to introduce the academies bill. I thought it might be helpful therefore as we think about this new bill and what it will mean for academies in the future if I just set out what it was we were trying to achieve back in 2010. I think first and that was very much our starting point we aimed to build on the foundations that had been laid by the previous government.

We could not have been clearer at the time. About the debt we owed to the noble Lord, Lord Adonis and indeed to many other noble Lords we have heard of today reaching all the way back in the apostolic succession, my noble friend Lord Baker of Dorking. The second thing we were trying to do was to extend professional independence. And to give schools more freedom to run their affairs as they thought best. And third we were seeking to increase parental choice.

My Lords, for at least 20 years successive governments have sought to defend and to extend academy freedoms. Freedoms that were entrenched in what was supposed to be legally binding funding agreements. This bill by contrast breaks that consensus. It sets out explicitly to reduce academy freedoms. To reduce professional independence with less freedom over hiring staff, less freedom over the curriculum, less freedom for popular schools to expand. The question I think that begs Lords, is why? What is the reason for this change of direction? Are there some particular problems which have arisen from academy freedoms which the government quite properly -- probably needs to fix.

For example has the ability of academies to take on non-QTS teachers led to a drop in standards? Has the freedom for academies not to have to follow the National Curriculum led to worse results? Have popular academies which have chosen to increase their numbers let down their pupils in some way? If they have I feel sure the government would have told us. Perhaps I missed it but I have not seen any explanation as to what the problem is these measures seek to address.

Until we do here a convincing explanation about what the problems were and how removing these freedoms will put them right, doubt will remain as to what the motivation for these changes really is. After all who do they benefit? They certainly do not benefit Head Teachers of academies. I do not think they benefit parents. They do not seem to benefit the teachers in academies. I cannot see how they benefit children. There is only one group I can see who will be pleased by these changes my Lords, and that is unions.

And there perhaps we find some of the rationale for these changes. Surely my Lords, we would all agree the only way to get lasting improvement in any public service is to increase professional independence. But this bill sets out deliberately to reduce professional independence. Through the constraints on the expansion of popular schools, it will reduce parental choice. It breaks the consensus that many people in this House work -- worked so hard and carefully to build up. After all the progress we have made in schools in England over the last 20 years, this bill sadly points is not forwards but backwards.

-- Points us not forwards but backwards.

**** Possible New Speaker ****

I declare an interest as deputy

14:27

Baroness Wolf of Dulwich (Crossbench)

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**** Possible New Speaker ****

I declare an interest as deputy chair of Governors at King's College London which is a high achieving 16 to 19 academy. We are very grateful to this and previous governments for their support. And also very aware the school's existence and that of other university led schools was made possible by academy freedoms. So in that context while welcoming much of this bill, I would like to echo concerns raised by other noble Lords about reducing these freedoms. Academies funding agreements already give the Secretary of State major powers and so I do not really understand why for example the Secretary of State needs major new statutory powers to intervene just because they are satisfied the proprietor of an academy is not likely to breach a relevant duty at some unspecified time in the future.

So I hope very much we will return to this in-depth. At Committee stage. And get some clear understanding of why these powers are being introduced. My main concern today is with the bill's emphasis on ensuring teachers are all qualified. Which of course does not in any way refer to the subject matter of their teaching and the mastery of that but whether they have teaching convocations. -- Qualifications. The vast majority of teachers including infant academies and indeed the independent sector do have teaching qualifications.

These play a very useful role in preparing people to teach effectively in many contexts. But I have spent a large part of my life working on skills and vocational education and for vocational and technical subjects I am concerned this emphasis, this direction of travel is misguided and potentially harmful. Technical and vocational subjects are obviously best taught by professionals with first-hand knowledge of their occupation. And extensive practical experience. Other decades I have seen many, many professionals craftspeople, experienced practitioners inspire young people and teach them effectively not just particular skills but by transforming their attitude to learning and their futures.

Some people like that will in midlife switch to full-time teaching and to teacher qualification typically in further education. But many will teach part-time and for a short period. And we really need more of these people. The more the labour market demands their skills, the harder and harder it becomes full schools or colleges to hire expert practitioners. And the more important it becomes to find ways of encouraging them to do some teaching. Not by placing barriers between them and other classrooms.

This is not as Lord Aberdare reminded us a chamber full of people who believe all education should involve highly academic non- practical subjects, indeed rather the opposite. I know many noble Lords will have memories as I do of past educational reforms which set out to make more varied technical out to make more varied technical Drafting in a qualified sport teachers are qualified biology teachers are qualified biology 14 years ago I published a review 14 years ago I published a review of vocational education for the government and at that point, under the 2002 education at schools could bring in experts.

One of my recommendations Reza sadly as follows. The government should clarify and evaluate relating to the teaching of vocational colleges. Many schools it is impossible to bring professionals and to demonstrate part of the course, requiring without requiring the presence of additional salary teaching. In recent decades, academy teaching. In recent decades, academy freedoms have made far more schools freedoms have made far more schools aware of their freedoms. I really worry that we are pushing in the wrong direction on this one.

14:32

Lord Nash (Conservative)

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I declare an interest as the chair of future academies. I strongly support the child protection measures in the first part of the bill and I commend the government for bringing these forward. The addition to this part, I would like to see, is to ban social media in clause 16. No measure could enhance our children's wellbeing more than this. Turning to part two, home education, and support the measures in the bill about this, however I have one major.

10 to 15 years ago there were probably 20 to 30,000 children home educated. Many by parents perfectly capable of doing so. The so-called home education lobby. These are not the children or parents I am concerned about. Now, I believe, probably up to another 100,000 children are being apparently educated at home. Many of whom who are not receiving any suitable education, or any education, at all. And some who are involved in gangs and crime. Particularly for children not known to social services, how was a local authority to know they are not receiving a suitable education, without a right of inspection.

I'm sure LAs would not use this power very often. Many would-be staff to do so. I think they should have it and if an LA was to sample 100 children and find that the vast majority were not receiving a suitable education it would throw the whole issue into high-profile. Whilst she had previously been under a CPP, she does not appear to have been at the time of moving into home education. So far as it is concerned it does seem most odd that the Labour Party, having invented the Academy would be building on the CTG reforms introduced by Lord Baker.

They now seem intent on this. This, despite the obvious success of the Academy method, and increasing performance of our schools. Rather the Labour Party should be taking the credit it deserved. It was a brilliant piece of innovation. Why then are they determined to deny future children the benefits that academy freedoms have bought. There are quite a few failing schools which are academies. But then 82% attend academies and MATs have taken on many failing schools, often quite recently.

It can take many years to turn some of the schools around. I'm quite sure that the rise will be quite sure that the rise will be ineffective. It is obvious from attempts from the past to bring consultancy to turning round schools. They just don't work. They have no skin in the game, they are temporary and no direct real authority. The complete opposite to a MATs. I'm concerned about the clauses and amount micromanaging powers to the centre. Overriding funding agreements which are contracts.

Never looking for a government and the ability for LAs to change hands and of course the sledgehammer Henry VIII clauses. These come with the weak cannibalisation intervention powers are now adopted. It is pretty clear that if the government passes these, they are setting themselves up for endless litigation and judicial reviews. Good luck with that. The government has rust out this legislation without any material consultation, directly with teachers and school leaders, whom I sense no desire for it.

I remember our Prime Minister saying, outside number 10 that he was going to tread lightly on our lives. This part of the bill is not going to tread lightly on the lives of working people, in academies who are already substantially disturbed by having to balance their budgets and I believe it is going to work against the interests of children and parents. I think the government would be well advised to scrap it and start again. If not, there will clearly be many amendments to the bill, put forward in the spirit, I'm sure the genuine attempt to improve it.

When I took the Children and Families Act your Lordships' House, we made over 170 amendments, including many I accepted from those and now the government benches. I hope the government will take a similar constructive approach.

14:36

Lord Crisp (Crossbench)

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I will speak briefly and positively about good home education. And I have to say that I disagree with some of the assumptions of the noble Lord, Lord Nash has just made about the majority of people being home educated and I will come to that at the moment. I absolutely understand, like all other noble Lords support the government's ambition to protect children and deal with the very real problems of non-attendance, disappeared, abused children and children at risk. However these tensions as presented in this bill will risk damaging the education of thousands of children who are currently receiving good home education.

There are two distinct populations here. There are those children at risk do need protection and those that are being a lovely care for and educated by the parents, whose efforts deserve parents, whose efforts deserve support. The bill treats both groups in the same way. Several parents of the second group said to me, we are already too often treated with expressed suspicion as if we are criminals, even before the provisions in this bill are introduced. More than 110,000 children being home educated and about 60% of special needs.

Many are diagnosed or non-diagnosed autistic or have learning disabilities or difficulties. More than half the increase in recent years is from children who have been enrolled in schools which have failed and these children I'm particularly concerned with. The parents have acted in their children's best interests, often at a personal cost, time, money and financially and many are indeed on benefits. They provide educational services but joint sessions with other children, support for museums and other programs at the run programs for home educated children.

The register home educated children. The register may be a useful tool but my concern is with the detail of the register. It's requirements for information are intrusive, unnecessary and create bureaucracy for authorities as well as parents. All changes must be reported within 15 days. There are also some other unintended consequences of this bill. Similar demands for information being put on a person providing activities deemed to be educational. Some organisations such as Cubs, Brownies and sports clubs, which are do of course provide elements of education, based on taking home educated children, because of these sorts of remarks.

Education is not defined in the bill, nor is leisure time. A great deal of this and other matters are left to the discretion of education authorities as the sole arbiters of these and other matters, including most importantly what is in the best interests of the child. There is plenty of evidence from the past that some but not all authorities have been very heavy- handed, sometimes hostile to parents who are at home educating, treating them with deep suspicion. Home education parents need to know what they can expect from authorities in support.

I will tabling amendments, something very simple to address some of the detail on the register and to redress the balance by introducing a code of practice for authorities, what they should be doing to support home education. There are many good skills but also to many which are overwhelmed and feel the most vulnerable children. Time an improvement in resources they may be able to offer the sort of flexibility and personalised approach that many of these children need. My Lords, in the meantime, we need to offer the sort of positive effective home education, in many cases delivering what the schools can't.

Many are in effect helping authorities with their responsibilities for special educational needs. A system which is failing. We need to recognise that many parents are doing a very good job and playing a very good role in doing this. We need to recognise that there are two distinct populations here and an appropriate legislative framework to deal with both. both.

14:41

Lord Watson of Invergowrie (Labour)

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I very much welcome this bill and if I had to remind you of that Frank Sinatra song about New York, so good they named it twice. The bill has in effect been named twice, it includes two good parts, who may have been bills that arise. There are so many elements I want to comment on, I feel like I may not have time to name check some of them. Keeping families and children save should not even need to be stated as aims, but sadly of course they do.

Multiagency protection teams are having to prevent children falling between the cracks in terms of the support they require. There does need to be clarity between Children In Need and child protection. The bill has much to say, children in care, leaving care and in kinship care. It has less to say on the value of fostering and nothing to value of fostering and nothing to say on the list? I don't understand. Children in foster carers should have the same support until the age of 25 as of those in the educational care.

The bill doesn't provide that. -- Residential care. Registered children's homes are most welcome. Such things as unregistered children homes at all. As is the provision for the excessive profits of private children's homes to be capped. Moving on to schools, I welcome having enshrined in law the benefits of universal free school breakfast. However, there needs to be a guarantee that these can effectively reach and support the most vulnerable pupils, including those of a special educational needs and disabilities, access to a nutritious part of the day can be life changing.

On many occasions in your Lordship's House, and advocated the register of children, not in school. Fundamentally this is a safeguarding issue and it is one that conservative measures with whom I faced at the dispatch box consistently are supported outside the noble Lord and Lord Berridge. I'm sure he does, from what he said. It has been left to a Labour government to take it forward. Academies have caused much frothing of the mouth at the benches opposite. Of course I understand why Tories want to defend their record on education.

That record is patchy. Library briefing reported in 2023 the data from Ofsted does not show better ratings than other types of school and on academic results, the picture is mixed. The percentage of pupils achieving the expected record was slightly higher in maintained schools at the MATs. I'm concerned that the opposition to clause 46 on the requirement for qualified teacher status. When I take my car to the garage for an MOT, I go to a restaurant for dinner or I go to the dentist with toothache, I don't expect to be treated by an enthusiastic amateur.

Whilst I very much respect the noble Baroness and I accept what she said, I do not believe that parents expected that, when they send their children to school. They will be dealt with by anything other than a professional. Guidance of providing a whole school approach to mental health was introduced in 2015. That gunners was updated six years later. It lacks the statutory backing needed to make it effective. I hope they will introduce an amendment that will I regret the bill has nothing to say on the inequality of selection.

The 11+ has been abolished in most parts of the UK, for over 50 years, yet still inflicted upon more than 100,010-year-olds, in England each year. Three quarters of whom are branded as failures, at that age, with effects on their self-esteem, mental health and perhaps also their life chances. I'm not calling for the banning of grammar schools. They should be banned from selecting pupils. I have no time to speak pupils. I have no time to speak about school assemblies, ECs or the 50% cap on a new face schools.

Lord 50% cap on a new face schools. Lord Aberdare. I look forward to committee stage which will certainly be interesting and I hope productive. productive.

14:45

Lord Agnew of Oulton (Conservative)

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Speaker 32 is already quite challenging to find something new to say to start my sympathy goes out to

14:46

Baroness Garden of Frognal (Liberal Democrat)

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be the end of this debate. I'm sure there be tolerant if they find themselves repeating something that has already been said. I work in the has already been said. I work in the maiden speech is today of honourable friend, Lord Mohammed and Lord Biggar, they will bring great talent and skills and we should look forward to hearing them speak in future. The heady days of coalition government I was at the education whip to Lord Hill, Lord Nash and Lord Agnew and I'm delighted to see Lord Agnew and I'm delighted to see I didn't manage to put them all off I didn't manage to put them all off A bill calling itself the children's wellbeing should be supported by all of us but there are elements in this my Lords which the government has put in which are going to be contentious.

I mentioned at the start, clause 4, the consistent identifier. I have to say I thought this was proposed many years ago. The simplest solution obviously seemed to be the NHS number which would be given to every child at their birth. It would follow them to school and enable local authorities to be mindful of children who disappeared off the radar. The lack of a consistent identifier across services impedes joint up and responsive support and makes it much harder to match record and share information confidentially and safeguard children who are in touch with multiple services.

It is possible migrant or asylum or traveller children may not have that number. They jolly well should do. They will have as much need as anyone else to healthcare and education, to give them a better start in life than they had at the beginning. My noble friend will be talking about different areas of concern but I should like to raise the national pay awards which will be extended to academies. Many of whom have different pay and conditions. We argue strongly teachers in further education colleges should have at least as good pay and conditions as schools.

FE teachers have demanding schedules, wide-ranging response villages and for too long they have been underpaid. And indeed overlooked as they appear to be in this bill. We would like to see stronger partnerships between colleges and schools because many 14 to 16-year-olds move to colleges if they find schools do not meet their needs and their choice of study is better catered for in colleges. Some have been excluded from schools, summer home educated but find colleges can enhance their schooling and there are any number of Special educational needs and disability's and those have become disengaged from mainstream education who find their way to college.

FE is always welcome and can I entirely endorse Baroness Wolf in saying the shortage of practitioners of practical subjects means insisting they have a teaching qualification will be incredibly negative as a thing to do. It will make recruitment even more difficult in subjects where we really need those skills to be taught in subjects which benefit the economy. But what steps will the government take to improve pay and conditions for further education staff? And can the Minister ensure us FE staff will not have to have a teaching convocation -- teaching qualification if their specialist subject is one that is under represented or there is a great need for their skills? My honourable friend talk more about home education and breakfast clubs and school uniforms and like it has been said these provisions are good in parts but it is difficult to do this debate without the curriculum review.

Our House of Lords committee in the last session thought the current curriculum is not fit for purpose and did not prepare young people for life and work in state schools have often given a music, dance, drama the creative arts which are great contributed to the economy as well as great factors for children's wellbeing. What is being done to provide all children with the possibility of excelling at something? Especially those for whom the academic curriculum is challenging and a constant source of failure. This is a wide-ranging bill with all of the expertise in the debate today and I'm sure we will give it a thorough going over and it leaves us in better shape we hope because our children deserve no less.

14:49

Lord Agnew of Oulton (Conservative)

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I refer to my interest in the register particularly as the founder and chairman of the Academy trust of 11,000 children and 18 schools. In the short time I have available I want to focus on one specific area in The Schools Bill. Part one I broadly agree with the move to improve scrutiny of home education. It has become a very worrying issue. Many parents clearly are unable to educate their children and taking them out of school and we cannot do anything about it.

The government is to be commended for its actions and we will no doubt get into the details of the bill as it progresses. For the schools part will plunge the education system back into the badlands of 20 years ago before the previously the government had the courage to begin the reforms we saw. I will focus on one area, the watering down of academies Asian and failing schools. The proposals and ambiguity of whether failing schools should be Academy eyes will provide a get out of jail free card for the incompetent of those schools.

Organisations right from the head down schools do not fail because of the teachers but because of the people who manage them. And have taken on at least nine failing schools in the last 12 years, I can say very simply in an academy trust or the one I found it we employ hundreds of teachers who today do a magnificent job under good leadership. Previously the schools have failing children on an industrial scale. -- Are failing children on an industrial scale. The line shut out by the government in the defence of this retreat is....

65 people brandishing clipboards to run around the country offering advice. If only the government would listen to those who have tried this before they would save time and money and most importantly not repeat something that has failed comprehensively in the past. Under my stewardship in the DfE we had a national leaders of education, doesn't it sound wonderful? Rise teams are just a reheated version. NL East and work -- NL East did not work because there is a line of accountability and the failing school to act on the advice they are given.

More often than not implementing the advice will require strong leadership. Such as changing staff structures or bringing budget into balance. Do not just take my word for it in 1998 the last Labour government did something. The beacon schools initiative. The names could have a better don't they. In this case the laudable aim was to get high performing schools to share best practice to raise standards. It was abandoned in August It was abandoned in August 2005. Why? Because there was a lack of clear evidence the initiative actually improved weaker schools.

So my question to the Minister is what has changed 20 years on? Certainly human nature has not changed. If weak managers can avoid it through procrastination without penalty that is what they can do. -- That is what they will do. It is the damning clear sort of consequences that will drive change in failing schools. It is important to say I do not tolerate failing academies either and many will know they had interviews without coffee with me when I was the Minister.

The current government has not addressed this, it has not even seen fit to appoint an academies Minister, despite the now educating -- them now educating over 70% of secondary children and 40% of primary children. Addressing failure does not need legislation, just a spotlight on these failures and strong calls for accountability. In my home county of Norfolk at least two Academy trusts have just received financial bailouts from the DfE who have, they should have, the requirement for mergers or a clear plan to failing management.

This has not happened. This is where your energy should be directed. A theme I fear we will come across often as we go through this bill. It is that you are essentially condemning children to a failed education. It seems you are not prepared to allow the hard edge of intervention to sweep out mediocrity and failure. These children only get one chance, you are about to impair this child in several thousands of badly run schools. We had from Lord Harries you are simply introducing a two- year delay.

Of course most of these failing schools are in areas of deprivation for the so the communities you claim on your benches to represent will be the ones thrown under the bus. Under ones thrown under the bus. Under senseless ideology. Unless the government starts to listen I expect this bill to face a stormy passage as we pit ideology against the interests of children.

**** Possible New Speaker ****

My Lords, I am pleased to take

**** Possible New Speaker ****

My Lords, I am pleased to take part in this important debate. And draw attention to my interests set

14:54

Baroness Cass (Crossbench)

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draw attention to my interests set out in the register for top --. In bringing forward this bill the government is to be commended for its many laudable objectives in strengthening the safeguarding of children, removing barriers to opportunities in schools and improving the safety of the education system. However it seems to me any legislation addressing the subject of safeguarding children and opportunity in safety in schools cannot possibly ignore the impact of digital technology on the lives of children and young people.

Safety and opportunity and indeed risk have to be seen in relation to the contemporary world of 2025 and not the world as it was well over a decade ago. We all appreciate the many benefits the online world can bring to children and young people so we do not need to rehearse these here. However a visit to the NSPCC website visits -- provides a helpful listing of harms children can suffer. It expands beyond the classical for categories of abuse to list 13 types of abuse.

Most of these including cyber bullying, emotional abuse and sexual abuse and exploitation and grooming can be carried out online and indeed during school hours. It is not just deliberate harm that should concern us, that is the tip of the iceberg. There are multiple other risks associated with digital technology that have been discussed in this House. Including adverse learning, attention, sleep, educational attainment and mental health. And addictive apps are a particular problem, especially for boys. My noble friend, Baroness Kidron and I recently hosted a meeting which brought together piers with clinicians and academics in the field of child health.

Among them was senior leaders within the medical community. The group was clear we cannot wait for the evidence to give us all the answers about the adverse of digital technology and how to mitigate them. The evidence we already have coupled with the views of young people, parents and teachers is powerful enough that it would be negligent not to start taking action. The strong sense in the room was this is a public health emergency. We need to be learning through action, studying the approaches that are most impactful in harnessing technology for benefit whilst protecting vulnerable developing minds.

This is not just an issue of whether or not we ban smartphones in schools. There is a wide array of possible actions that can be part of a strategic will to faceted approach to the problem. -- Multifaceted approach to the problem. For example RAC is compulsory in schools yet there is no requirement to teach young people how to manage digital technology that occupies so many hours of their lives. Nor indeed to include appropriate training for the staff who are teaching our infants or older children.

There is insufficient consideration of the impact of loss of safe place spaces which would give children alternative recreational activities to spending time on their digital devices. There is no focus on providing education advice to parents on how to manage access to technology so they can facilitate their children's learning and development. I very much hope the government will be receptive to a range of amendments that will address these deficits in the bill and thus gift our children with a safer and healthier future.

Without such measures we are looking at losing a generation to poorer mental health and to even more young adults being unable to contribute to the workforce. This is not just a moral workforce. This is not just a moral problem but an economic timebomb that we can ill afford. that we can ill afford.

14:58

Lord Frost (Conservative)

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My Lords, it is a pleasure and an honour actually to follow the noble Lady, Baroness Cass who has done so much cause for the rights of children and well-being of children in her work. I am afraid I do not think this is a good bill. It probable not surprise colleagues to hear that. I think as of the noble Lord have said it is shot through with the spirit of state knows best, state control, of seeing education as a vehicle for indoctrination and seeing children as a Ward of state rather than as the property of their parents.

And I think the centralisation the bill is going to bring in is going to squeeze out good performance in schools and undo the progress that has been made. Over the last 20 years. Others have said that and I do not want to dwell on that. I want to spend a moment or two speaking about the provisions in the bill for home education which is sections 30 to 35. These are represented as pragmatic changes to the current setup. But actually they are not, they are going to be a very major change to the current home education arrangements and a big change in practice.

To what happens under the current 1996 act. The core provision in the bill is of course a register for children who are being educated at home. So far so good but really there is much more to this register than the words suggest. Those educating at home will have to provide a vast amount of very detailed data. About their children. Set out a great depth in the bill and just to add to it, section 3 of what will be section 496B of the new act says the register may also contain any other information to the local authority considers appropriate.

In other words there is no real limit on it. It also requires data on education providers, that is anybody who provides any sort of teaching to children. Very widely defined. Data on them has to be submitted to the local authority as well. In this I think we are seeing some of the hostility to anybody teaching privately. That we have come across privately. That we have come across This is going to make a huge change. I did not home educate my own children.

I have come across a lot of home education parents in the last few months. Some do so by choice and others to because local schools are failing. Some do it because your children have special needs and others do it because they cannot deal with the environment the local schools provide. I think it is right that parents should be able to look for support and often they do not get it and often they come close to being harassed by local authorities who are completely out of sympathy with home education.

I wonder what the problem is here. In 2023, only 1.4% of home educated children got a school attendance order. With the same year, 10% at state schools were considered to be inadequate or require improvement by Ofsted. Where is the problem in the system? Home education is I think a vital safety valve in a system that is going to become more assured as a result of the bill. It is a safety valve for those who cannot afford increased fees to private education and the last ever York where there is an element of experimentation and freedom in the system.

-- Last area. freedom in the system. -- Last area. I hope we can consider if it is necessary to bring in these huge changes. There is a risk that we regulate it to death. And if that regulate it to death. And if that happens, it will be the parents and children who lose.

15:03

Baroness Wilcox of Newport (Labour)

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I declare I am the vice president of the LGA. I think my 35 years of a teacher working in diverse areas such as South London and south Wales gives me insight into this sub-. Despite the differences in the demographic of London and Wales, a golden thread runs through that experience. Teachers arrive at school every day to do the best for pupils in their care and children and young people want to learn and enjoy the school experience. We saw how that was profoundly impacted by the pandemic and the road to recovery continues.

This bill brings important changes that this government want to provide for children and young people. I am pleased the government is acting on a long-standing call by the LGA for councils to have and maintain children not in school registers which is something we almost achieved in Opposition during the passage of the now abandoned Schools Bill. It's a welcome step to locating information sharing and, most importantly, adding to security and safety of the child. It is positive that within the responsibilities of corporate parenting, there is a legal undertaking for local authorities to collaborate with each other up and performing corporate parenting duty.

An important further addition is that councils will have greater powers to direct school admissions and failing schools will not automatically become academies. This bill will legislate to allow councils to open schools again and make academies have reformed pay scales and conditions for teachers which is a long overdue reform of the Academies Act, 2010. As well as being balanced and broadly based, and academies curriculum must also include the National Curriculum and it is intended to apply to the revised curriculum.

That was following the conclusion of the current review. An important safeguarding measure is that parents will lose the automatic right to home educate if they are child is subject to a child protection investigation or plan and the councils will get powers to require school attendance if they find are child's home environment unsuitable or unsafe. The build will make sure teachers and schools are always involved in decisions around safeguarding children in their area. It is often the school environment where issues are picked up firstly and teachers provide much care for those in charge but have not always been included in such decisions.

Education and social care policy and decisions are devolved in Wales but the welfare and safeguarding and protection of children's rights are the key focus of the rights of the Welsh government and saw it as a pro that the discussions are taking place regarding the areas that could apply to the children and young people of Wales. It strengthens existing UK legislation relating to child protection and children not in school and social care in both countries and these will benefit from additional measures and support local authorities and partners to meet safeguarding duties.

The Welsh government has asked certain provisions be applied to Wales in the same way as England and the areas that currently apply include children in secure accommodation and the extension of the offence to cover 16 and 17-year-olds and children not in school and I believe other areas may be included at a later stage and in conclusion this is an innovative bill which allows for the scrutiny that is the hallmark of this chamber. I cope gets on the statute books sooner gets on the statute books sooner rather than later.

We all its to children and young people in every part of nations and regions.

15:07

Lord Carlile of Berriew (Crossbench)

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I start by thanking the government for introducing what I call will leave the House as an improved example of vital legislation for children. Every generation owes it to the next to give them better life chances than were experienced by the appearance. Nowhere is this more important in my view that the area of special educational needs legislation and provision. I applaud the excellent speech by Lord Addington earlier in the debate on that issue. The Minister when she was opening this debate cited some excellent reports which have appeared in recent times and I am about to add an additional and I am about to add an additional report launched last week in this building by the foundation with which I have worked for a number of years on issues related to children's justice.

It was a launch that was attended by two government ministers and what it seeks to do is to show how to provide the best life for children with SEND and neurodivergence issues and in many cases this would bring them in front of the criminal justice system. In England and will city percent of children cautioned or sentenced within the youth justice system are from the SEND cohort and I think that is a shocking figure and it is carefully measured. Children with new disabilities enter custody at higher rates from an earlier age and receive longer custodial sentences and are associated with higher rates of reoffending and commit more violent crimes as adults and spend many more years in prison.

That can be resolved by attending to the needs of those children in the education system earlier in their life and keeping them out of criminal justice activity. Each year, over... Each year, over 100,000 children under 18 have encounters with the criminal justice system and some of those are encounters which will scar them for life because the criminal justice system, try as it does, is not always good at dealing with children. This is because of the lack of training and understanding of the issues that are being dealt with.

The proportion of children remanded in custody is at a record high, and the number of sentenced children in custody is now massively low but a ridiculous number remain in custody on remand and do not receive a custodial sentence when they are finally dealt with. Almost all children in the criminal justice system have special educational needs and/or neurodivergence. It exacerbates challenges and communication, social interaction, and makes it difficult for them to lead a good life when they leave custody.

One of the issues is that information is purely shared and I did report Michael Gove was... Lord Gold, was Secretary of State for education on the Edlington case and the details do not matter but what was revealed during the preparation of the report is the communication between statutory agencies for children with SEND and home difficulties while almost non- existent. And so I hope to table amendments in an effort to persuade the government to incorporate some of the forums which are proposed in the report if legislation is needed as part of the bill and de- provisioning schools for well-being generally must include avoiding involvement in the criminal justice

15:11

Baroness Bousted (Labour)

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system and we owe it to children system and we owe it to children that somehow we persuade them that living by the rule of law is a component of a full and rewarding component of a full and rewarding Speak at the party opposite claims education was transformed during the period in office and the bill will undo the gains that have been made and in the short time I have available I would like to set the record straight. During that period I was the general secretary of two education unions and from 2017, I was the general secretary of the National education union which represents 500,000 members teachers and support staff and many members have affirmed that these are the professionals that we teach to support children and young people and I commend them today.

Under the party opposite, there was a scandal of what is called the forgotten third, the 16-year-olds who feel to get grade 4 at English and maths and they were denied the help and support they needed under the party opposite to take their place as productive members of society and they were condemned to endless resits of GCSE English and maths with very low pass rates and unable to get an apprenticeship nor access training or learning to turn around their fortunes and they left the most deprived young people stranded.

most deprived young people stranded. As Lord Baker said recently, 750,000 youngsters are now permanently unemployed and that is a disgrace. It is a disgrace which happened under the watch of the party opposite. Money talks. The Institute for Fiscal Studies figures show from 2010- 20, spending per pupil fell by 9% in real terms. That has huge consequences for the education that schools were able to provide an was compounded by a huge rise in child poverty. Shamefully, schools serving deprived to be if he saw the biggest fall in funding of all schools of 14%.

The party opposite professes to care for the most disadvantaged but the practice during this period, reducing the amount of support needed by vulnerable children and young people. Then there is the apparent issue with the fact that all children and young people, but every school they attend should follow a broad and balanced National Curriculum. The current curriculum in England is one of the most narrow in the OECD, both before and after 16. It has been since 2010 a dramatic and worrying decline in the number of children studying arts subjects.

There is a 73% decline in GCS entries for design and technology, 45%, drama, 41%, music. That is why the provision of this bill of a broad and balanced curriculum for all pupils is necessary. It is their entitlement and broad and balanced does not mean the curriculum would be over stacked and it would allow specialism and appropriate choice and this is a welcome measure and then there is the supply problem which has become a crisis perfected by the party opposite and I'd be Cheer off the University College of London Teaching Committee looking after this.

It's shameful that the most deprived children who need to be taught by qualified teachers are most likely to be taught by teachers not qualified in the subject that they are teaching and that is why it is so important that all who teach in our schools have or are working towards qualified teacher status. It is a social justice issue. And, my lords, for a party which reduce spending in schools in such a savage way in real terms over a decade, the idea that they would support the unfilled places throughout the country in order for the people and think to be determined is frankly unbelievable.

How much more taxpayers money would be needed to support this wasteful idea? Surely this is a prime example of an ideology which support structures, not standards. This bill is ambitious, positive for all of our children and young people and it is proportionate and it is necessary and I fully support it and commend it to the House. it to the House.

15:16

Baroness Berridge (Conservative)

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This bill contains the first step with possible on the rich and over rich and a bonus. Clause 11 is a good first step as it brings about 1000 vulnerable young people who are deprived of liberty under the jurisdiction of the courts into a statutory framework. They have developed when there is no secure children's home place under section 25 of the Children Act That Is Not 25 of the Children Act That Is Not The Children's Commissioner report into this mix it clear it's not only about looking after children under this regime.

Could the Minister clarify will the inherent jurisdiction still have to be used for those children? And can we have some more details before statutory instruments are laid about what is the definition of relevant accommodation. The under reach. Under clause 32, it seems like a preliminary school attendance order can only be made when it child is under a section 47 children act enquiry. Not a child in need or child protection plan. Could we actually have this under reach were we not we haven't covered everything under these provisions.

The overreach is in relation to special education needs and disabilities. Many of those parents, this is not elective education, this is withdrawing your children when standard education has filled. There are founded or unfounded fears in local authorities coming through your front door asking you probing questions about curriculum and how you are educating your children. It's important to recognise that this is a very different environment for education and I would make the comparison to Ofsted who are left with some of the smallest independent schools that are often small belief systems and they've developed a particular expertise to inspect those schools whilst keeping inspect those schools whilst keeping engagement with the parents minimal.

It is a difficult task to get right. I sidestep to agree with the noble Lady about whether the day has come for ISI. It's clearly a historical accident. Imagine if a private hospital could join an association which then gives them access to their own inspection regime. I think we would all be worried if our healthcare was not all inspected by CQC, and I think we will come back to that matter at committee. Of the bonus is I think for those with children with complex needs.

Clause 30 of the bill says that you need local authority consent to remove your child from basically special schools. Combine that with section 61 of the Children and Families Act 2014. It means education other than at schools, not elected home education, it's where the local authority has responsibility to provide education outside the school. Surely, if the local authority has consented to you removing your child from a special school, it is much more likely now that you're going to pass the test that school is an appropriate venue for the education of your child and therefore be able to have the regime for your child with complex needs.

I greatly respect officials and I hope that the noble Lady will give these parents a bonus today and quash the rumours that there are officials pressing local authorities not to grant this because children can be educated at home rather than an institution, and I hope she will give that bonus to those parents today.

**** Possible New Speaker ****

I rise in the middle of a well

**** Possible New Speaker ****

I rise in the middle of a well

15:20

Baroness Bennett of Manor Castle (Green Party)

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informed debate. Lord Blunkett showed appropriate preparedness to accept responsibility for the state of childhood in the UK today. Many children have been failed. We are so keen on tables but why are we not every day focusing on the fact that the UK is ranked lowest in children's well-being in Europe? That reflect poverty, poor housing, food, so many children are forced to survive in. The Minister referred to it in her introduction. I'm also sad to say that it reflects the very structure nature and direction of our schools.

The two parts of this bill, sadly, are working against each other. Schools are damaging well-being and that is not how it should be. I stress that I'm not blaming teachers, forced to turn their classrooms into exam factories, recorders into battlegrounds. But the directions from the centre, from successive governments in Westminster who have seized control from local authorities, removing local democratic control and enforcing their own ideas and those of commercially linked chains. I focus briefly on one school, south Church Hi Scout -- South Search High Hi Scout -- South Search High School..

One parent of a new diverging child shared how impossible it would be for his son to cope with rules, reflecting points raised by Lord Addington. Parents are horrified. 500 people have signed a petition. The local Labour councilmember has expressed concern. The schools are not under democratic control. Parents can do is walk away with their children, as many parents have been forced to do. The final part of my speech will be in the form of a list, reflecting some of the issues raised by our Honourable friends please.

We are dealing with grave concerns of many home educated parents. I will be focusing on the work I did with the Domestic Abuse Bill with extending children in England the same protection from assault that children in Wales and Scotland have enjoyed. The so-called smacking ban. I will be calling for a duty on local authorities to notify their school and GP about the circumstances of children so please. We Greens may find common cause with Liberal Democrats.

I will be supporting a number of local lords have already indicated plans to table an amendment to introduce a national programme to measure the mental health and well-being of children and young people in schools. I will be seeking to establish a right to nature for children. Something to both help their well-being and education. In my final point to something new. I was horrified to learn soon after came into Your Lordships' House that there was still Afro hair discrimination in our society and in our schools.

You would think it was illegal under the Equality Act and an echo of the genocidal British Empire and something to many young people encounter in schools today. people encounter in schools today. There are so many inherited There are so many inherited Victorian ideas. Stopping this is central to building a future. central to building a future.

15:24

Lord Lemos (Labour)

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I declare my interest. From 2018 to 2025 hours the lead non-executive director of the youth custody service. I welcome this bill for us important ambitions on children's social care and in particular to improve the supply and quality of accommodation for children under depravation of the orders. The number of children under these orders has more than doubled in five orders has more than doubled in five years. In 2024, 1280 children were subject to deprivation of the orders.

Either because they are a risk to others or others are a risk to them. Principally, the risk of grooming and exploitation. These children are all over the country and they are equally boys and girls. 90% of them are over 15 years old. These children are well known to local authorities children services, often to criminal justice services and mental health services. Many have moved more than 10 times while in care. They face the trauma, violence, crime, sexual exploitation, abandonment, criminal exploitation, and there are many other problems.

County lines, government affiliation and long periods out of school. It's a familiar litany without a familiar solution. 1/4 of them have physical disabilities or neural diversity. disabilities or neural diversity. Unsurprisingly, many have severe and lasting mental health problems, including persistent self-harm. Also, attempting suicide. The deprivation that these children face is a deep scar on our society 's commitment to children's well-being and opportunities. Once the court makes an order, as the noble Lady Baroness Berridge said, accommodation can be poor quality, unregulated and privately provided.

Children move all over the country and unscrupulous actors are involved. Shortage of accommodation means they can name their price, creating considerable financial strain for local authority children's services. The offer little services the offer little or no education. Local authority children's services inevitably struggle to maintain adequate provision with highly trained staff for a small number of children with very complex and multiple needs. The bill proposes a regional collaboration and procurement but I fear this may not be enough to increase good quality accommodation along with education and support to children 's needs.

The bill needs to set out a national commissioning strategy for accommodation for this group. Can I also urge the Minister to encourage the larger children's charities to do more and provision of this accommodation to reduce the reliance on the dysfunctional and broken private market? I entirely endorse the comments of Lord Carlile about children in the criminal justice system. 500 or so children in offending institutions have very similar history and problems to the children I've described.

The bill should recognise this overlap. Would my noble friend the Minister consider amendments to clause 11 to ensure provision for young offenders is also included in the new National is also included in the new National Commissioning Strategy? Prison, my Lords, is no place for children. Lords, is no place for children.

15:29

Lord Fink (Conservative)

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My Lords, I want to start by referring to a register of interests, especially being the director of ARC. I find this bill very good in parts. It is in parts. The clue is in the name. The Children's Wellbeing and Schools Bill. Although a genuine the deals with children, it also deals with academies and schools. Truthfully, I believe some of these are not in the best interest of children and hence I will support amendments in these areas.

As my noble friend said, there are a number of provisions in this bill that destructively strike the heart of the Academy movement which has been a wonderful movement that has in general for the last 20 years delivered improved outcomes, innovation and raised aspiration across communities. They have long been underserved by our educational system. 20 years ago when I began my journey to schools, I discovered that there was a greater chance of a young person in a poor inner-city school or young offenders institution.

That is shocking. I would praise the Academy movement's origins. I believe it had cross- party support and I believed it was part of the freedoms of academies, together with passionate dedication of some dedicated philanthropic sponsors, several of whom are here in this chamber. Many inspirational teachers and committed governors we should remember and hard-working professional teachers. To be clear, I do not support freedoms to be less down and I do support transparency and accountability, but this bill as it currently stands does not strengthen our system as the noble minister espoused to.

It centralises it, it marginalises and it extinguishes freedoms that made academies successful in the first place in the last 20 years. The Minister support innovation. Wanted centralisation ever lead to Clause 56 Gives Local Authorities the Power to Reduce Pupil Numbers at Schools. Why Stop Successful Schools from Growing shrink them? This would require all academies to follow the National Curriculum and some of my noble friend had dealt with specific reasons why it is not always a good idea.

I also reference how many academies are focused on this. Most of the disadvantaged students have a decent chance to get to a good university and the educational gap is closing to the most disadvantaged students in many areas and in my view academies have done more for social mobility than any government policy over the last 25 years and it was initiated by new Labour for the good of our children. Why would the Minister challenge these laws and undo the amazing investment made by so many philanthropic finders but delivered by the hard work of school principals and governors and teachers? We must not let the political theatre dismantled the long-term progress we have made.

I would say that children only get one chance at education and the price of getting it wrong or delaying the getting it wrong or delaying the change by two years harms a cohort of children and the government should think about these restrict should think about these restrict ideological measures and follow this. this.

15:33

Baroness Lister of Burtersett (Labour)

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I welcome what the Secretary of State has described as child-centred legislation and brought by a fully child-centred government. The emphasis is on the opportunity mission and it points to the importance of acting to improve the childhood of children and children as beings as well as becomings and one measurable play a valuable role here. The bill promises action on breakfast clubs and school uniforms. There may be debate on the detail around the number of items and if the clubs could be more flexible and the action on lunches but broadly these measures have been widely applauded in the context of the level and depth of child poverty.

Evidence from charities and teachers underlines how educational opportunity is stunted by hardship and hunger and this damages the well-being of children and as the action for children and others demonstrates it is an element of the child poverty strategy that must address this directly, could be investment in the tattered social security system and starting with the abolition of the two and starting with the abolition of the 2-child limit which is a key driver. What is disappointing is this legislation makes no mention of children's rights.

The Minister acknowledged earlier this year that we must consider children's rights in all of our policy-making and yet unlike in Wales, Scotland, Jersey, there is no legal duty to do so even though be ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. This matters because failing to explicitly and systematically consider children's rights including at the earliest age of policy-making means laws and policies are not always developed with the unique needs and best interests of children in mind.

And the voices are often not heard in policy-making and implementation processes and as an aside, the children's rights perspective supports the case for equal protection for children from physical assault and again we like behind other nations and it reminds us that concern for well-being must include all children in the UK including migrants and those seeking asylum. I agree that this bill is a valuable opportunity to genuinely embed the consideration of rights into law and policy making but ideally it would be done through direct cooperation with the UN Convention into UK law, as in Scotland.

There are steps that could be taken following the example of Wales in Jersey and therefore there is a duty on ministers to consider children's rights when exercising functions and it will require them to prepare and impact assessment on children's rights on all decisions. These amendments have the support of over 100 organisations and believe the time is right for us to follow the lead of devolved nations. They will strengthen the bill by underpinning ambition to promote children's well-being and adding teeth to the aim of child-centred action across departments which the Secretary of State has heralded as part of a mission-led government.

If we believe in children's rights as codified in the UN convention as crucial to a child-centred government, if not now, when? government, if not now, when?

15:37

Baroness Wheatcroft (Crossbench)

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A bill that has at its heart the aim of improving well-being can only be welcomed and the good intentions are clear. I support most of the measures included in the bill and particularly in section 1 but I have some qualms about section 2 and not least it will fail to generate the opportunities that should be the driving force. I will start with moves to safeguard children and young people who spent time in social care.

Currently, the outcomes for too many of these youngsters are desperately poor and the only qualification that they end up with a criminal record. There are initiatives to improve outcomes and I welcome those and in particular the provisions in clause 7 forestry and close where necessary and those who, for one reason or another, need to know that there is someone watching and killing but that goes far beyond what is covered in this bill. Equally, there is the concept of family group decision-making and it makes it right in those cases before crucial decisions are taken, future care arrangements for a child, parents, or other family members should be offered a meeting.

Ensuring that includes the right people might be easy. All too often it becomes clear that abuse children are in situations which excluded any contact with members of the extended family including grandparents. Sadly, often children at risk are kept in near isolation from those who might be concerned about them. I would like to ensure that every effort we make offers the chance to be involved directly to those people and only then might they become aware of what has been half thing and make the first opportunity that the child has to confide in someone that they can trust.

Scott, the idea of every child having a Guardian from outside the family was mooted and is been adopted to a certain extent. Such is the dysfunctionality in some parts of society that I wonder whether the idea should be considered here. I know schools in parts of Kent, for instance, where the number of children on the at- risk register is significantly over 50%. Whatever the failings, it did demonstrate that many children had nowhere to go and no one to turn to, even on Christmas Day.

Guardianship is a step too far for the bill, let's explore how we can make the family involved more than a box ticking exercise and moving on to section 2 and the shared concerns about restricting the freedom of academies and file an excellent core education is essential for children, they need much more than the ability to understand maths and if they are truly to thrive. The provision of music and art is pitiful. Inevitably, the pressure will be for the view that is currently underway to consider this and I think we have to go beyond that.

Not only are the arts crucial to the well-being of all children but it is one area for which those from underprivileged backgrounds, whether or not in the care system, are disadvantaged in particular with sport and outdoor activity being another area of where they tend to do that and it's entirely absent from the bill but how much better the lives of those in care be if they spent part of the weekend at least occupied in physical games, team games, doing ballet.

It would be like enhancing ballet. It would be like enhancing an equally to visit galleries, an equally to visit galleries, museums, drama, if we were to really look at the well-being of all children, we must think more broadly children, we must think more broadly than the bill goes so far.

15:42

Baroness Eaton (Conservative)

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I declare my interest as a vice President of the Local Government Association and is a member of the trust in West Yorkshire and also the Learning Trust. This is in part disappointment. Some parts of the bill goes some way to further protecting children through additional safeguarding requirements but it is unfortunate that great amounts of the bill are in danger of driving down standards in our driving down standards in our education. And it would wind back many successful education reforms which were introduced by the last Conservative government and, as the shadow Secretary of State remarked in the other place, this bill can be seen as nothing less than educational vandalism.

The last Conservative government left office with educational standards on the up. With the international league tables we have heard about today, include rose from 21st second-best in mathematics and Labour controlled Wales slumped. We left this government with an educational system that was working for students but I worry that the government now has weaponised this bill which is based on ideology as opposed to what is best for children in this country. For example, this bill rolls back a lot of freedoms given to academies which were gifted during the coalition years and particularly with respect to pay.

We should uphold the principle that academies can decide for themselves how much they wish to pay staff and if academies want to set competitive salaries as a means to driving standards in schools and living better results for students, we should encourage them to do so. The plans outlined in the bill to bring academies in line with the same core conditions as other schools risks cutting pay for over 21,000 hard- working Jews. We must seek to listen to experts here.

The chief executive of the National educational trust said that this bill seeks, and I quote, to inhibit academy freedoms that have led to innovation and raise standards for pupils. I also wish to touch base on the provision in this bill that will prevent schools with Academy status from recruiting teachers who do not hold qualified teacher status. Of course, as a former teacher myself, I have a great amount of respect for teachers who train hard and in the early years and aim to give something back to students.

However, there has to be some cases where academies bring in teachers without the status and they have specific industry level experience and that is something that has, for example, led to a great deal of improvement in the education system. For example, I have heard anecdotes of affections from the Armed Forces and business leaders being brought into academies to teach specific subject areas and it is something hugely beneficial to students and rather than banning this, we should seek to maintain the rights of academies to do this and use the bill to extend the right to local authority-maintained schools and surely as the academies have been so successful, this bill should be used to extend the freedoms academies have two local-maintained schools.

The bill needs significant changes at the committee stage and if we are to safeguard the standards across education and not appear to be using ideology as the base of thinking but on the needs of thinking but on the needs of

15:46

Baroness Benjamin (Liberal Democrat)

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I congratulate my noble friend for his passionate maiden speech. He makes a great addition to our benches. I welcome the Children's Wellbeing and Schools Bill because legislation to improve children's happiness, health and well-being is well overdue. This bill is intending to deliver on transforming childhood. But Barnardo's and other children's charities believe we must go further. And I declare an interest as vice president of Barnardo's. We believe enhancing obligations and local agencies to provide early support to families before they reach crisis point is crucial.

Public finances are tight but investing in our children, especially early years, is an investment worth making. Each year around 13,000 young people leave care without the support they need. Outcomes for these young people remain much lower than their peers. We believe there should be a new minimum standard of support for care leavers, national offer regardless of where they live. This should include measures recommended by include measures recommended by Barnardo's. The charity which I am a patron of has a high success rate of getting care leavers into university.

We want to work with the government to expand this program across the country to enable more care leavers to succeed in higher education. I would welcome the opportunity to discuss this further with the Minister. Barnardo's also believe that children deserve protection from smacking. 68 countries have banned physical punishment of children. This bill has the power to do the same across the UK. So let's do it. The bill as it stands will have unintended consequences and risks harming rather than helping young performers.

My primary concern is that by including children who perform and receive tuition outside the school setting within the proposed register, this bill threatens to divert vital attention and resources away from the children it was intending to protect. Well the bill does make positive strides in addressing youth employment, it fails to recognise the unique needs of children working in the entertainment industry where many are educated in alternative provisions. It will not record the positive reason for the absence, merely another day missed from school, which negatively affects both the child and school register, and could affect their Ofsted standing.

This bill requires a joined up approach of recording of absences from schools for performance, however, there is disconnect between multiple agencies that are currently responsible for licensing children. These children are already governed by a well are already governed by a well established framework. The Child -- the Child Performance Registration. This is still the best place to perform engagement of young people. They have not kept up with the change in the world. Young performers may earn a six-figure sum for one engagement.

In 2014, the government committed to review of the regulations, which is now well overdue. With the release of the new Harry Potter television series soon to be announced, now is the time to ensure that those children will be safe, educated and celebrated further contributions to the cultural economy. The Children and Families Act 2014 facilitated amendments to the existing performance regulation. I propose this bill similarly includes provision for a comprehensive review and date of the child performance regulation 2014. Will the Minister agree to meet with me to discuss this matter further? This landmark will has the opportunity to change childhood to ensure children's wishes and feeling are considered in all decisions made about them because, as I always say, childhood lasts a lifetime.

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My Lords, I think the noble Baroness the Minister for the care

15:51

Lord Browne of Belmont (Democratic Unionist Party)

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Baroness the Minister for the care and sensitivity that she displayed in introducing this important bill. Balance is very important and here, I must declare to interest. First, I was for many years a grammar school teacher, and second, I have a grandchild who was exclusively home educated from the age of five until 14. For those reasons, I wish to comment on some aspects of the bill and touch on home education. I am concerned that an unintended consequence of this bill will be a reduction in educational diversity, which is damaging to children's well-being, purely because children themselves are diverse.

The register of children not in school is presented as a research tool, enabling Department of Education and local authorities to understand the different learning strategies used in home education better. For example, many home educated children learn to read and write when they feel ready. Some at the age of three and others at seven years old. However, if officials compare these children to their counterparts in British primary schools, it may appear that only half of them are receiving a suitable education.

The risk of officials viewing the data through a pro-school lens has been noted by the Child Safeguarding Practice Review Panel. Staff then use age related attainment target set in British schools and may conclude that education being provided is not suitable and serve a school attendance order on a child. This undermines the very reason for home education, which is to introduce learning at the time that suits. The bill also contains provisions for local authority staff to enter the homes of home educators to enter the homes of home educators and inspect them and if refused reply with a school attendance order.

We should not use threats or court orders to force people to give up human rights. We should remember that if local authorities have reasonable grounds, they already have plenty of powers to enter homes and safeguard children. These include the Education Act, the Children Act, and the counterterrorism and Security act covering education, well-being and radicalisation. It is worth noting that research conducted by the Education Charity... This is compared to 0.43 % of children in school. We have to ask if the cost of setting up a new register justified.

Fundamentally, if we want to make the biggest possible difference to child well-being, surely we should be targeting the huge cost of creating a home education register for children who are already known to be in need. By that I mean the thousands of foreign in care who go missing each year, child prostitutes, child slaves, unaccompanied child asylum seekers unaccompanied child asylum seekers with PTSD and homeless children. And finally, and concerned about the way in which we are approaching well- being.

For some children, their well-being is best achieved by being home educated, and we should encourage the state to recognise and celebrate this. With this in mind, I wish to draw attention to the Northern Ireland Home Education 11. Codesigned by Home Education Northern Ireland, it is an excellent case in point. Built on similar laws that govern home education in England and Wales, they recognise home education has an imaginative, alternative framework that is equal to much different to school, and I

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commend them. Noble Baronesses stated in her

15:55

Lord Moynihan (Conservative)

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Noble Baronesses stated in her opening statements... I fully agree opening statements... I fully agree with her and believe there is a constructive approach to achieve that objective. The Roman poet coined the famous phrase. This effectively means a healthy body and a healthy mind. That emphasises the eternal interconnectedness of physical and mental well-being. Suggest that prioritising both is crucial for overall health, happiness and well-being. A healthy body can support a healthy mind by providing the physical energy and resilience needed for children to navigate life's challenges.

Conversely, healthy mind can positively influence physical health for children by reducing stress and promoting better sleep and enhancing immune functions. In the educational context, physical exercise is an essential part of mental and psychological well-being. Here we have a Children's Wellbeing and Schools Bill and there is not one mention of sport nor one mention of physical activity, or even one mention of physical education. In the buildup and during the London Olympic Games in 2012, as chairman of the British Olympic Association, child for sports legacy from the games which would reach every pupil, whether they were in the East End of London or the northern parts of Scotland.

The UK needed a radical new national school policy for sport, health and well-being. The situation has deteriorated year on year since then and this bill turns a blind eye to the importance of physical education and sport. Today's concerns over the well-being of our people cohort instead recognises a world of going -- growing obesity, declining participation rates, reduced PE hours, for teacher training and inequalities in access, particularly for children from the lower income households. Over 50% of all of our pupils failed to reach the recommended 60 minutes of moderate to vigorous activity a day.

There is concern about the decline in PE hours, as mentioned by Baroness Grey-Thompson positively -- Baroness Grey-Thompson. Funds are being used for purposes not set out. Teachers are only doing less than three hours in teacher training for physical education. That is not child centric policy. The pandemic has added to the problems and led to changes in her children play. More time is spent online and less time outdoors, impacting physical activity levels. Children are not learning to swim properly.

One third of primary schools is delivering fewer than 10 sewing lessons a year. Yet, my Lords, as I mentioned, there is not a single mention about any of this in the bill on children's well- being. We might as well write a health strategy with a tensioning medical treatment. In committee, I intend to propose a white series of amendments to rectify this oversight. To secure improvements to the bill which places well-being at the heart of school life and that means physical as well as mental health.

When it comes to school sport, state schools are increases. 40% of our medallists in the Olympic Games came from just 7% of the population, those educated in the private sector. This is also under threat. 36% in London and 33% in Paris. Lord Layard spoke of the vital need to measure well-being. I could not agree more and will be supportive of any amendment which seeks to achieve this objective. Committee stage provides us with the opportunity to set out the changes necessary to ensure the Secretary of State was not objective to improve State was not objective to improve the well-being of children is achieved, and I look forward to taking that agenda forward.

16:00

Baroness Whitaker (Labour)

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It's a pleasure to follow the noble Lord Lord Moynihan. Nevertheless, this bill is wholeheartedly welcomed. Tackles issues which have been neglected for 14 years, as well as the ones like the devastating drop in attendance for -- post-pandemic. I will focus on clauses 30 to 35. I will further recommend a crackdown. It is important to make it easy for children to thrive in school, learning together, making friends, benefiting from pathways to further education and satisfying were, but there is at present a significant number who don't get their.

Some parents choose home education and carried out well. They will not be interfered with with the obligation to register their child. But I strongly agree that many of the reasons why children drop out of school show that a managed system of home education is vital. Children may find school intolerable but their parents may well not have the time the capacity to teach them, particularly among gypsy and four children with prejudice playing a large part in this -- Roma children.

Bullying is still widespread. While some schools are welcoming, I've heard many examples of children teachers who have not supported the The suspension of gypsy and Roma children are widespread and 21.26 up to more. And there is permanent exclusion and we all know that often leads to county lines and all sorts of issues. And then there is demoralisation which comes from feeling unwanted and undervalued and some schools encourage parents to take children out of school if they will not reach the correct example.

It would be helpful if the bill could stimulate a more proactive response by local authorities and instead of waiting for parents to request support, they should offer it. Parents and marginalised communities might be reluctant to approach officials and this would enable local authorities to find out reasons behind dropouts and look at the aggregates. Schools and systems should contribute to the awareness and skills should seek and record reasons and racist incidents should be recorded and reported as my honourable friend referred and a recommendation in the Steven Lawrence enquiry was never implemented and it is essential to keep records of the characteristics of children on the register but I am uneasy about them being kept up to be child reduced maturity and it is for consideration for the local authority should destroy any information and finally, as regards children who do not get to school I am uneasy about the increase in fines and the possible sentence of imprisonment.

I remember as a magistrate there was extreme poverty among defaulting parents whose children were playing truant for various reasons and the deprivation would have been exacerbated if the often single-parent were imprisoned often single-parent were imprisoned but, in general, this bill may see but, in general, this bill may see all of our children into a future of opportunity and achievement. opportunity and achievement.

16:04

Lord Farmer (Conservative)

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I will focus my comments on part one of the bill and particularly on areas recommended and inspired by Josh MacAlister MP's independent review of social care and I was on the design group and the emphasis throughout was on relationships and prevention and preventing children going into local authority care in the first place are being further damaged in the care process and enabling them to maintain good relationships while in care as a key protective factor to that end.

I welcome the clause on the family group decision making but will the government strengthen it? This points to the impact of the 2016 Scottish legislation and if you local authority is mandated to offer family decision-making and the lack of clarity and precision meant one third of local authorities in Scotland do not offer if -- FDGM. Reproducing the benefits of this requires implementation, fidelity to the model and, for example, older children and families must be in the driving seat when determining who is involved and neighbours and family friend can be referred to as aunties and uncles and others in the support and around them are vital for the welfare of children and their voices should be heard when a family says so.

Also, the legislation must ensure if GDM represents a process rather than a one-off meeting to avoid this becoming an issue for local authorities and the process does not always mean that a child goes into kinship care but increases the likelihood of it. If they end up in local authority care, it should lead on to facilitate another highly beneficial process referred to as Which builds rather than breaks relationships and enables children in the care system to have a lasting support network of relatives and others who care about them and all of those involved in the GDM and others important to a child should not simply disappear from their life when they go into care and capturing the contact details of foster care workers, teachers, others on the committee who have been deprived of killing towards them means that they have other connections when they leave care and knowing that they matter to people and being invited to Sunday lunch and having a family to spend Christmas Day with and the source of advice throughout the year, it all makes a massive difference to the sense of identity and stability.

Lifelong links runs an over 40 local authorities and 22 of them are funded by the DfE. Will the government consider referring to it in the bill and including it in regulation or guidance? Next, it ensures children deprived of liberty are housed in relevant accommodation and even in good surroundings, they are far from families and communities and this can further dent already fragile mental health. Will the Minister ensure that in improving the experience of children deprived of this will include concrete steps which are currently missing to help them to maintain key relationships.

I have concerns about this unique identifier and it is concerning lay vague about how it will operate and it would need a new computer system and using the NHS to unlock those children often at high risk born outside the country who have no NHS nor state education involvement would mean they would escape the system and, more generally, the Minister assure us they will not reinvent the contact point abolished in 2010?

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There are certainly many welcome aspects to the bill and not least proper recognition of the importance

16:09

Baroness Blower (Labour)

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proper recognition of the importance of well-being of children and I would like to ask my noble friend what binds the government has to make sure all schools are alert to bereavement and they have issued to problems beyond themselves to support any child or young person and perhaps as many as one in 29 as is noted and they suffer from bereavement. On the question of the curriculum and assessment, I called that review currently underway will address the existing curriculum and provide for a much greater access for all children to arts subjects and technical subjects and a low forum local initiatives.

It was always wrong that only academies had these freedoms and my noble friend Baroness Morris has said that. Can I also ask the Minister when we expect to see the final report and the time for what I hope will be changes that are both welcome in both curriculum and assessment. We have a lot to learn from other jurisdictions and clearly from my noble friend, in relation to the P and conditions of teachers, in the original form, it would have required all schools to follow the pay and conditions and I regret that it has been amended to have regard to this and as many will know, there is broad flexibility in the STB CD and less that would be desirable and certainly in regard to desirable and certainly in regard to the excessive salaries and the full recommendations the Burgundy Bit, which is the most recently revised document from 2023.

It covers retirement and occupational sick pay and maternity pay as well as trade union recognition and facilities and it should be followed, in my view, by all state funded schools. At the time of deepening recruitment and retention, coherence and consistency in pay and conditions for all teachers in state funded schools could be an incentive to remain in the profession and the fragmentation of the education service has been a barrier to mobility in some cases. And so one entry presumption all new skills must be academies is welcome.

As is the intention to strengthen the powers of local authorities in relation to schools admissions. Finally, the proposal that all teachers in all state funded schools should have qualified teacher status is welcome and certainly that they . There is some exploitation of some teachers who do not have qualified teacher status. May I ask my noble friend the Minister of therefore if she is sympathetic to the creation of a statutory duty to ensure all overseas-trained teachers are financially supported to complete the assessment-only route into QT S in a timely fashion.

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If this bill is to succeed in breaking down barriers to breaking down barriers to opportunity and severing the link then let me give the government a warning from Scotland. These aims have been a much-publicised priority

16:12

Baroness Fraser of Craigmaddie (Conservative)

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have been a much-publicised priority of the Scottish government, however, over the past decade, despite an increase in 13% in funding, the SMP's centralising of control has seen falling educational standards, as evidenced by the league tables of the OECD. What went wrong? The amalgamation with Education Scotland removed independence and there is no rule book against falling standards and no voice to be raised against ineffective standards nor an adequate curriculum content or structures. The implementation of the new Curriculum for Excellence as it is called was ill thought out.

One of the original purposes was to broaden the secondary school curriculum but the evidence reveals that S4 students, equivalent to GCSE level, are studying fewer subjects and enrolment into noncompulsory subjects such as modern languages and expressive arts continues to decline. Choice has been restricted. Most damningly, the attainment gap between the richest and poorest schools in Scotland has increased. Attempts to give all children in Scotland and named person was ruled unlawful by the Supreme Court because it reached the rates of family life.

This bill is in danger of making some of the same mistakes. In contrast, I have looked at the increasingly improving and diverse education system in England with a degree of envy. We do not have the choice of academy schools. There is only one mainstream school in Scotland not run by a local authority, Doon Hill, which consistently tops the league tables. However, houses in the catchment area of Jordanhill are some of the most expensive and that does nothing to close the attainment gap.

I am therefore concerned at the constraints on academies in the bill and specifically the proposals for qualified teacher status. There is a difference between a qualified teacher and a competent one and if you want to attract people into the profession, the ability to try before you buy will be lost. Perhaps an amendment to limit the time that unqualified teachers can teach in schools, for example, two years, could be helpful and by then both parties should now that if it is right and with the effort, the Other issues that concern me are the implications of provisions in this bill to SEND children.

And in particular the appropriate remark the lack of appropriate school places and the impact this has on families. It allows the corporate parent to erode parental responsibility. With such a large bill and such credit list, there is not enough time to go into details, which I will look forward to continuing in committee. Having given my warning from Scotland, I hope to make it home in time for the last flight.

16:16

Lord Carter of Haslemere (Crossbench)

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I will focus on the academies aspect of this bill. I read the second reading in committee debates very carefully, especially evidence given about the performance. -- Performance of academies. Apparently the top five state schools are academies. Examples were given at academies. Examples were given at second reading. Two academies were cited which are all marked outstanding by Ofsted. My noble friend said one of the key successes has been a curriculum tailored to people's needs.

All this is evidence that academies work well as they are in their heads know how to run schools better than the government. So why are the government removing the flexibility to do so? My second point is more technical and effects how future changes would be made to the way academies have operated. The bottom line is it will not be done by primary legislation bye byes -- but by statutory changes. This is in addition to clause 63, which Lord Addington has already mentioned.

It's a rather long and winding road but the essence is that clause 47 of the bill inserts a new schedule 1A. This is the application of the curriculum two academies. In doing so, it also applies to academies with order making powers. These order making powers enable the Secretary of State to amend the education act. They are therefore Henry VIII powers which will also apply to academies now. They are very substantial powers. For example, the Secretary of State can buy such orders add further requirements to the national curriculum or amend all of the four key stages as well as the foundation subjects, including attainment and assessment arrangements.

Because of section 47 of the bill, all such changes will now be applied to academies. Almost by the back door. This Henry VIII powers to be considered acceptable in the education act 2002 four maintained schools but is it really appropriate to be used to change the groundbreaking regime now proposed? In addition, under section 47.5 of this will, any such orders can directly amend the new schedule 1A to the Academies Act itself. This is another Henry VIII power by which further provisions can therefore be applied to academies.

I thought this government clamping down on Henry VIII powers. I would be interested to hear the Minister's response.

16:20

Viscount Eccles (Conservative)

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I'm not sure that I'm really the right person to talk about this bill, but I thought it might be worth having a few reflections because I can't even count how many education acts have taken place during my lifetime, but it's a very considerable number, and in terms of being clear that there is no final solution. I suppose the reason why there is no final solution is that each child is unique and when we talk about children in the plural we maybe have a tendency to forget that what actually faces as is each individual child.

Also, I was brought up in a classical education and I think education means to draw out, not to shove in. -- Educare Being a Latin word. That is a challenge because education starts early. As Lord Kirkham said, it's better to get into it straightaway. And indeed, parents are the primary educators. About the time a child reaches the age of five, there is something being delivered, which is pretty well formed already, and so I think the journey for the child to find out who they are and of what they are capable is what we are really talking about.

And very often, when we talk about, for example, the care system, 86,000 looked after children at the present moment, we are talking when the horse has to a large extent bolted. And that is, of course, a huge problem. But it leads me to say that there will never be any centralised answer to these problems. That there is a place for professional independence, which my noble friend Lord Hill laid emphasis to. There is a place for experiment, there is a place for trying things and seeing whether they work and for responding to what happens.

If I think about the first part of this bill and the the first part of this bill and the care system and the sophistication of the existing system, what I'm impressed by is that nevertheless, there are now more looked after children than there have ever been before. And obviously, what we are looking for is some way of tackling this particular problem, which means that we achieve improvements. And if I go to the second part of this bill, it seems to me whatever the rights and wrongs of how much control there should be over the academy system, it has proven to be a great success, as indeed have the technical educational initiatives of my noble friend Lord Baker.

-- Technical education initiatives. We should not go backwards.

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I declare my interest as vice chair of the all party Parliamentary chair of the all party Parliamentary humanist group. Given the scope of humanist group. Given the scope of this bill and the number of speakers, I'm just going to strip myself to issues of inclusion and myself to issues of inclusion and community cohesion within our community cohesion within our schools. I have twice introduced schools. I have twice introduced this to the chamber, to repeal the legal imposition of collective worship in all publicly funded schools.

I first introduced it more than three years ago and it past the Lords but fell in the other place due to lack of time. I introduced it again three months ago. It has passed second reading and I hope but fear that time might not be on my side again. But the amendments I intended to make before the house will work to introduce inclusivity policy and get rid of the bizarre possession were the UK is the only sovereign Western democracy to enforce mandatory worship.

The School Standards And Framework Act requires all schools that are not of a religious nature already to hold daily acts of collective worship of a mainly Christian nature. Children cannot withdraw themselves from players without parental consent. This contravenes children's rights from the Human Rights Act and the United Nations Convention on the rights of the child. Mandatory collective worship is by its very nature a liberal. It is also divisive. It imposes religious activity in a blanket manner.

Even in schools that don't have religious character, it forces parents to choose between allowing their children to be part of school assemblies that are so valuable for assemblies that are so valuable for a school community or to ostracise them, leaving them in corridors and classrooms with little or nothing to do. I believe that it would be far better for school assemblies to be inclusive, strengthening collective school communities and contributing to school spiritual, cultural development prejudice towards a single faith.

Similarly, I would also argue that we should use the opportunity of the Schools Bill to ensure that religious education is inclusive of the belief and worldview of all of our nation, including the beliefs of nonreligious people who are the

16:28

Baroness Burt of Solihull (Liberal Democrat)

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second largest group by religious affiliation after Christianity and represent one third of the represent one third of the population and are growing. Case population and are growing. Case from a decade ago, specifically force versus Secretary of State for Education requires nonreligious Education requires nonreligious belief systems, such as humanism, to belief systems, such as humanism, to be treated with equal regard in our provision. Our laws should reflect provision. Our laws should reflect this. There is much to welcome here and I look forward to helping make our children's education wider and

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more inclusive. This portmanteau bill has its strengths which I can see are welcome, particularly on child protection and safeguarding people absence and an area close to my absence and an area close to my heart which is a kinship care. It is also deeply flawed, particularly in part two. Ideological and divisive, written at the behest of the written at the behest of the teaching units ) unions -- teaching teaching units ) unions -- teaching unions.

As more sensible Labour figures have rightly noted, it is also a betrayal of the laudable record and not just the 2010 government but the first two player administrations, from 1997 onwards, and it may well result in poor outcomes, social immobility and worse life chances, particularly for children from modest backgrounds. My focus today is squarely on some troubling aspects of part two, which is predicated on the misguided belief that micromanagement by officials, whether in Whitehall or the town hall or somehow instant and -- enhanced child education -- enhanced child education standards.

It is one which this house must firmly business. To echoed remarks of Lord Frost earlier, the trend started in the mandatory registration scheme for children attending school. Consider the intrusiveness of the data demanded. Compels parents to report the number of hours, but parents educate their children constantly. And cooking a meal together, opening

16:30

Lord Jackson of Peterborough (Conservative)

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a bank account, or simply talking and living life together. Home education is often an extension of this integrated approach. It is an institutional provision for classrooms of 30 following rigid timetables. Our parents expected to delineate their specific hours with each child? The requirements contributed to each child's education, grandparents, Sunday education, grandparents, Sunday school to -- Sunday school teachers, Scout leaders, music teachers, or someone who gives a talk at an art someone who gives a talk at an art gallery that a child visits with the grandparent.

It is a frankly absurd and impossible requirement. This constitutes state-mandated surveillance of family life on an unprecedented scale is for law- abiding citizens, choosing a perfectly legal form of education. As highlighted in the cases legal appeal, there is Convention capability compatibility as well as principles. The justification for such intrusive measures is that these children are invisible. They are not invisible to their parents, families and communities. The tragic and appalling case of Sara Sharif was repeatedly raised in the other The local authority had been notified that she was educated at home and this is already a legal requirement at school.

I would have placing her on another list have made a difference? We must do all we can to prevent such terrible tragedies from occurring again. We must ensure the actions taken are effective and even if another list was taken, what is the justification for the detail demanded in the bill? I challenge the Minister to address that in the remarks. The limited research available shows that while home-educated children are disproportionately referred for safeguarding concerns they are significantly underrepresented.

Let's make sure our approach is founded on empirical evidence and not prejudice and that we genuinely protect children without imposing ineffective and bureaucratic restrictions on everyone else.

16:32

Baroness Brown of Silvertown (Labour)

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I started my working life as a residential social worker and the godmother to a beautiful boy being cared for by his wonderful grandparents and so kinship care is a great solution for many whose parents are unable to deal with the parenting and this will define it and recognise the tremendous work of so many carers whose dedication is often overlooked and underappreciated and so I am delighted. And while I am on the topic of being dilated, can quickly mention how delighted I was to see that the needs of children leaving care are contained within the bill and delighted that care leavers are no longer classified as intentionally homeless and that local authorities must publish more information on the services available to care leavers and I'm delighted that staying close will be rolled out universally or nationally and so that is all good and children in care face challenges adjusting to everyday life and 41% have an emotional and behavioural assessment score which is a cause for concern and so the government will reduce the grant available for assessment and therapy each year to £3000 and I'm hopeful the Minister will keep this decision under review because I know she will agree preventative mental health care for a child often reduces the cost of the adult they have declined.

Let me talk about food. Hungry children find it difficult to learn and creating breakfast clubs in more primary schools and this will provide proper nutrition and hopefully install healthy eating habits and growing children. There is a wider crisis. The food foundation tells us 18% of households with children are currently experiencing food insecurity. 18% of all households with a child or parent who is going hungry and as I've said before, I've been told by children that it is not the return to eat that late and the provision of good quality school food including breakfast clubs is, I believe, key to reducing the shameful statistics and helping to reduce education and inequality and I know many in the House favour the provision of universal lunch for all children in primary and secondary education.

I know that it is expensive and I'm fully aware of the financial circumstances of the country I know this government and so I am hopeful we can begin to work towards something that is not closer to universal provision. Some noble Lord may not be aware of the shockingly restrictive criteria for free school lunch eligibility and children qualify only if they live in households that receive Universal Credit and have an income below £7400 a year after tax and benefits.

There is an estimated 900,000 children that fall out with this restrictive criteria and the need to raise the threshold therefore is particularly acute at this moment as well because we are at the end of the transition of protections put in place during the introduction of Universal Credit under the last government and until the end of last month children receiving free school meals that retain access to them even at the household income had subsequently rose above the 7400 income threshold.

These protections are now expired and children will be reassessed so that it is urgent. I hope the Minister has heard me and others on this and we see some movement. There are many exceptional parts of the bill delivered just nine months after taking office and I'm proud to support this passage and it is a shame the time limit is so short I have been limited to two small sections and been left asking

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for more. I welcome the opportunity to

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I welcome the opportunity to debate the bill before us this afternoon and I take the opportunity afternoon and I take the opportunity to thank the Minister and the Secretary of State for the opportunity to express the concerns opportunity to express the concerns I have about the resources and the funds available to run the breakfast funds available to run the breakfast clubs. I declare my interest as a clubs. I declare my interest as a patron of the National Association of child contact centres and I welcome the provisions in the bill setting out child protection and safeguarding and working towards keeping families together as far as possible.

I also welcome the kinship

16:38

Baroness McIntosh of Pickering (Conservative)

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care provisions are in my capacity in the other place, I was acutely aware of the role of grandparents aware of the role of grandparents and other close family members that they wish to make and in many instances they were not able to do instances they were not able to do so. In committee, I would like to explore the opportunity and the explore the opportunity and the increasing role that could be played by child contact centres and other venues who offer a space for parents to meet and spend time with children to meet and spend time with children in the event of a family breakup.

I urge and encourage the government to support child contact centres and the vital role that they play. My other main comment at this stage relates to admissions policy and axis II and the cost of school transport. Previously, rural counties like North Yorkshire endured local education authorities and schools this is possibly why the take-up of academies was less in those education authorities than in others. However, recently, tensions have been created over the funding of transport between home and school.

In my view, as a direct result of the government cutting the rural services delivery grant and rural services delivery grant and this grant in 2024 provided £110 million for 94 rural authorities to help to maintain essential public services. In ending the grant, it has deprived rural areas of around 40% of funding so they have 40% less money to spend per head than urban areas. I hope that the government will take the opportunity to urgently address the inequality of funding to rural and urban school.

Previously, this was addressed by policies such as the sparsity of population but that is no longer the case and I think we have the opportunity in this bill to address that. And finally, I hugely admire the role academies have played in those areas that have performed well and I pay tribute to successive governments and former secretaries of state as well as those around the House who have made this such a success. I hope the government listens carefully to the talks today and will take them on board when it comes to the passage of this bill and I hope these issues can be addressed and monitored anti-pill can be improved.

I hope it makes a swift passage through the House. swift passage through the House.

16:40

Lord Hacking (Labour)

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I am listed as the 59th speaker and I have the opportunity of excellent former speeches and I refer to four former secretaries of refer to four former secretaries of state and the noble Lords and my noble friend the Baroness and I'm so glad three of them are here to hear the praise and I wish to address the subject of homeschooling and this is covered in clause 30 and 31 and pages 50-64.

Clause 30 is directed to local authority consent for the withdrawal of children from school and 31 is for registration of children not in state school education and these provisions cover 14 pages of the bill and I suggest that is too long and too complicated and regrettably we no longer legislate on principle but impact definitions and as a result we have a very detailed bill of some 137 pages which is not as long as other bills which are currently considered but I suggest it is too long.

I first got to know about homeschooling parents during the ill-fated passage in 2022 of the last government's schools bill. Homeschool, homeschooling only covers about 1% of all schooling in the UK but it remains important. A common characteristic of homeschool parents is most of them possess a university degree but not all. Why do they want to take their children into homeschooling? It can be said that he simply that they want to obtain a better education and taking two examples, education at home as opposed to classes and schools of 30 or more pupils.

And secondly the choice of subjects which are not available at local state schools and by example and referring to the classics. The noble Lord spoke earlier in the debate about the value to him of having a classical education and I should disclose at this stage that I have one child who has recently been moved to home education by my son and daughter because he had become completely unsettled in state education. The worry is the text of the bill that has to be applied by local authorities in the decision to agree to a child moving from the school to to a child moving from the school to home education.

In clause 44 44.34 a, referring back to the education in 1996 and I refer to the subclause four on page 51, it appears the test is over whether the child is suffering from significant harm in state education and this is completely in the wrong way round anti-test should be of the child getting benefit from homeschool. The position is not clear and subclause six, page 51, the test is in the best interest of the child and that is the suggested reply and this is all the victim of complicated legislation which will make it so hard for education parents and indeed anybody to construe the position of the bill and can help

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make bills become more simple. It is with a heavy heart that I

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It is with a heavy heart that I write my speech today and the legislation comes into the fabric of legislation comes into the fabric of democratic society and this is a society built on freedom of thought and parental responsibility and the and parental responsibility and the rights of citizens. Our forebears fought two world wars at unimaginable cost to secure the unimaginable cost to secure the freedoms we risk being carried away and they sought to control public life but private conscience and crucially the upbringing of the next generation and they knew as we should now that it's a matter of historic record when Parliament passed the education act of 1944 and are deliberately safeguarding the rights of parents and not the state to turn an education and this rate of fascism and style is around is a truly free society must trust citizens to raise children in accordance with conscience and not through bureaucratic he did and yet here we are and I am a parent of home educated children and I now Some may see this as benign on the service.

Tarmac surface. It represents an intrusion into home represents an intrusion into home life. Starting with children deemed vulnerable and open to broad interpretation. It poses state control were there should be a

16:47

Lord Wei (Conservative)

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presumption of parental competence. The government argues that this intrusion is necessary for intrusion is necessary for safeguarding but I putted to this house that the justification is flimsy at best and sinister at worst. I am informed by reliable worst. I am informed by reliable sources that the Department of education has overseen counter education has overseen counter extremism. Here's a direct quote from the Department of education. The deputy director role will The deputy director role will The deputy director role will oversee the frontline prevention of counter extremism.

Am I right in thinking that in seeking to address Islamist and other fundamentalist that the Department is now engaged without public consultation and mass information gathering against innocent families? Has her department already classed all home educating families and any alternative school as potential hotbeds for terrorism? Does this justify indiscriminate targeting of home educators, far beyond anything required in mainstream schools? Does she recognise that many Muslim voters vote Labour and will be shocked to see the communities surveyed en masse in the way proposed, treated with suspicion under these matters.

Does she realise that countless parents feel aghast for simply exercising their legal rights. We are told this is necessary for safeguarding but the data tells a different story. Child protection investigation saw a surge. 70% led to know action. The majority of investigations are false positives, wasting precious resources and traumatising families. If you build this registration system, it will produce the same outcome, bureaucratic drug, overwhelm of services, innocent families crushed under suspicion. There is no appeal mechanism.

This is a shocking overreach by authorities today. Let's not forget the deeply intrusive personal data this bill collect. Names, health history, records with no security as we enter the age of quantum computing. Consequences of a breach would be devastating. It would put our children's a sensitive data to be hacked by bad actors. Worse is the future this bill opens up. Let me speak plainly. You are handing on a platter to feature hard right coalition or extremist government the very machinery to rip socialist, trade union, progressive ideas from the curriculum.

Remember the Henry VIII clauses. And replace it with patriotism was no escape. This nationalism will never look back to labour. That's what you get when teaching unions are poisoning the minds of young people, not just against Reform but against everything this country has stood for. When we are in a position of power, we will go to war with these unions. You are handing the very tools for a future to your political opponents without people's true consent. Home education has long thrived not because of regulation but because of trust.

Trust that parents, not bureaucrats, are best placed to know what the children need. Trust that diversity of thought strengthens society, rather than weakening it. I urge the house

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to pause to think. Children are the fabric of the

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Children are the fabric of the future, to paraphrase my noble friend's excellent maiden speech. Legislating for the welfare of children is crucial. We must take this opportunity to provide equal this opportunity to provide equal

16:50

Baroness Finlay of Llandaff (Crossbench)

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this opportunity to provide equal protection of children in law. The report shows that children report shows that children experience physical punishment more likely to experience mental health problems and more than twice as likely to be the terms of serious physical abuse. Why? Because the definition of reasonable punishment is unclear. Last year Worcester Safeguarding Review flagged up the difficulty in distinguishing between what is lawful and proportionate and what is harmful and abusive. The preceding year, after the death of a child, it was concluded that the law was confusing with chastisement for physical assault.

I hope the house will support this of reducing. Scotland and Wales have already tackled this, giving children equal protection against being assaulted in the name of chastisement. It does not criminalise parents. The Scottish government's implementation group have not noticed a significant impact in work and the procurator We cannot leave the current legal confusion in place. We cannot leave children living in fear of common assault. 10 years to go, the Royal assault. 10 years to go, the Royal College of Paediatrics and health are calling for a single identifier, using the NHS number.

We failed to get it into previous legislation. Sadly, the child safeguarding press this review panel reported 485 children affected by serious child safeguarding incidents in the year from 2023 to 2024. And the independent review of children social care recently emphasised that a consistent identifier is essential for frictionless sharing of information between public agencies. This clause in the bill is to be welcomed but red flags must be rapidly acted on and I hope the Minister will be able to tell us how and how the process will be evaluated.

A unique identifier will help healthcare professionals to quickly identify who has parental responsibility, especially for children in kinship care or with complexities. This is especially important in emergency and palliative care and the prevalence of children with medical needs has risen since the year 2000. In ship care on the face of the bill is welcome. Like any parent, they must be involved in decisions about their child, especially with the situation is critical and life-threatening. Sadly, parents at such times in crisis can feel inadequately listened to by commissions and others.

But there is a gap between the two parts of the bill that relates to bereaved children. No data is collected on the number of children bereaved and half of bereaved children, young people and adults who spoke to the UK commission on bereavement said they received little or no support for the educational setting after their bereavement. One half of kinship carers said that kinship children had health difficulties often linked to bereavement. We must put being a part of education, especially for children who are bereaved, abuser

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vulnerable. We have work to do. I'd like to start by declaring my interests. And the founder of Parent

16:54

Baroness Cash (Conservative)

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16:55

Baroness Finlay of Llandaff (Crossbench)

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interests. And the founder of Parent Jim and the owner of By Gemma. --

16:55

Baroness Cash (Conservative)

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Jim and the owner of By Gemma. -- Parent Gym. -- My Jim. -- Gym. Welcome a lot in the section of the Welcome a lot in the section of the bill around care and in particular the encouragement of kinship care really has my support in hoping to really has my support in hoping to see an increased number of children who are kept with family when there is no provision available from their own parents. I'm sorry to say that the bill seems to be silent entirely on three really important areas, which I hope can be rectified during the committee stages.

The first is breaking intergenerational cycles of dysfunction. The second is meeting the national crisis of a shortage of foster carers. And the third is providing real accountability in residential care where that is also essential. We all need two things, really, to ensure we go into adulthood in a functional way. One is a minimum amount of trauma and the other a secure attachment. We can measure now the level of trauma that individual children experience using the Adverse Childhood Experience scoring system.

We know that these children were talking about in the house today are some of the most damaged and most vulnerable in the country, with very high adverse childhood experiences course. This is not just about measuring. We know now that these course, this level of trauma is directly correlated with their health and socio-economic outcomes. Children with more than a score of four in their adverse childhood experiences were three times more likely to develop heart disease, respiratory issues and type II diabetes.

15 times more likely to have committed acts of violence and 20 times more likely to end up in prison. So, trauma has an enormous cost to the child for their future, but also has a huge cost to society. But no one in this house speaking today doesn't care about these children and want what is best for them. For me, is a glaring omission in the bill that we have sought to look at where we can break these cycles of dysfunction. What we can do is, for a start, look at how we can introduce parenting training and mentoring for families.

Many of these children are raised by people who had no parenting role model themselves and that is why the cycle continues. We could have community partnerships and someone referred earlier, one of my noble peers referred earlier to the possibility of looking at guardianship. And finally, there is an increased role for health visitors increasing the number of health visitors, the number of visits and the role that they play with these families, because let's be honest, health visitors seem to be -- are perceived to be less malign and sometimes social services are by the family in receipt of those visits.

The second part I would like to address is the crisis of foster carers. Hopefully, increasing kinship care will reduce the need but it will not solve the gaps. We need to secure attachment to primary caregivers as a fundamental for these children's well-being, we need to stop them from being bumped around. The bill is silent on this, ignoring John Malik Mr -- John McAllister's 2024 review. It is also ignoring the government's own strategy. All of these set of recommendations for addressing these shortages common in the future in the bill.

Finally, very quickly, we have not addressed the accountability in residential care homes. Again, I hope we can get some of this were against the committee stage. I'm sorry I've ran out of time.

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So long down the list and I'm still unsure what the purpose of the still unsure what the purpose of the school's part of this bill is for.

16:59

Baroness Fox of Buckley (Non-affiliated)

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school's part of this bill is for. It prioritises tinkering with governance, focusing on fixing a problem that doesn't exist, i.e. Stripping academies of the economy that has allowed so many of them to try. Yet the problems that need fixing, such as the challenges of discipline and behaviour in classrooms or the growing SEND crisis. How will we scrutinise the problems when one of the key solutions is imposing a centralised new curriculum on academies, yet before we know what the curriculum contains. It's a cart before horse move.

Government is not publishing its own curriculum review until the autumn, long after the bill is due to past. As curriculum review matters. When any government outlines what to start, politicians reveal what they think schools are for. Are the places where we as adults pass on the historic body of knowledge to new generations as an entitlement regardless of background of background or cultural identity? Or is this new curriculum a skills- based or therapeutic model in which knowledge is a mere second order vehicle for the main goals of social vehicle for the main goals of social These child centred experiments, the curriculum for Wales of Scotland's curriculum for excellence have both led to a disastrous collapse in attainment.

And I'm not reassured by , focusing on educating pupils through a social justice lens, to reflect contemporary diversities. It sounds like a recipe for a EDI curriculum on stilts. Government adviser Professor Lee Elliott major described school trips to theatres museums and highbrow art galleries as a lead to middle-class pursuits, condescendingly suggesting a more relevant art forms such as grime, rap and brass bands. Of course I'm My political preoccupations and prejudices, I have no choice but to speculate because we do not know the facts.

Shouldn't we know before we impose that curriculum with no opt out on all schools. I think we always need to study the detail when the governments start issuing addict at on what is taught. We need to guard against schools being used for politicised stance or ideological manipulation. For example was the Prime Minister's TV announcement that every school must screen the drama adolescence, really educationally motivated or even appropriate. It potentially will mislead people about an important distinction between fact and fiction. I'm equally critical of the previous government carelessness and allowing fact and fiction are conflation to become classroom orthodoxy.

Children of all ages have been taught, as a fact that a person can literally change from one sex to another, due partly to poorly worded a centralised 2019 PSHE separate guidance. Words parents raised concerns about has led for them to be chastised by teachers, as bigots. This leads to my final point. I'm genuinely baffled about why this bill leads such a disproportionate, Draconian regulatory powers to target home schooling. Like others and less of a fan of homeschooling. I am more worried about this bill undermining the important principles of freedom.

The state don't own children and it needs to be wary of overreach and mission creep into families. That's what historically families have the right to choose how their children are educated. I'm afraid this bill is intrusive and data collection and monitoring that confirms home education with safeguarding risk is a bit of a cheek. Can I just remind us of that terrible moment, the safeguarding record of the state at and as parents and children homes. Please don't mention the grooming gangs, don't mention the grooming gangs, but I'm going to, I wouldn't trust them, and you trust parents and I hope this bill could look very carefully at that.

17:04

Lord Moynihan of Chelsea (Conservative)

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I congratulate the noble Lord Mohammed and my noble friend for their excellent maiden speeches. The committee stage for this bill is in a few weeks. Today we explore many important topics covered in the bill, yet it is quite often recently we get just four minutes. It is hard to cover much at all in that time. to cover much at all in that time. This is two bills in one. The first This is two bills in one.

The 1st to protect children's wellbeing, the second not so much. As it dismantles so much of the recent decades successful educational reforms. Squashing these two together, into the same bill, mixes the message. In the rest of my short speech here I will discuss only the second part of the bill. And here are a few of the concerns I hope we can focus on, during the committee stage. First, removing the Academy order is baffling. We have no clue of what the government will offer as an alternative.

What question was this the answer to? To tax the successful Academy concept which was invited invented, the noble Lord and donors. It fails to acknowledge the obvious superior organisation and success of multiple Academy trusts as has been shown in several speeches by those who found this afternoon. Some justify removal by saying a lot have carried, for years, the worst local authority schools had been transferred to stop we know that they improve as a result. This practice should be continued and without the two-year wait.

Second, without the two-year wait. Second, on curriculum. We know best. Head teachers should be allowed to tweak their curricula according to the specific needs and levels of specific needs and levels of ability. It is strange indeed that constructive flexibility. When we all know that one size never fits all. Requiring that only qualified teachers may teach will teach both in general and in particular for specific subjects, particularly in STEM subjects. Teacher numbers are already known and this will worsen.

This does, My Lords look like a closed shop concession to the teachers unions. If it walks and quacks like a duck, it is probably a dark. If passed this will remove so many inspiring and motivated teachers were right now they are doing great work. Finally, which is all I have time to squeeze in, preventing successful schools from expanding will prop up failing local schools, and lead to worse results for the children. You already hear of local authorities, pressing successful academies to shrimp so that they can -- shrink, that have rightly been deserted by the parents.

That want their children to get a better education. That helps allies that will worsen education. In all of that My Lords, we have forgotten the children. Even with the sick lubricant gains, many children still leave school illiterate. This bill should have focused on replicating in the less good schools the appropriateness of schools who have shown great educational results. But is written, the bill will remove much. To revert them to much of the management practices, the structure, the failures of the bad schools.

The unions may be pleased, the local councils and authorities who have failed to improve their local school systems may be pleased, but My Lords, what about the children.

17:08

Lord O'Donnell (Crossbench)

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Could I say I think this is a really important occasion for the House of Lords. I think it is really important to see that the House cares about children's wellbeing. We have got such a great speakers across this debate. That is a really important thing. To me we have had some brilliant introductions. What I say is my experience of policies, policies fail when you are not clear what the outcomes are. Nodding, very clear and outcomes. Lord Hill, said what is the problem, this bill is trying to face? Then we had a number of secretaries of state across all the parties talk about the improvements we have had.

We have had significant improvement in exam results. The area that we filled in. What's our problem. It is the same evidenced -based PISA, how results for children are abysmal, we are bottom of Europe. That is the problem with trying to solve, it is all about children's wellbeing, let's be clear about that. Look at the children's maths bill, we have a number of ideas about how we improve mass, teaching and all the rest of it. Then we would have national testing to see who done it and who hadn't.

So, that is the doughnut. Brilliant Bill, wonderful on the outside, large hole in the middle, which is there is no national So we won't know what works. You've all got great ideas, some of them may work, some of them white, I'm not an educational expert. I have been looking all of this material for quite a long time now and my charity that I declare my interest as a president of has looked at the impact of various things and as mentioned in the impact statement for this bill to stop now doing relevant stuff.

Basically, we need the raw data and we need a national program. Why would you not do this, it seems to me blindingly obvious. First of all people say it is costly, actually it is not, as of former member of the Treasury. As we get this right, as Lord Lenard pointed out this improves outcomes, improves exam results, it reduces crime, it reduces welfare dependency and seeing Baroness Grey-Thompson, how do we do this. We started to get the evidence from adult work, which I started in 2011, the detriment of adult well-being, that the ONS, we have great data that is going to help us enormously in sorting out the covert thing.

What other things that really matter? Physical and mental health, sport, exercise. A lot of things that people have mentioned are hugely important to this. It is well-being as a whole that matters. So, please can we have a measurement. It is not costly, it is incredibly costly not to do this. The whole Prevent thing, if ever there is one policy, if I were a cabinet secretary now I will be banging the table saying guys you have got missions, this data, this stuff will help you all achieve your objectives.

So please, you know, it is a 0.02% of the Department of education's budget. And if you want help, the Secretary of State, sorry. If you want to help in sorting this out, with some officials I am offering myself are free to come in, because eight, the workers been done, they have done amazing work, we have already got surveys, results, research, we know about things that determine and improve children's wellbeing. So please can we do that. I'm gonna be on time. Is it burdensome to schools.

Actually it is voluntary. Our proposal is it be voluntary. When you think about it, be well, exercise is voluntary. Do schools decide to take it up, yes they do. Head Teachers, yes please, when you ask parents, what is the one thing you want to know about your school, most importantly... No, the well-being levels of the schools. We talk about freedom, let us give parents the freedom to choose, on the basis of a really good data. If the Minister, I can come to talk to you about this, because I really do think we shouldn't have an amendment on it, we should adjust this first, we should get together and I would love to help.

I'm going to shut up to help. I'm going to shut up because I've gone 23 seconds over.

17:12

Baroness Parminter (Liberal Democrat)

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There is much in this bill to welcome, including the delivery of the manifesto commitment to cut unnecessary costs of school uniforms, for parents. It is just disappointing it doesn't go on to have any measures to tackle the sustainability of school uniforms. The department's own figures show that school uniforms and PE kits cost parents around £380. It is really important we have measures to tackle the cost of uniforms. Further measures to promote repair and reuse of school uniforms, will not only help save parents money, it would Those in uniform sustainability.

It is not of course just the cost to parents of buying those in uniforms. It is the cost to them and to all of us, when we pay local authorities properly, with the mountains of textile waste that they produce and the cost to the environment of the plastics and the forever chemicals which Lynch into our waterways and food chains. Let's not forget, most school uniforms contain synthetics. Polyester, which are a type of plastic, which means that there are emissions produced where the fossil fuels are extracted to manufacturer them.

Then there are plastic microfibres, at least when they are washed. And increasingly in school uniforms are using PSFA's, which are forever chemicals which, once released into the environment never released into the environment never break down. These are being used to bring a stain resistant quality to schools. The evidence is that these finishes only last for about 10 to 20 washes. They give parents a very limited overall value, at a huge cost to the environment. And there is emerging evidence and now that these PSFA's are causing a significant connective impact on health.

It is my view that children's clothing, we should follow the example of both France follow the example of both France and Denmark and ban PSFA's. Children are really concerned about sustainability. We know that climate anxiety seriously affects their well-being. And I applaud Young campaigners alike Hugo who has been challenging his local council and national politicians to do more to help parents make sustainable school uniform choices. And we should be using this bill, there are opportunities within this bill to help to do that.

And equally, the DfE is about to produce a revised sustainability and climate change strategy, which can be used to ensure that we have more sustainability in our school uniforms and the DfE should be working now, with the DEFRA, to ensure the revised Environmental Improvement Plan and their economy strategy seriously addresses the issue of microplastics and PSFA's in issue of microplastics and PSFA's in use. It is the time now that we remove the transition to sustainable remove the transition to sustainable school uniforms.

-- We moved to the transition.

17:16

Baroness Sater (Conservative)

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I could not agree more with the noble Lord McDonnell over his passion for collected data, getting data and using data for well-being. It is there and we could do more. The government has said that the main purpose of the bill is to break the link between young people's It is designed to improve the well- being of our children does not acknowledge the central role physical activity and sport play in achieving mental and physical well- being. As Lord Addington and Lord Moynihan have pointed out, words like sport, physical activity, physical education do not even appear in the bill.

Data released by Sport England the end of 2024 reports that not only 47.8% of children are meeting UK Chief Medical Officers guidelines on taking part in average of six minutes or more of sport and physical activity every day, meaning 3.6 million children are not. Over half of our young people are missing out on all the benefits we know which come from being active. This includes enhanced physical and mental well-being, delivering a healthier foundation to take all these children's lives forward.

With many more children suffering from poor mental health, lack of physical activity and with obesity rising surely this bill has been the ideal opportunity to change the way schools approach the health and well-being of our children. But simply, we need to get our children active, fitter and more engaged. We need to allocate more time in the school day to deliver sport and physical activity, give access to a wider range of different exercises and movement creating a more holistic approach, open up more school sports facilities, open more extracurricular activities and clubs.

Doing so will provide more children with many associated benefits during and around the whole school day. This bill could help address these issues and sadly it doesn't. The ongoing Curriculum and Assessment Review that is expected to conclude later this year provides another huge opportunity to fully unlock the power of physical activity in enhancing our children's wellbeing. We know that PE in wellbeing. We know that PE in schools work, the recommendation put forward by the 2021 House of Lords National plan for sport and recreation committee of which I was a member and so was Lord Moynihan was to designate PE as a core National Curriculum subject, giving the status in schools which they can also measure year-on-year.

Established sports organisations like the youth sports trust continue to push for physical activity including PE and school sport to be at the core of a broad and balanced curriculum. Reminding us that schools are in a unique position to provide universal equal access to sport and physical activity. As outlined in the latest Ofsted report and physical education for many pupils PE will be the first and only place where they are taught safe, efficient and intelligent movement. The report also highlights the important role that high quality PE in schools can play in challenging ingrained inequalities and level the playing field.

I believe the bill provides a real opportunity to embed physical activity at the heart of school life by introducing statutory measures, because if we do we can inspire the next generation to be more resilient and thrive mentally, socially and physically. If not, we are guilty of failing to grasp an opportunity to change young lives by giving them resilience which comes from being physically and mentally strong. I look forward to discussing

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this further add committee. I declare my education interests as set out in the register, in as set out in the register, in particular my chairmanship of the multi-academy trust where we are enjoying recent outstanding Ofsted enjoying recent outstanding Ofsted judgements in schools are supplying the National Curriculum. This is a the National Curriculum. This is a good bill, it is necessary legislation to tackle a legacy in which vulnerable bit children have

17:21

Lord Knight of Weymouth (Labour)

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which vulnerable bit children have become more vulnerable and schools are struggling on multiple fronts. I want to focus my time on the part related schools, today we've had some argue in effect that if it ain't broke don't fix it, pointing to improvements in England's rankings for reading and maths as an indicator of the success of the current system. This ignores the reality facing many schools full stop our absolute performance in reading and maths has stagnated and in science it has declined.

Most worryingly is so powerfully set out by Lord Donald, the life satisfaction of our young people has plummeted. Persistent absence remains high, teacher retention is poor and NEETs are way too high, as other sub said we must use this Delta drive ambition on standards and well-being regardless of structures. Turning to academies, they have by and large worked well, but I don't believe that's because of the freedoms initially promised. A Schools Week survey of 120 Academy trust CEOs found that the majority believe that the removal of academy freedoms relating to pay, curriculum and the employment of unqualified teachers would have little or no impact on their ability to run and improve schools.

I believe that the success of academies is much more due to strong governance and effective leadership than so-called freedoms. Good governments is the bedrock of school improvement, it safeguards quality and challenges poor performance. When I took over as academies minister from Lord Adonis I was conscious that it was the like of Lord Harris putting his personal reputation on the line that ensured strong governance and the delivery of quality. I do have some concerns that the unfettered use by officials of the powers of direction in clause 49 of the bill could interfere with that good governance and I will want to explore that in committee.

I am supportive of where committee. I am supportive of where the bill has got to but I wonder whether we should also explore whether the pay of senior executives should be referred to the STRB so that remuneration committees receive guidance to prevent pay inflation in that part of the workforce. The bills measures to bring academies and local authorities cited together are also welcome and overdue. In particular giving councils a greater role in oversight of academy admissions as a step forward for vulnerable children.

Finally on smartphone bands, like Baroness Morgan of Cotes I am sceptical but listening. I am perplexed as to what the sanction would be for a legal ban. Would it not be better, as a few schools are now doing, to use geo-fencing technology that creates a virtual boundary fence around the school won a smartphone enters or exits the school, the technology can automatically block use altogether or restrict its actions or open it up again. Surely we need to both protect children from from the harms of technology and educate them to use it responsibly and realise its opportunities.

In summary, this bill is not about rolling back progress but about building a system that values robust governance, real accountability and the well-being of every child. It puts children's interests not structures or ideology as a centre of reform, that's why oh jewel chips to follow Baroness Morris's advice and put rhetoric behind us and work together for the benefit of children. benefit of children.

17:24

Lord Young of Acton (Conservative)

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I declare my interest as a member of the knowledge schools trust and a trustee of the knowledge schools foundation trust, it's a great privilege to follow the excellent maiden speeches of Lord Mohammed and Lord Biggar. The education reforms that the government is seeking to reverse in the second part of this bill have been a great success. It's been a natural experiment because education is a devolved area of policy and the way to measure the success the success of the reforms dating back to at least 2,000 and beyond is to compare the performance of schools in England with those of Scotland and Wales where they have not been embedded and I will not repeat the data cited by numerous people on this side of the House but I think it shows very clearly that the education reforms embedded in the English state school system have been a success, and given how successful they have been I am astonished at the party opposite and indeed the Lib Dems don't want to share some credit for it, as several noble Lords have pointed out the education reforms which began with the creation of city technology, colleges by Lord Baker, as created by the Education Reform Act 1988 were continued by Lord Blunkett in the learning and schools act of 2,000 which created city academies and built on by the academies act of the coalition government as Lord Hill pointed out.

Lord Blunkett said earlier he hoped all sides could work together in this House but that's precisely what has been happening for the last 37 years and it's his party that has decided to abandon this cross-party consensus not mine. The part of the Education Reform Act program I care most about our free schools, having helped to set up four of them. In a nakedly ideological act, the government has pulled the plug on the program in spite of its success, the English secondary school where children make secondary school where children make the most progress is the Michaela community School, a free school.

The sixth form that gets the best A- level results in the country is not Winchester or Eton, but a free school Kings maths school where Baroness Wolf is the chair of governance. The secondary school I helped to set up West London Free School was named last year by the Sunday Times as the best comprehensive in London. I note that my noble friend Lord Harris who has done more to transform the life chances of children from disadvantaged backgrounds than anyone else I can think of save his trust funding the 25/26 has only increased by 1.3% which won't cover the pay award of 2.8% the government has agreed with the teaching unions and which incidentally the teaching unions have said they want more, they are not satisfied with that and threatening industrial action if they don't get more even though it was agreed and I hope the noble Ladies Baroness bus dead and Baroness Blower will urge their former colleagues to share some restraint.

I wanted to say in the case of my trust Lord Harris our funding has only got by 1.1% not 1.3% and the CEO of my trust tells me that the only way it will be able to remain solvent in 25/26 is to make between eight and 10% of the staff redundant, and it isn't just our academy chains that are in this predicament. A survey by teacher And school published last week in Schools Week found that one third of primaries and 40% of secondaries in England will be forced to make redundancies in 25/26 due to funding shortfalls.

I regret to say that the staff most at risk of being made redundant across the sector are specialist SEND support staff, so much of this government wanting to do more for children with SEND and so much for wanting to find 6,500 more teachers. Incidentally what became of the 1.7 billion that the government's VAT rate on independent schools was supposed to raise state schools, I hope the Minister can tell us what has happened to that in her closing remarks. Baroness Morgan said earlier we should remember what has worked and replicate that.

This government should be replicating those reforms dating back to the 1980s that have worked, not try to take us back to the 1970s for the

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sake of our children I would urge the government to be guided by evidence, not ideology. I also congratulate my noble

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I also congratulate my noble friend Lord Mohammed and also Lord Biggar on their maiden speeches. Biggar on their maiden speeches. Lord O'Donnell is absolutely right about the child well-being problem, which is why I intend to focus my which is why I intend to focus my interventions on the well-being aspects of the bill, including children's rights, their voices, their physical, mental and emotional well-being. Specifically their nutrition and protection against physical or sexual violence. Research shows strong links between poor well-being and child.

Children from low-income homes often go hungry or have a very poor diet, that is why the government must choose all the levers to ensure that children are properly nourished. The Healthy Start scheme has helped young families to buy fruit, veg and milk for their children, however uptake is low as many eligible families have never heard of it, let alone applied for it. Secondly the value of the vouchers has not kept up with food inflation and this must change. Will the government welcome an amendment from me to alter in eligible families to ensure children

17:31

Baroness Walmsley (Liberal Democrat)

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get their entitlement? The second lever is the food served in schools. I welcome the new school breakfast I welcome the new school breakfast clubs but they must serve healthy food, it is important to distinguish food, it is important to distinguish between a breakfast that fills the tummy and one that nourishes the school food standards have not been school food standards have not been reviewed for 10 years and they hardly mention breakfast. Does the Minister believe that the current school food standards are strong enough to guarantee that children will be getting nourishing food at will be getting nourishing food at Will she welcome an amendment to update the school food standards, as recommended by the committee report, recipe for help, which had the honour to chair.

Including clear rules and what a nutritious school breakfast must look like. Breakfast are not the only problem. There are still children who meet the very narrow entitlement for school meals who do not get their free meal. So we also need auto-enrolment here. The quality of school lunches is often poor. Excuse me. And may not comply with the school food standards. And neither is there any proper monitoring of and compliance with, the existing standards. What is the government planning to do about that? Perhaps we could do something during the passage of the bill.

Moving to violence against children. Children still do not have equal protection against assault, as you and I have, as adults. It is time that the reasonable chastisement, or reasonable punishment defence, which can be used in court is removed, as in Scotland and Wales. I'm delighted to see a great deal of support for this change here and in the new intake in the other place. Some 90% of social workers, 77% of healthcare professionals, 75% of teachers and 51% of police also support the change.

Social workers say the current legal position makes their safeguarding work more difficult. And it is unclear for parents. The current law is discriminatory, because it says that you can hit a child, as long as it doesn't leave a mark on the skin. What about a dark skin, or one that doesn't bruise easily. So will this government bring a quality and clarity to the law, by accepting amendments to remove the defence, referred to only recently, the perpetrator in the tragic case of Sara Sharif. Sexual violence, has a long life effects with which people live with unwarranted guilt and difficulty in many difficult -- healthy relationships.

Reasonable suspicion that a child has been sexually abuse muscles be reported to the relevant authority to stop the government intends to enshrine this in law. I look forward to reassurance from the Minister, I'm not sure that a duty of candour will be enough. If I'm not reassured, the Minister will be hearing more from me and others as the bill progresses.

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Most measures that come before your Lordships' House are accuse it,

17:34

Lord Gilbert of Panteg (Conservative)

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your Lordships' House are accuse it, good can always be found. Cross- party support across this bill that aims to improve safeguarding. Such as introducing a single unique to Is joint up a multiagency work. I suspect there is much work to be done to get this right. There is a wealth of experience in this House, that the government would be wise to draw on. I'm afraid however, on the second half of the bill, I share all the concerns my noble friend of the Earl of Effingham and other noble Lords across the House about the role of academy freedoms.

I appreciate that Tony Blair is in favour of the month on the benches opposite. The important of his many achievements was heralding an error that abandon dogma. Both parties improving schools and driving schools is a rare example of a long-term approach, across government and indeed decades. I hope the government will take seriously and respond to the deep concerns that have been expressed today and take a more consulted approach going forward. I want to focus on technology in schools, which we addressed in the Data Bill, when it was before this House.

The Baroness, Lady Catherine, my noble friend, Lady Coates and others raised issues about edtech in raised issues about edtech in Those for the briefing. I'm not against technical schools and its use by children and young people. I remember visiting Cambridge when I chaired your Lordships committee on digital communications. We saw remarkable work by Google and others who developed glasses, with AI assisted technology and cameras and a discrete earpiece. Designed for and worn by and around children, this remarkable technology gave real-time audio description and audio prompts, that enabled them to interact with others, know who was in the room and where they were and he was engaging with them.

These children, for the first time were in the same places of their friends and family, it was remarkable. We were all moved and I think quite emotional when we saw the profound good that this well-designed technology had brought. The way it had a transformed young lives and the passion of those who created it. At the heart of this tech was thoughtful, ethical design. It is a thoughtful, ethical design that we should strive for in all technology. Product design, rather than a focus on content should be at the heart of on content should be at the heart of the way we regulate technology.

Indeed, if we had insisted that hardware and applications were designed to be safe for children, we wouldn't now be thinking about trying to ban phones, in schools. Edtech covers a whole range of applications and hardware, that supports the teaching and school management. It has been widely adopted in English schools. Many people have grave concerns about some of the actual teaching applications themselves. Fearing that at the same time as parents battling to control screen time for the children, the opposite is happening in schools.

Where learning is game of Eid, gratification is instant and rewards constant. These concerns may be unfounded, but the extraction of children's data and its use and the lack of real evidence about the efficacy of this technology is alarming. Does the number Baroness of the Minister agree that there should be robust standards for these technologies. If she agrees that the ethical design and data standards have a strong evidence base are vital, will the government agreed to introduce standards for educational technology, that supports falls.

Will the government reveal and build an evidence base on these and take, long term impact of skills and well-being. And finally, can the Minister updaters on discussions that the government has had, with the ICO, regarding the commitment made in the passage of the Data Bill to produce a code of conduct, a code of practice on children's data and education. What are the Minister's early thoughts on what that code

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might cover. I welcome the government's intention to improve the lives of intention to improve the lives of young people in the care system, which I'm aware I'm going to focus my attention. As other noble Lords pointed out, we are familiar with

17:38

Baroness Young of Hornsey (Crossbench)

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the negative outcomes arising from being in care. Systemic inadequacies affect not only the individuals and families directly involved, the ripples spread across society. Fostering is a critical component of the care system, but as the noble Lord, Lord Young of Cookham and the noble Baroness Cash said earlier and by the way I support all three points that Baroness Cash made about points not in the bill. The situation is a start, we do not have enough foster carers, especially from a minority eyes to communities.

The deficiencies in this part of the care system and result in a damaging lack of options for children who cannot live with their birth families. Children's homes are a potential alternative, but it has recently been acknowledged that, "The quality and safety of children's homes, in England is simply not good enough and that there was a much more we need to do together to put the rights and needs of vulnerable children at the heart of our policy-making. " As public authorities, local authorities are responsible for the rights of children in their care.

There is concern that a recent ruling declared that private care home was not a public authority, despite the placement of being funded by a local authority. Since more than 80% of children's homes are run by private companies, where then does that leave the rights of those children? In those private sector run homes cosmic there is a lack of clarity here that needs to be sorted. What steps is that the government taking to address this problem. Without the clarity of the rights, how will the government to deliver on their aim to place vulnerable children at the heart of policy-making? Both through membership of the APPG on a care experience Children and Young Persons Act and because of my own connections, I am fortunate to have had, recently, plenty of opportunity to have conversations with many care experience young people.

Their creative, full of ideas and they are typically powerful experiences. They know what would improve their lives and now and the system. I've also met with a number of organisations and individuals, including Barnardo's and the black care experience, led by Judy Denton, dedicated to addressing the needs of a black carer experience children. From how to tend to children's black hair and skin to issues of cultural identity and how to deal with racism, these young people often feel isolated and their predicaments feel isolated and their predicaments More foster parents and social workers, from those communities, are needed.

That is not the whole solution. Because the number Baroness and tell the House how the government intends to address these challenges in the current care system? Of course, the young people I've met recognise that the damaging aspects of the system, in which they have little or no control over their destiny. During these talks, I've been dismayed to find that many of the challenges that I experienced, in the care system, in the 1950s and 1960s processes. Campaigns to designate being a care experienced a protected characteristic point out the offer from the state to Children and Young Persons Act, via corporate parents, which is one of the most soul destroying terms ever uttered, is not currently a life enhancing pattern.

They understand what the care club means, because they live in anticipation of it. They also had the ruptures that they've experienced, might be mitigated. They have the knowledge and insight to guide us towards developing the systems and structures that amplify their potential to go beyond

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survival, to thriving. Education in this country has

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Education in this country has always been about shaping free minds, raising thoughtful, moral citizens, who can think for citizens, who can think for themselves. This bill threatens that proud tradition. It doesn't proud tradition. It doesn't modernise education, it centralises it. It strips away the freedoms that have helped so many schools succeed. Handing power to bureaucrats. And it is the children from broken families who will lose the most. Less choice, lower standards, fewer chances to break through.

I support the government's aim to protect children, but I fear this bill over reaches. As it stands the state is grabbing sweeping powers, especially over at home educating families. Demanding personal data, club attendance and anything local that

17:43

Baroness Meyer (Conservative)

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they consider appropriate. My concern behind this is the mindset concern behind this is the mindset that state knows best. That parents can't be trusted and need to be can't be trusted and need to be managed. Authoritarian regimes managed. Authoritarian regimes always start by inserting themselves between parents and children. Demanding conformity of thought and Demanding conformity of thought and value. Is this really the path we want to take? Many parents turn to want to take? Many parents turn to home education, because they feel the system failed them, because of special needs, safety concerns, or different values.

They are doing what they think is best for children. I was home educated for two years. It wasn't ideal, but I survived and I even went to university. We lived in a part of the world where schooling was not possible. My parents could have sent me to a boarding school, but being a French, this wasn't part of their beliefs to be separated with children and I was only seven years old. Does it mean that according to this bill my parents would have been criminals? Meanwhile, this bill also goes far beyond what, sorry, meanwhile, this bill also goes after some of our most successful schools.

High performing, academic schools, that have transformed lives. Especially for children from tower of backgrounds. What is their crime? They are independent, but they work for stop instead of learning from them, this bill seeks to drag them down. Imposing an unpublished National Curriculum, harming flexibility and admissions and tightening control on local authorities. That isn't about raising standards. It is about government control. It doesn't fix what is broken, it breaks what is working. It doesn't raise standards, it lowers them.

We should be back in good schools not abandoning them with red tape. As the bill stands it creates an educational regime that will be less human, less free and ultimately less effective. Can the Minister explain how exactly forcing home educated families to share private details will help their And how stripping the autonomy of successful schools will benefit working families? In closing I would like to welcome the two new Lords who are not in their seats and congratulate them on their excellent beaches, one of them is in his seat, -- Speeches full stops

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I declare my interest as a governor of Coram and is a trustee of the founding museum both of which institutions work across adoption, fostering and particularly the care system. I overall welcome this bill system. I overall welcome this bill and I think I have one cause for regret and sadness which is my great friend the late Baroness Massey of friend the late Baroness Massey of Darwin is not here to take part. I do not intend to get involved in

17:47

Lord Russell of Liverpool (Crossbench)

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do not intend to get involved in part two I think, but if I sense the children's wellbeing and best interests are being drowned out by political and ideological skirmishing I may not find myself able to remain silent and in particular I say to the Minister I wonder what her ex-headmaster Bill Lucas who I believe she and her colleagues call Batman, what he would think about the tenor and temper of some of the debate about schooling and what is in the best interests of children.

I will concentrate mainly on part one and I think the simplest way to declare my interest is that I will be all over part one of the bill like a rash. In particular I think there are some issues about SEND and I particularly commend Lord Addington and Lord Carlile for their knowledge focus and passing -- passion on this issue which I'm sure we will hear much more of in committee. In clause 17 to do with care leavers there is currently and there is still a danger that there will be a postcode lottery and I do think there is a strong case for having a very clear national offer on what care leavers can expect rather than it being left to individual areas.

In clause 10 when it comes to regional care cooperatives I do beseech the government to learn from what I think we all recognise is the failure of the creation of adoption regionalisation which really hasn't worked and certainly doesn't benefit the children. In clause 19 I think trying to reduce the use of agency workers working in children's social is very important and in particular I would suggest that the Minister and her colleagues might benefit from talking to the MP from York Rachael Maskell of whom I am a Orchha -- co-chair of the All Party Parliamentary Group on fostering who will tell the Minister exactly what has happened in York with the new head of children social care and the transformation that has happened there extremely quickly.

It's an example of best practice and it demonstrates what is possible. We then come to early years and I suspect my honourable friend Baroness Thornton will probably, he was after me will probably mention that in a minute. But I do think that is an important part of the bill, when Minister and her colleague the Secretary of State came to the crossbench meeting last week, the very first question she may recall that was asked by me to the Secretary of State was, where our early years in this bill? The answer was, it's really important and we are really focused on it, but she didn't answer the question.

So the question is how can we increase the mental, physical and emotional well-being of children by the age of entry to primary education? In particular I think of the effect of technology on young minds, I think the work being done by Baroness Kidron and Baroness Cass, I was at a meeting last week my brain is still fizzing and overflowing from the quorum of professors I'm not sure what collective noun is for a group classes, and experts including Jonathan heat, the eminent social science academic from you at university, the harm that is being done to our young people is staggering.

In today's times there is an article about what is happening in France where a group of eminent academics and experts have exhorted the government to try and prevent children before the age of six being exposed to too much screen time, it is absolutely detrimental. It is happening in plain sight and unless we do something about it all of the good work we are trying to do, particularly in increasing the effectiveness of primary schools effectiveness of primary schools will be limited and demolished by the poor state of well-being of the children were going there were unable to feed themselves, aren't potty trained, are in a -- inarticulate, have limited attention, this is happening in plain sight we have to do something about it.

This is more than a rash,

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it is a life diminishing migraine. Don't worry for cross-party

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Don't worry for cross-party cooperation Lord Russell and I, we hope to influence this bill in some ways. I'm delighted to welcome this

17:51

Baroness Thornton (Labour)

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ways. I'm delighted to welcome this early bill and the priority the government has given to this issue. And also congratulate today's maiden speeches. I want to raise two matters. One is about what is not in the bill and one is about what is. I agree with the foundation brief that babies infants and early years are missing from this bill and I know it is not because there is not work being done in early years, but I think that this bill contains children's wellbeing as a title and surely we need to therefore address baby, infant and early years well- being.

For example I declare an interest as a trustee of the charity whose programs are about reducing aggression, increasing sharing, caring and inclusion and promoting resilience, well-being and positive mental health. And whose work would be an appropriate matter for discussion during the course of this bill. Whilst I absolutely applaud free breakfast to start the day, it is to ensure school readiness of our youngest must include more. For example speech and language development, particularly for those who need it. One in five children are faced with these challenges and recent research says that children with speech and language challenges are being unfairly punished in our schools.

The excellent work of organisations like speech and language UK informed the policy in this area for successive governments including my own, it would be good to explore the vital nature of this bill during the bill and its importance to children's wellbeing. Now turning to what is in the bill. I absolutely welcome the commitment to improve children social Placement, market and tackle the profiteering which is going on there. In which the party opposite has allowed to happen for the last 14 years.

Measures include establishing financial oversight regime to increase transparency for regime to increase transparency for care providers and their corporate owners. I welcome measures to enable the Secretary of State for Education to input -- a limit on the profits for providers of children social care, but I'm concerned about the words if the market intervention measures don't have the desired effect because we already know that the market does not work so why would we wait? Support the creation of regional care cooperatives which may transform the landscape but I hope it also means social economy and charity solutions will be considered.

I would commend my noble friend the Minister of the Juno project in Liverpool, the lighthouse pedagogue trust and social adventures in Manchester in rethinking residential children's rethinking residential children's services. Finally three matters. I support improvements to the bill to protect children from corporal punishment within the family, it's something I have worked across the House with other noble Lords for the 27 years that I have been here. Can I also agree with Baroness Burt, I would like to raise the issue of new faith schools which are subject that should be subject to the 50% cap on faith-based selective admissions that currently only applies to faith academies and with the noble Baroness I will scope the asking about why we have a daily act of worship.

Finally I know I will not be alone but he was losing learning far coalition founding, children permanently excluded 10 more are moved to informal and unregulated means. That amounts to over 30,000 children, a conservative estimate being shifted around the system with little or no oversight, alarmingly this lack of accountability means that in many cases no one including the Department of education can say with certainty where these children are. There are many challenges and I look forward to working with the Minister and colleagues across the

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House. It is an honour to speak in this

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It is an honour to speak in this debate and I declare my interest as governor of Shoreditch Park Academy in Hackney. I will focus on the

17:56

Baroness Fleet (Conservative)

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in Hackney. I will focus on the proposed measures that I think threaten academies. Many noble Lord somebody made millions passionate speeches based on deep knowledge and expertise, not least my noble friend our Academy hero Lord Harris of Peckham. I asked the Minister what Peckham. I asked the Minister what is the problem the government is trying to solve? Academies have been one of the most successful educational reforms of our generation, why is the government intent on sabotaging that success? Other than to please militant trade unionists.

Significant parts of this bill are inspired by ideologues in hock to the unions, putting the interests of the allies of the Marxist Jeremy Corbyn ahead of children. Yes, the very children working-class children who would benefit from an excellent Academy education. As the governor of a secondary school in Hackney a pretty tough area at the school as part of Kolei up City of London trust, I have seen the power and Academy has to change lives. Shoreditch Park was set up in 2017 in a portacabin with just 180 pupils and 20 staff, we now have 870 pupils in a brilliantly building and a thriving sixth form.

Pupils from more than dozen ethnic backgrounds, 54% pupil premium, 14% special needs, but good, very good attendance. Achieving fantastic grades at GCSE and A-level and 100% of the 2024 sixth form going to university. That is astonishing given that some pupils arrive at the school barely able to write a sentence, let alone with correct spelling and punctuation. Early this year OFSTED rated Shoreditch Park Academy outstanding in every category. How has this been achieved? By being part of a very successful trust that has the experience and freedom to make decisions.

Why does the government want to change the policy that is working, a policy that helps the most disadvantaged succeed? I have visited hundreds of schools, I'm sure many others have as well, I have seen what works, academies work because they are in charge, not unions. This bill undermines academies, I will mention briefly three areas of particular concern, firstly the curriculum. Trusts know how to put produce rigorous broad- based curriculum that includes music drama and sport, Shoreditch Park drama and sport, Shoreditch Park , and many others, debating, chess club and so goes on.

In the Duke of Edinburgh awards, incredibly important life changing for many pupils with its focus on outdoor activities and community service, all essential to keep these children engaged to find something special, and to build resilience. Secondly teacher recruitment has been mentioned before but I'm going to say it again, trusts currently have the freedom to hire who is best in certain circumstances, even if that person has not trained at the Inst of education. Why change that? Pressure from the unions? Do I detect a closed shop mentality so familiar in the 1970s destroyed industry two thirdly school uniforms, strict school uniform policy essential with branding and badges so that children do not come to school representing street culture or gang culture.

Or as a fashion statement. Uniform is a social leveller, an objective authority, why change that? The three item proposal is hopeless. Academies have strong behaviour programs routines and systems and structures which liberate pupils, they are taught to understand the schools our communities with rules and the consequences of bad behaviour, just like society it brings out the best in pupils. No phones and certainly no knives. Exclusion is the last resort but absolutely necessary when people aggressively and repeatedly defies the rules, I want to make one more point.

The changes proposed by the government would reverse that improvement and as for failing schools, ask any trustee their view advised the local authority school improvement program, they say it is drag and drain, Dragon school improvement, and a drain on resources. Trusts like a lap know how to turn round a failing school, academies are a great cross-party success and the by parents and Just why has the government allowed itself to be captured by the self interest of union leaders, putting those interests ahead of the needs of children.

Will the Government at least listen to the wisdom of their own Lord Blunkett. own Lord Blunkett. own Lord Blunkett.

18:01

Lord Hannay of Chiswick (Crossbench)

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This bill is a complex and sensitive one which will deserve careful and detailed scrutiny committee report stage. I intend to concentrate remarks to those parts of the bill that relate to kinship care. Often overlooked and overestimated aspect of the state's responsibility for children in difficulties, in the earlier years. In so doing I declare an interest as a member of the all party group on kinship care. Several parts of the present bill touch on kinship care, but not always, I suggest, as clearly, or as decisively as is desirable.

First a word of thanks to the noble Lady the Minister who has open the debate today, from the very wholehearted contribution she made, on what kinship care aligned to a question in April. Some of the supportive remarks on the same subject by the noble Lady, Lady Barran, who was at the time the Minister, replying from the dispatch box on March so they'll of -- some months earlier. The Earl of Effingham in his opening speech, the reference to kinship care.

Not some others. I would suggest it all to continue. Why is it kinship care so valuable at the same time so that underfunded. Abused and neglected children's problems, foster care, kinship care. It is clear that the third category receives the least of the three, in terms of resources. That at a time in which resources are read disgrace. Kinship care less, even though it is even more cost-effective than the other two. Which is not to doing great and those other two which often provide a valuable relief, even if they have their serious weaknesses.

Particularly in the case of institutionalisation. Then there are the complexities and the costs of the legal routes that that must be gone through for kinship carers, to gone through for kinship carers, to rein gain recognised status.... Or abandon it halfway through. Similarly the complexities of obstacles are discouragement to local authorities and now rather belatedly being encouraged by the government, through a series of pilot efforts. When one looks at the relevant parts of the bill designed to address these problems, it is easy to doubt whether this is being done with sufficient clarity and decisiveness to produce effective results.

And yet he is a useful provision being hidden in plain sight, which surely needs some changes on the face of the bill to remedy that obscurity. Here are three examples. First, the provisions about family rights groups. There is a real opportunity for reforming the child welfare system by giving a new mandate to local authorities, to offer families the chance to come up with solutions for their children's welfare. To help them avoid entering the care system. Currently 153,000 kinship children in England alone.

The expectations from councils to include families in shaping and promoting their local kinship offer are minimal. Would it not make sense to other kinship children at the same right to reasonable contact with their brothers and sisters as they currently have, by law, with their parents. Secondly family group conferences. An idea which emanated from New Zealand, which has been developed by lead counsel. Should surely be explicitly encouraged. The cost benefit analysis found an average saving of £55 per family when compared with business as usual social care.

Other group family conferences. Thirdly there is a lack of recognition and understanding of what kinship care is. 1/3 of local authorities do not have a kinship care policy, setting out the support they offer to families, in their area. That surely to needs to be remedied. I do hope the noble Lady the Minister, in responding to this debate can give a general recognition of the need to strengthen and make more explicit, in this bill, the provisions for kinship care. And can undertake to respond to the points I and others have raised in this debate when we get a committee report stage of the bill.

There is a real chance here to promote a cost-effective way of helping some of the most vulnerable children, in our country. children, in our country.

18:06

Lord Storey (Liberal Democrat)

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Can I start by congratulating my noble friend, Lord Mohammed of Tinsley and Lord Biggar on their maiden speeches and also of course welcome them to the House. Today is an important day. An important opportunity to make the lives and well-being of our Children and Young Persons Act and their families so much better. I have listened to all the 77 speeches and it gives me great hope that this opportunity will not be missed by your Lordships.

This bill gives us the opportunity to put right the conditions that affect children and families in all sorts of different circumstances. In our schools it gives us the opportunity to build on the successes already achieved and tackle new problems that have arisen and to ensure that all children get the best possible schooling. Of course we all want the best education for children. Of course we all want to see our children thrive at school. We want our schools are to be places of learning, where children learn and discover and play.

Aware we ignite the joy of learning and Children and Young Persons Act, from whatever their background, whatever their circumstances. Want to come to school and they want to learn and they want to discover. This bill builds on the successes that have already been achieved. It deals with those newfound issues that are holding our children back. Let me start with well-being. Only yesterday, the global flourishing study on well-being was reported. This study which questioned more than 200,000 people from 22 different countries found, in that study, the UK came third, from bottom.

For well-being. So let me talk about mental health of young people. Which impacts not only on their learning, but of course on their well-being. We need not forget the profound effect that Covid had on children and the lack of socialising with other children. One in five children have a mental health condition. 500 children a day are referred to mental health services. We, on these benches, would require a fully, sorry, a qualified and fully funded mental health practitioner, in every school.

And where there are schools with fewer than a hundred people who it makes sense for them to share that mental health practitioner. In opposition the government said they wanted to bring a mental health worker to every school. This is part of the Department for Health responsibility. It was a manifesto commitment, but there is, as yet, no laying this out. Perhaps in the Minister might tell us when this commitment will be honoured. Our commitment would not only help the people, but it would help the school as a whole.

And of course take pressure from the NHS. Academies are started were seen as a way of tackling low educational achievement, disadvantaged communities. These academies had more resources, curriculum flexibility and autonomy from the state system. The coalition government started on its Academy ionisation program with a single minded, some may say ruthless determination. Now we have over 80% of our schools either stand-alone or part of a multi Academy trust. It is right that the current government doesn't change this model but allows all schools to thrive and grow and not at the expense of each other.

It must be right that all schools are inspected in the same way and all teachers pays our acquitted ball. A school system should ensure that all teachers are fully qualified, or working towards a teaching qualification. This should, shouldn't with the right safeguards in place prevent individuals coming into school to add to the teaching experience and helping with reading, or somebody with a particular interest and particular knowledge and expertise sharing that with the pupils. It happens in maintained schools as well I remember teaching those at NVQ and teaching the classroom.

There should be a National Curriculum that all schools in England follow. That makes it clear what children should learn, equally it allows time and space for individual schools to pursue areas of expertise and interest. I hope the curriculum review will understand this approach. And of course, talking about sensible approaches, reminds me of Lord Baker. He reminds us that University technical colleges have a specialised curriculum, that makes them unique and successful. They will not have the time to follow a full National Curriculum.

So it does make sense to allow them to have that flexibility. At a time where we need valuable skills to grow the economy, we need more University technical colleges, not seeing them struggle with the difficulties they might face, with a national curriculum, which is very much a straight jacketed. Let me frame my next remarks with some statistics. 1.49 million children are persistently absent from school. 171 million children are severely absent million children are severely absent from school.

117,000 children sorry 117,700 children are elected in home education. 350,000 children are missing entirely from the school system. Entirely from the school system. And as we have heard any of them we do not even know where they are. And finally there were 83,000 And finally there were 83,950 -- 83,950 missing instance of children in care in 2023. As a society we must always put the safety and well-being of our children and at the forefront of everything we do.

That is why it is right to ensure there is a legal framework which home education is carried out. Currently, any parent can decide to home educate, without informing anybody. Without registration, without any checks. The majority of home educators do a magnificent job, in teaching their children at home. There are many local authorities who have a commendable and constructive working relationship with home educators. We want to framework that is supportive and not bureaucratic, ensures that home education is worthy of its name and keeps children in a safe environment.

There must never ever be another Sara Sharif charity. As I have said many local authorities have this relationship with home educators. With some carrying out ground breaking initiatives. To encourage that relationship. Here is an idea, to encourage that relationship, why not pay the exam fees for those children who are being home educated. After all, by being home educated they are saving the state millions of pounds annually. All schools must be registered and inspected. It cannot be right that some schools, with strict, religious, fundamental practices, when closed by OFSTED reopen in the guise of home education.

Equally, it beggars belief that children and young often, the most vulnerable in our communities, often those children and young with special educational needs are placed, when excluded from school in unregistered schools. Why are we doing this. Why are we allowing local authorities to place these young people, when excluded from school in unregistered schools. I will tell you why, because the unregistered schools are cheaper than the registered schools. And we need to do something about Having said that, some unregistered alternative providers do an excellent job, but because of the size they are not able to meet OFSTED requirements.

Let's see at Committee stage if there is a possible solution to this problem. We want children to be nourished at school, that is why we brought in the very successful free lunchtime meals for all children at key stage I. Independent research showed how this help children particularly from low income families, improved well- being and improved learning and attendance. We would extend that provision to special schools and key stage II pupils. We are not opposed to breakfast provision but it doesn't reach all pupils.

Particularly those in rural areas. Breakfast club funding for primary schools will be £30 million. Increasing the number of schools with free breakfast from 2,700 from 2702 3450, but that is out of a total of 16,700 primary state schools in England. Time does not permit me to talk about number of important issues, I would like to talk about the national to guarantee, travellers children's, refugee children, extending human right protections in outsourced children's care, some -- summer born children, school uniform and bullying and so on.

Noble Lords will have received dozens and dozens of briefings from organisations, charities, individuals and all show the first to improve the well-being of our children and their families. All show the genuine desire to prove, improve education schooling. I know because I am an optimistic person that during our seven committee days we will deal with those amendments in many of these issues. So I am sure that government will be prepared to listen and consider. And will improve what is already a very good starting point.

18:18

Baroness Finn (Conservative)

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Firstly I wish to congratulate my noble friend Lord Biggar for the excellent Maiden speech on the importance of our national story and liberal schools and I also thoroughly enjoyed the Maiden speech of Lord Mohammed of Tinsley and I welcome them both to your Lordships house. We have heard many powerful and moving speeches from across the House and they confirmed that this House and they confirmed that this bill matters. It will affect the lives of children intimately and profoundly and it's important we get this legislation right.

We will engage constructively whether the government is intent on doing the right thing, but as so many noble Lords have pointed out there is work to do to improve the bell. Most particularly its impact on schools. Every child deserves safety, dignity and a fair shot at life and we support the aims of part one of this bill and to end the unchecked profiteering from services meant to nurture not exploit. These aren't just policy goals, they are moral imperatives and they speak to the time type of country we ought to be.

Much was done by previous governments most conspicuously under the coalition by ministers such as Sarah tether and others to improve the lives of children in care but we acknowledge there is more to be done. More even than the bill currently allows for. We had compelling evidence from expert witnesses in the committee and the other place that this bill misses clear opportunities to intervene earlier and more effectively in children's lives for top Baroness Cash and Lord Farmer spoke of the need to break the cycles of Of Of family Of family group Of family group conferencing Of family group conferencing during care proceedings.

Used to late its value has diminished. The same is true in private law proceedings were earlier used could help to diffuse conflict before it escalates, when it comes to deprivation of Liberty Liberty orders the children the bill says little despite the known risks and urgent need for stronger safeguards. These are not technical oversights they are missed chances to protect children sooner, reduce harm and to shift the system from reacting to crisis to preventing it. That is what reform requires and on this the bill for short. The bill's Children's homes and independent foster carers also failed to confront the real issue, capacity.

The fundamental problem in foster care is not a lack of oversight, it is a lack of homes. Instead of addressing that constraint the bill turns to regulation. Elaborate, bureaucratic and unlikely to deliver the change that is needed. Indeed Lord Young of Cookham gave us the benefit of his own personal experience and Baroness Cash also highlighted further problems in the system. We will look to amend the bill to do what it should have done from the outset, expand fostering capacity and reduce dependence on a process heavy system that too often delivers delay not results.

On safeguarding there are clear omissions. The bill is silent on the place of smartphones in schools. Here I quote the need to give children a break from the well- documented problems of digital technology. As Lady Kidron and Baroness Cass have so eloquently explained. This is an issue of growing concern for children parents and teachers alike and I commend the research the policy exchange the U.K.'s most influential think tank is done on this issue. More seriously says little about the long promised reform of the SEND system where delay has real consequences for Children and Families Act already struggling to navigate a broken process.

This issue was raised by many noble Lords including Baroness Berridge and Baroness Fraser and Baroness Grey-Thompson and Lord Addington. My noble friend Lord Moynihan, Baroness Sater and Lord Addington also brought attention to the fact that there is not one mention of the importance of sport and physical activity in the bill. Finally far too much of this bill is being left to secondary lead and that should alarm every member of the South. Because it is not just a procedural shortcut it is a clear thing the government does not yet know how its own reforms are supposed to work.

Lord O'Donnell called strongly for clear use of data and measurement of goals. Clause after clause is a placeholder for policy hasn't been written, capacity that has been planned and consequences that haven't been thought through. That's not just weak government has disrespected this House and is dangerous for the children who are left with the consequences. We will bring forward amendments to address all of these points and we urge the government to use the time ahead not to defend the text as crafted but improve it so it meets the scale of the challenge and the seriousness of the moment.

Turning to part two of the bill as the Minister will have heard our concerns are far more fundamental. This bill does not take account of the careful cross-party consensus built up over the last two decades which has driven up standards in schools in England even if they have deteriorated in Scotland and Wales as Baroness Fraser demonstrated so persuasively in the case of Scotland. Greater autonomy from the frontline through the growth of academies and schools provided with sharper accountability and Lord Agnew is up to you right to talk about the sort of Damocles of consequences and intervention when schools failed has ensured England has risen up every international measure of educational performance.

Many other noble Lords such as Lord Young of Acton, Baroness Fleet have spoken of the huge successes of the program. The reforms driving this improvement have been shaped, supported and then fermented by politicians from every major party from Lord Baker to Lord Blunkett and Lord Adonis and Baroness Morgan, Nick Clegg and David laws during the coalition years and Lord Harris of Peckham, Baroness Morgan of Cotes, Lord Agnew of Oulton, Lord Nash and Lord Hill of Oareford.

These bills which touch on schools do not all give rise to concern for top their manifesto commitment in the bill that we want to see succeed, but they must be made to work. The proposal to roll out three reckless clubs to all primary schools could offer real value but only if issues around funding, staffing and delivery are properly addressed. We recognise the case for a register home educated children not least to ensure no child becomes invisible to the system.

As drafted the bill does too little to protect children already known to social care, those at highest risk, yet overages into the lives of families who are not. Lord Frost, Lord Wei and Lord Jackson have raised concerns in this Doors 430 6C mandates local authorities to collect extensive data from all home educating families, including details about he was educating the child, how often, where, and whether any third parties are involved even for families with no history of safeguarding concerns. Lord Hacking described the clauses as too long and too complicated.

Meanwhile there is no tiered or risk-based enforcement mechanism, this is a blunt instrument and poorer policy design. There are measures in this bill that do not pause the progress we have seen in our schools, they threaten to undo it. As Lord Hill of Orford lately made the point what is most troubling is that the government has offered no serious explanation as to why these changes are being made. There is no analysis, no evidence, And Lord Moynihan of Chelsea of all pointed out, no clearly dip defined problem for which the sweeping proposals are the solution.

Take one extraordinary provision, clause 50 repeals the legal duty to convert failing schools into academies. For over a decade this duty has underpinned one of the few unambiguous successes in public service reform. Schools deemed to be underperforming were matched with strong Academy trusts, leadership was renewed, expectations were raised and crucially results improved. Without that power as we heard from Lord Harris when Lord Harris of Peckham, thousands of children in our poorest communities would have been deprived of an excellent education which transformed their lives immeasurably for the better.

Hundreds of schools serving some of the most disadvantaged communities were improved and yet with no consultation, no rationale, this bill abolishes that duty. In the same breath clause 49 and the Secretary of State extraordinary powers to intervene in any Academy, not when it has failed or even breach this agreement but simply when its reach is active is anticipated that the staggering threshold for the worse, ministers may define exactly how that imagined brief must be recognised. This is micromanagement by suspicion. Clause after clause strips away the very freedoms that made the Academy model work.

Clause 46 of the bill imposes a blanket requirement that all teachers in academies must hold Qualified Teacher Status. Imposes a blanket requirement. It abolishes the current discussion that academies have long held, the freedom to hire brilliant, capable individuals from beyond the traditional routes. The coder turned computing teacher, the actor turned drama coach, the engineer teaching physics in schools where such teachers are desperately needed. The noble Baroness Lady Wyld argued that technical subjects are best taught by those with practical experience and she is absolutely correct.

Clause 53 356 invite local authorities and adjudicators to override decisions on admissions, people numbers and exclusions, centralising control were autonomy once delivered results. 57 goes further it allows local authorities to propose new community schools and pupil referral units, reversing the principal that you schools should be principal that you schools should be academies or free schools. In doing so it reopened the door to precisely the local bureaucracies whose record of school improvement also consistently week that gave rise to the academies program in the first place.

Then there is clause 47 which mandates that academies must follow the National Curriculum. Baroness Morgan of Cotes has expressed concern about this change which is one of a number of the noble Lords today. Clause 47 also gives the Secretary of State is very substantial powers, Henry VIII powers which now also apply to academies full stop indeed together with clause 63 this bill introduces some of the broadest Henry VIII powers we have seen in modern education law. Lord Baker of Dorking has expressed concern about the transfer of such powers to the Secretary of State and Lord Carter of Haslemere has also addressed the issue.

I would be interested to hear the views of the Minister on the issue of such powers in this bill. So we are left with this. The government proposes to dismantle what works, impose what it can not defend and to call it progress. Children do not work better because Whitehall takes charge of school uniforms, they will not succeed of this House fails to question legislation that takes us backwards and appoint made by many laws today including Baroness Eaton and Viscount Eccles. But perhaps most importantly this bill is a chance to shape the next decade of school improvement in England.

And let me be clear, on these benches we would welcome that opportunity if the government was serious about rising to it. The first phase of academisation tackled deep in trench to failure in a minority of schools to failure in a minority of schools the second built a national network of trusts, many of whom use their freedoms to innovate, to improve and to deliver for children. Now the task before us is clear, to scale what works. Lady Morgan made the case in her excellent speech we should take the best of our -- RMA Tees and local authorities and embed that excellence across the system to improve outcomes for pupils, but our staff and both Baroness Shephard and Lord Blunkett emphasised the need to support the brilliant head teachers and teachers and to back our staff would better support and career progression, to give parents meaningful choice and to build a school system that is not just higher performing but more resilient In the recent regulation, regulatory revision review was clear.

If we want lasting improvement and we need a self improving systems. None of this is about ideology, it is about what works. Progress comes when we combine autonomy, accountability and ambition. Let's not quietly dismantle what works. It doesn't have to be this way, this could lay the foundations for a self improving system, one that drives outcomes, strengthens and places children at the centre. I hope the noble Baroness at the Minister and her department will meet these proposals with the seriousness they deserve.

Because we do not get many chances to get this right. I'm going to give the final words to my noble friend, Lord Harris, as he once said, you can cover from a bad first job, even a second, but a child get one shot at education. No do overs, no second draft. Our duty is simple we must get it right the first time. That

**** Possible New Speaker ****

begins by getting this bill right, here and now. We have had a long and interesting and informed debate. interesting and informed debate. Given the numbers of people who have contributed, I will do my best to cover the key issues, but I am afraid I won't necessarily be able to name check all those that made to name check all those that made them. I do want to welcome the them. I do want to welcome the maiden speeches of the noble Lord, Lord Mohammed of Tinsley who told us about his journey, his journey to about his journey, his journey to Sheffield and his journey to education and youth and work.

I am sure that will be important for our debate, in this House and we all agree that we are very glad that he got in safely. And also, to recognise the maiden speech of the noble Lord, Lord Biggar who will bring his historical perspective as

18:33

Baroness Smith of Malvern, Minister of State (Education) (Labour)

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he has done today, is free thinking and challenge to this House and I look forward to future debates and look forward to future debates and engagement. The discussion that we engagement. The discussion that we have had, today, has been at both a thoughtful and well informed. Reflecting both the expertise, Reflecting both the expertise, within this House. It is also clear within this House. It is also clear Willingness to work collaboratively in improving our children social and education systems.

This bill doesn't make a significant contribution to this government's admission to dismantle barriers to opportunity. Reforming children's social care and education systems is a key part of this mission, ensuring that hundreds of thousands of children have at the start, in life, they deserve. By shifting the focus of the system towards early support, that helps keep families together. We are breaking down the barriers that the prevent children from thriving. Alongside and united with this, the bill introduces measures to drive high and rising standards in education, ensuring every child has access to excellent teaching, strong leadership and a high quality curriculum.

Committed to building a system that removes the obstacles to learning that hold too many children back. With all reforms underpinned by clear and robust accountability. This bill includes many measures to keep children safe and prioritise children's wellbeing and I am glad that they have been widely welcomed across the House. I will turn to specific points made during the debate and I will start with the debate that we have had about how we can ensure that our schools are delivering, for our children.

The most compelling arguments have come from those arguing passionately, for the urgent need to ensure that all children have the education they need and deserve. This is at the heart of this governments opportunity mission. But too many children are still held back, by where they live, or school that they attend. Let us be very clear, as this government has been. This government backs academies. We agree that high quality trusts have been critical in driving school improvement, over the last two decades.

We want to build on this success and want high quality, academy trust, to grow. As of March, we are supporting almost 700 schools, through voluntarily converting to academy status. This, My Lords, is a higher number, than the previous government, at any point, since at least 2018. But the system is not working well enough, for all. As significant issues persist. In areas such as attainment and attendance, as several noble Lord have identified. And whilst the best trusts have spread innovation and excellence, across the system.

A canonisation is not always the answer and even when it is, on a too many occasions it has been too slow. The least compelling arguments came from those more concerned about a defence of the structures and the status quo that we have heard, from some opposite and some of what we have heard from those opposite I have to say smacks to me of complacency not of consensus. The true consensus is amongst those who know that tackling underperformance needs urgency, innovation and a range of tools.

I will just say, in terms of some of the comments made about the rise of teams that are starting work. I'm not sure that noble Lord in this House ought to be referring to successful school leaders as clipboard carrying bureaucrats, as some have. Let us talk about the things that many noble Lord have identified as key to improving standards. First of all, the issue of the National Curriculum. It isn't true that maintained schools are unable to innovate, while following the National Curriculum.

As my noble friend, Lord Knight identified. Many academies and follow the National Curriculum and innovate, well. There is flexibility to tailor the content and delivery of the curriculum, to meet the needs of pupils and to take account of new developments, societal changes or local or topical issues. I requirement to teach at the National Curriculum provides a floor but no ceiling. It does not force schools to teach in a particular way or prevent them from adapting or innovating and it doesn't stop them adding extra content, in the best interest of their pupils.

But there is more to do. And ensuring that young people are prepared for life and that there is a space for creativity, arts, drama, sport, as we have heard, as well as vocational subjects. That is the reason why this government has set up the curriculum assessment, with a view precisely to deliver a curriculum that will ensure that those things are possible, as that floor of innovation that I have identified. Several noble Lord have talked about the specific case of University technology colleges UTC's.

UTC's and the studio schools do offer curriculum that specialises in technical and vocational education. Pupils make an app to decision along for the parents to attend these schools, for that distinct curriculum. In choosing they indicate that they do not want to study the full breadth of the National Curriculum. As such the requirements to follow the full National Curriculum will not apply to UTC's and the studio schools. The details of the exemption will be discussed with UTC's and studio schools and the regulations will be laid before Parliament, in due course.

That is what happens when the power of my noble friend, Lord Blunkett, and the founder of the National Curriculum UTC's, the noble National Curriculum UTC's, the noble Lord, Lord Baker combined together. Innovation of course also leaves great teaching, as several many noble Lord's have identified. High quality teaching is the most important in school Thatcher to a child's educational outcomes. That is why this government has made good early progress to deliver towards a key pledge to recruit 6.5 thousand expert teachers.

We agreed a 5.5% bill for teachers, this year. We are increasing teacher training bursaries, with a focus on shortage subjects that we have doubled retention payments from this year to support these initiatives we have expanded our school teacher recruitment, campaign. We have already seen a 6% increase in new already seen a 6% increase in new entrants to initiatives training compared to last year. Reversing a trend of year on year decreases, since the pandemic, period. We have already made changes on some of the concerns expressed around pay.

We are clear that the provisions in this bill provide a floor for the pay that teachers, in all schools, including academies should receive, but no ceiling. And there are existing exemptions to the requirement for QDS, which allows schools the flexibility to recruit a subject experts and then support them to gain QDS, through an employment-based route. It is of course possible to bring a technical expert and others into schools, to provide contributions to teaching. We value the knowledge and passion that such people can bring to schools, but great teaching does go beyond the subject of knowledge.

We do need for mainstream teaching, teachers who need to understand age-specific approaches, how to adapt teaching to the needs of children. How to ensure effective behaviour management approaches. That is why we believe that it is right for all schools that teaching is done by qualified teachers. I will update the regulations to clarify, teachers will have three times to secure a place on an appropriate route, the qualified teacher status, so that schools recruit processes and teachers of any subject are not held up.

On the points made about clause 49, particularly by the noble Lord, on this I have to disagree. This is not the constitutional innovation, or outrage that noble Lords, opposite have suggested. The Secretary of State already has direct power over maintained schools. And this bill will have similar powers over academies. I hope we will have more chance to talk about the reality of what that will mean, in committee. The noble Lord, the Earl of Effingham suggested that there was, not support for our provisions.

We not support for our provisions. We are clear that the measures in this bill are the right response to the challenges of today and tomorrow. The Secretary of State for Education has engaged extensively with representatives of the trust sector, in recent months. In addition to welcoming the changes we've made on pay and conditions, the Confederation of School Trust and its updated briefing is assured but our approach to the National Curriculum and welcomes the interim report of the curriculum assessment review. Also reassured by our approach to the combination of the bill's provisions from QDS status and regulation.

For setting out and regulation. For setting out exemptions. And on pupil admission numbers and new schools, CSD endorses the need for a framework that works for children and believes that this can be achieved through regulations and statutory guidance. I'm glad to hear breakfast clubs we will get into some of the details around committee. I can assure the noble Lord, the noble Earl, Lord Effingham that there are 700 and the early adopters of free breakfast clubs, already and we will hear from them about how to roll the scheme out, with the appropriate design and appropriate funding to make sure that it is available to all peoples.

If I move to some of the other measures that noble Lords have raised. On the issue of home education, all children have the right to a safe and suitable education, whether they are educated at school, or otherwise. We know that many home educated parents make the difficult decision to home educate for legitimate reasons. Work hard to ensure that their children receive education that enables them to achieve and thrive. Sadly that was not the case for all children. Some are receiving very little or no education and some may even be at risk of harm, or exploitation.

This bill includes measures that make children are not in school more visible, and better enables local authorities to take action, where needed. I want to assure home educating parents that these measures will not infringe on the right to choose to home educate, for the vast majority. Neither will the content of home education be scrutinised, any more than is the case to, now. In relation to the point made by a Lord Brown, it isn't right that it does not allow local authorities to demand access to homes.

They may ask for that. I think activity we will be able to look in more detail at the provisions, in terms of what information is provided, needs to be provided by home educators. I hope that we can reassure people on that. Several noble Lords have raised the issue of special educational needs and disability. Everything that this government is doing, in this enormously important area is contained within this legislation. We are absolutely committed, when it comes to special educational needs and disability, which has many loss of said is a lose, lose situation, for too many children and parents, We are committed to improving inclusivity and expertise in mainstream schools as well as ensuring special schools dated to those with the most complex needs.

Restoring parents trust that their child will get the support they need, we have made a clear commitment to addressing the commitment to addressing the My part of supporting all children to succeed and thrive. We are currently considering SEND reforms through extensive engagement including detailed work in partnership with expert groups, local authorities, health, schools and parents to look at the fundamentals of the system. We are also taking action now to improve the system wherever we possibly can bring together our learning from safety valve, delivering better value and the change program.

And working with local authorities and schools to ensure the £1 billion of high needs announced the Autumn Budget is a precursor to reform and change. Other noble Lords have talked about the emphasis on early years and a child's best start in life. Throughout the plan for change this government will give children growing up in our country the best start in life, delivering that plan for change will require strengthening and joining up family services to improve support through pregnancy and early childhood, this includes continuing to invest in and build up the family hubs and start for life program, through that 75 of the most deprived local authorities in England have received funding to set up family hubs with integrated start for life services at their core, joining up services through family hubs provides a welcoming front door to vital support to improve health education and well- being of babies, children, young people and their families and the support of parents that several noble Lords have rightly mentioned.

We are already investing in that the October 2024 budget the government confirmed £69 million to continue delivery of family hubs in this financial year and the Department of Health & Social Care announced 57 million of continued funding. For life services and we are investing over £500 million in 2025/26 in the families first partnership program through which we are rolling out reforms to family help multiagency job protection and family group decision-making. The aim of the program to rebalance the children's Social care system towards earlier intervention.

Several noble Lords also mentioned the issue of young people not in education, employment or training where we also determined to breakdown barriers to opportunity for all of our young people. It's unacceptable that almost one in 716 to 24-year-olds in England and the UK are not in education, employment or training and it's too high the consequences are too serious. Bringing down this number is a complex and long-standing challenge but we are taking action needed to tackle it. That's why we have committed to the establishment of the Youth Guarantee to support access training and apprenticeship or support to find work for all 18 to 21-year-olds and offering two weeks worth of work experience for every young person.

Better careers advice at school as well. Several noble Lords have talked about while there are many good elements in the bill there is no mention of foster care, that is not an indication that this government is not prioritising it. All of our market reforms apply to fostering services and fostering not being included on the face of the bill does not mean we are not taking forward reforms as demonstrated by our investment in recruitment and retention. As part of the Chancellor's transformation fund announced in the spring statement we will provide an additional £25 million over two years for foster care as part of children's Social care reform.

I expect that to fund recruitment of additional foster families, peer- to-peer support for foster carers and ensure more children in care have stability. Beyond that we are working closely with the sector look at how we can improve so foster care further and talking to our fostering advisory board about those issues. On the issue of information sharing and the single unique identifier, although current legislation already allows professionals to share information we have heard that many practitioners only feel confident to do this when there is a serious child protection concern and that reluctance of course can lead to fragmented information across agencies where no single professional will have the full picture needed to spot emerging risks.

The new duty and this bill provides a clear legal basis to share information earlier and more confidently. Alongside that are consistent identifier with shovel noble Lords of talked about will only be used for the specific purposes laid out in the bill and it is the work that we are doing on that as part of the pilot that will ensure that we design that appropriately to fulfil some of the requirements and demands and concerns put forward by noble Lords. We are also I hear those noble Lords who have talked about well-being measurement, the government is supportive of schools measuring well-being, many already do and we are looking at how to support schools to measure components of thriving such as well-being to support attendance, attainment and other priorities without opportunity mission and I will be happy to talk further to noble Lords who are interested in that.

I feel sure we will discuss in committee issues around, can I just say this covenant is absolutely clear that no child should be subjected to violence or abuse. We are pressing ahead with making it quicker and easier for prioritising the well-being of children in this bill, I know that there will be many issues we want to discuss in detail in committee, I'm glad that there has been a consensus across the South about the significance of the work that we do significance of the work that we do with respect to children, this government has made a good start in doing that, this legislation has doing that, this legislation has designed to develop that even further and I look forward to discussing that further with noble discussing that further with noble Lords and I beg to move.

18:52

Commitment and order of consideration motion.

The question is that this bill is now ready second time. As many are of that opinion say, "Content", and of the contrary, "Not content". The "Contents" have it.

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I beg to move the other motion standing in my name on the Order Paper.

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Paper. The question is that this motion be agreed. As many are of that opinion say, "Content", and of the contrary, "Not content". The

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Message from the Commons, they have passed the sentencing have passed the sentencing guidelines presentence reports bill which they desire the agreement of

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your Lordships. Sentencing guidelines can presentence reports bill. I beg to move that this bill be now read a

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first time. The question is that the bill be now read a first time. As many are of that opinion say, "Content", and of the contrary, "Not content". The "Contents" have it.

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Beg to move that the House do now adjourn.

18:59

Baroness Anderson of Stoke-on-Trent (Labour)

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18:59

Commitment and order of consideration motion.

This debate has concluded

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